An investigation into the effect of religious norms as a

Research on Humanities and Social Sciences www.iiste.org
ISSN 2222-1719 (Paper) ISSN 2222-2863 (Online)
2863
Vol 2, No.10, 2012

An Investigation into the Effect of Religious Norms as a

Conservation Measure: A Case Study from Ghana
Steve Kquofi1* Peter Howley2
1. Department of General Art Studies, Faculty of Art, UPO Box 50,
Kwame Nkrumah University of Science and Technology, Kumasi, Ghana
2. Department of Rural Economy Development Programme
Teagasc, Athenry, Galway, Ireland
* E-mail of the corresponding author: skquofi@yahoo.co.uk /kofikquofi@gmail.com
mail
Abstract
This paper discusses the effect of social taboos stemming from religious principles on natural
from
resource management. The analysis is based on an unstructured interviewing of indigenous
residents and local officials within three regions in Ghana. The analysis reveals how as a result
of a belief system that recognises the power and spirituality of nature, traditional communities
recognises
often engage in cultural practices that have significant beneficial impacts for the environment.
More specifically, the results presented here illustrate how institutional norms such as cultural
cultu
taboos that prohibit development on certain landscapes, moral laws preventing the destruction of
certain animal and plant species and ban on fishing and farming during certain seasons, although
with religious origins, have important ecological functions. Understanding more about how
functions.
individuals in African communities relate to the environment is important for a number of
reasons. For instance, due to lack of resources for more formal institutions such as legal rules and
regulations, taboos based around social norms may in certain areas provide the only effective
regulations. Moreover, a more in depth understanding of how individuals relate to the
in-depth
environment can be used to design more effective policies that cater to respondents with diverse
motivational profiles. Unfortunately, the analysis revealed that increasing pressures for
l
development, coupled with increasing popularity of other religions, now mean that various
restrictions and ways of life which helped protect the environment, while still important, no
importa
longer have the same hold on people.
Keywords: cultural taboos, environmental spirituality, conservation, Ghana

Introduction
At a general level the general public can be characterised as nature friendly. That is, individuals
whether they are from “traditional” societies or otherwise, largely acknowledge the intrinsic
value of nature and its subsequent right to exist irrespective of its functions for mankind (Vos and
Meekes, 1999; De Groot and van den Born, 2003). Despite these positive attitudes t towards
nature, human interference is increasingly having a negative impact on biodiversity (Kquofi,
2011; Styers et al, 2010; McGranahan, 2010; Ode et al., 2009). Specifically in relation to Ghana,
land degradation, coastal erosion, water pollution, deforestation and desertification now
deforestation
constitute major environmental problems (Roosbroeck and Amlalo 2006). This has been the
result of an increasing focus on economic growth and development with the often unintended
consequence of destruction of important ecosystems.
ecos

Social taboos exist in most cultures and are good examples of informal institutions, where norms
rather than laws determine behaviour (Colding and Folke, 2001). Especially in traditional
societies, taboos frequently guide human conduct towards the environment. Among the
the
traditional communities in Ghana, for instance, taboos guided by religious norms often act to help
conserve biological diversity. Members of traditional communities strongly believe that spiritual
beings decide on what happens in the physical realm. These spiritual beings are, in turn, believed
to be domiciled throughout the surrounding environment in everything from trees, rocks, animals
and rivers.

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In the early 1900s, concern over rapid population growth in Ghana and other African countries
A
led colonial administrators to introduce protected areas (nature preserves) based on western
knowledge and values (Ntiamoa Badu, 1995). In Ghana, it is evident that nature reserves and
(Ntiamoa-Badu,
national parks have scenic, cultural, and historic values that deserve to be protected aside their
values
vital roles in purifying the air and a host of other ecological services. For example, the Kakum
National park, Aburi botanical gardens, Paga crocodile pond, Agumatsa waterfalls, KNUST
botanic garden, etc. enhance the aesthetic appeal of the environment. It is interesting to note that
ce
unlike sacred groves that have survived because of strong traditional beliefs and the spiritual,
religious and cultural attachments to the groves, these introduced protected areas are often
a
indiscriminately encroached upon. In the former, the major virtue of this strong culture
culture-based
practice is that it encourages community participation in natural resource conservation and
promotes linkages between man and nature.

Exploring the relationship between socio cultural practices and environmental conservation –
ationship socio-cultural
drawing largely on anthropology, Silka (2001) outlines the positive effect of created eco-rituals,
eco
or rituals produced in a context of activist ecological spiritualities on the surrounding landscape.
sur
Two such examples of how activists use rituals effectively to motivate environmental
consciousness are: the “ecology monks” of Thailand with their famous strategy of tree tree-ordination;
and the “earthkeeping churches” of Zimbabwe in Southern Africa. Tree ordination ceremonies
Southern
(buat ton mai) are performed by many participants in the Buddhist ecology movement in order to
raise the awareness of the rate of environmental destruction in Thailand and to build a spiritual
commitment among local people to conserving forests and water resources (Darlington, 1998).
The “earthkeeping churches”, on the other hand, engage in a ceremony which is more ecumenical
in nature with the aim of planting a greater variety of trees for commercial, religious, aesthetic,
aest
and ecological purposes. Silka (2001) also notes some more diffuse but widespread phenomena
in India, where various environmentalist movements draw on various mythological motifs and
motivations to protect and restore local landscapes. For spiritual reasons, individuals restored
ponds, saved tracts of trees, and even lobbied the government to pass legislation to protect several
sacred hills in Braj, India (Gold 2012).
Using Ghana as a case study, this study was designed to gain greater insights into the effect of
social taboos based around religious principles on goals related to environmental protection
within “traditional” African communities. More specifically, this paper demonstrates how socio-
socio
cultural practices based around religious and spiritual attitudes have the effect of protecting the
spiritual
landscape from destruction and resource depletion. These socio cultural activities are often
socio-cultural
enshrined in the culture of African communities, as a result of strong beliefs in numerous spirits
that are perceived to inhabit environmental goods which are often sought to offer them protection,
d
security and peace (Monserud, 2002; Hettinger, 2005; Kuo, 2011).
This study highlights that alongside other conservation initiatives such as the development of
protected conservation areas, socio cultural practices of indigenous communities play an
servation socio-cultural
important role in protecting environmental resources. Nevertheless, few studies have specifically
explored the role of taboos based around religious norms and ideologies in the relationship
rel
between traditional communities and conservation principles. It is important to better
understand the role of social taboos in these areas as they may offer several advantages over
more conventional measures of conservation. For instance, in many of these regions lack of
many
resources means that many conservation laws are not strictly enforced (Jones et al. 2007; de
Merode and Cowlishaw 2006) and as these taboos are self enforced they provide for low
self-enforced
monitoring and low enforcement costs. Moreover, where capacity to enforce external
where
conservation rules is limited, taboos based around social norms may provide the only effective
regulations (Jones et al., 2007). Furthermore, a deeper understanding of how individuals relate
to the environment can be used to formulate land use policies that are more in keeping with
to
individuals’ preferences.

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Methodology
Located in West Africa and on the Gulf of Guinea, only a few degrees north of the Equator,
Ghana is a country which encompasses flat plains, low hills and intersecting rivers. The regions
intersecting
selected for examination were: the Greater Accra region which is a low sandy shore along the
coast and intersected by several rivers and streams (i.e. Greater Accra region); southwest and
region)
south central Ghana, which is made up of a forested plateau region consisting of the Ashanti
uplands and the Kwahu Plateau (i.e. Ashanti region); and finally the hilly Akuapim-Togo ranges
; Akuapim
found along the country's eastern border (i.e. Eastern region) (Map 1). A sample of 16
communities in 3 regions (Greater Accra, Eastern and Ashanti) out of the 10 regions of Ghana
egions
was selected for examination. These 3 regions were selected because of their wide range of
vegetation types, ranging from the coastal savannah areas (comprising shrublands and grasslands)
grass
to natural forests and plantations. Specifically, the Greater Accra region lies in the coastal
savannah area characteristic of both dry land and water bodies as well as non-woody (herbaceous)
non
emergent plants. The Eastern and Ashanti regions represent the forest belt of the country. Both
represent
regions consist of semi-deciduous forests and Guinea savannah woodland belts, having a vast
deciduous
tropical rainforest, dominated by impressive buttress rooted forest giants alongside large cocoa
farms.

ASHANTI
REGION
EASTERN
REGION

GREATER ACCRA
REGION

Map 1. Map of Ghana showing the study regions
Data for this study was based on qualitative research methods, principally interviewing and direct
observation in the specific study areas. The purposive sampling technique was adopted for the
selection of the study areas. Purposive sampling, which is non-probability focuses on selecting
probability,
certain categories of respondents relevant to the aims of the study rather than taking a random
rather
sample of the general public (Leedy & Ormrod, 2005). This form of sampling was adopted for
this research because the study was concerned with asking about the central tendency in a larger
group (e.g., “What do most people in this population think about a particular issue”).
population

Data was gathered through formal interviewing of 12 officials from the Environmental Protection
Agency (EPA) in Accra and Kumasi, 3 officials of Friends of Rivers and Water Bodies (a non-non
governmental organization or advocacy group with the aim of protecting water bodies); and an
unstructured interviewing of 82 inhabitants from the 3 regions. Table 1 shows communities in the

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Greater Accra, Ashanti and Eastern regions of Ghana, where we carried out the field work.

These interviews were designed to investigate the relationship between respondents’ spirituality
and attitudes towards the environment. These open unstructured interviews gave us a general
understanding of the role of religious norms in natural resource management. The initial contact
management.
and travel arrangements were made personally by one of the authors. The selection of the study
areas was based on travel logistics - geographical and operational - and interviewee availability.

Table 1: Communities in the Greater Accra, Ashanti and Eastern regions of Ghana, where we carried out the
reater
field work
Region Community Dominant No. of interviewees
ethnic group
Greater Accra Accra Metropolitan Area Ga 7
Tema Ga 6
Kweiman Ga 8
Ada Adangme 6

Ashanti Kumasi Asante 9
Ejisu Asante 7
Bekwai Asante 6
Mampong Asante 5
Obuasi Asante 4
Akrokerri Asante 6
Konongo Asante 7
Bosomtwe Asante 3

Eastern Aburi Akwapem 7
Koforidua Akwapem 5
Nkawkaw/Abetifi Kwawu 5
Asiakwa Akwapem 6

The field survey was conducted between May and August 2006. To maximise consistency in
survey administration, all interviews were conducted personally by one of the authors. This
author was also a native of Ghana and as such this limited the chance of misinterpreting
interviewees’ responses. While the official language of Ghana is English, and almost all the
ponses.
interviews were conducted in English, occasionally the indigenous local languages (Twi and Ga)
(
were used when necessary. The interviews were recorded and transcribed in the form of content
analysis. The objective of the interviews was to identify socio cultural practices related to
socio-cultural
religious principles and social taboos in those localities that help protect the environment and to
determine to what extent, if any, individuals valued the aesthetic nature of the surrounding
valued
landscape.
The 16 communities in which the interviews were undertaken included Accra Metropolitan Area,
Tema, Kweiman and Ada (all in Greater Accra region); Kumasi, Ejisu, Bekwai, Mampong,
Obuasi, Akrokerri, Konongo and Bosomtwe (all in Ashanti region); Aburi, Koforidua,
go
Nkawkaw/Abetifi and Asiakwa (all in the Eastern region). The interviews were characterized by
open-ended questions to allow the respondents express, in their own words, their thoughts and
ended
knowledge about their socio cultural practices and the effect of these on the surrounding
e socio-cultural
environment. One of the strengths of this research method is that it allows concentrated amounts
of data to be produced on a precise topic of interest and allows greater insights into certain
insi

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opinions and beliefs held by respondents (Asbury 1995; Morgan, 1997; Kamberelis and
Dimitriadis, 2005; McIntyre et al., 2008). This insight can be difficult to achieve with other
quantitative research methods.
Results
The relationship between traditional religious practices and the environment
It was evident from the interview data that members of traditional communities believe that the
spiritual world manifests itself in the surrounding landscape such as in rocks, trees and animals.
Furthermore, they attribute what most people in Western societies regard as natural events such
as rainfall, and bush and land fires to the spiritual machinations of their gods and ancestors
(Fontein (2006, 15). This means that wild animal and plant life are both revered and feared,
are
which indirectly culminates in their protection and conservation. Specifically, the interviewees
reported that indigenous Ghanaians believe in a host of spirits existing in the universe (and
everywhere in the environment), and these spirits possess significant powers that may be used to
the advantage of man or to his detriment. One interviewee, an indigenous local resident,
described how “We perform sacrifices before tilling the land”, and an additional respondent
commentated how they “celebrate various festivals to pay homage to the gods that protect the
environment in order to give us food”. This pointer of spirituality of members in traditional
communities in Ghana shows how religion permeates every aspect of their life.

Respondents generally regard the natural environment not just as a resource to be exploited, but
pondents
as something with an autonomous and worthy existence in itself. Individuals from a young age
are often taught that their existence depends largely on the environment stemming from a belief
environment
that their god pours a universal life-force in all created things, both animate and inanimate. This
life force
religious conviction, in turn, compels them to treat the environment with reverence to ensure its
protection. One of the local re
residents interviewed described: “If I start farming in those ‘virgin’
forests, the gods will be angry and leave, and the environment will no longer be appealing to us”.
Another indigenous local respondent described how: “Those trees, water bodies, mountains and
forests are homes for our gods and spirits of our cherished ancestors. We need to protect and
worship them so that the spirits will not be angry with us”. As a result of this strong spiritual
connection with nature, various shrines have been built to protect forest groves and water bodies.
The yeve cult, a secret society among the Ewe of the Volta region of Ghana, builds their sacred
“bush school” in the forest and the devotees appear in public fully adorned in apparels made of
leaves signifying the people’s spiritual connection with nature.
ople’s

Sarpong (1974) reports that spirits, created by God, are perceived to have as their earthly abode,
anything from rivers to creepers, and from beasts to rocks. In other words, they are domiciled in
natural places and objects such as rivers, forests, rocks, mountains and the sea. Respondents
nd
outlined how there are many shrines that are created in their communities for some specific
spirits (especially, spirits of the dead), and these “residential areas” are used to induce fear and
i
reverence. They demand worship and obedience from the inhabitants of the natural environment,
in default of which they inflict punishment (Ntiamoa Badu, 1995; Milton, 1996). In view of this,
(Ntiamoa-Badu,
several taboos are instituted and observance of these taboos often has the consequence of helping
these
to conserve biological diversity. As stated by most of the officials: “The people don’t go to the
farm during certain days and seasons so that the gods can protect the land and give them more
food” and another indigenous local respondent commentated how: “Our community places a ban
r
on fishing in the lagoons for several months so that the river gods can have enough time to rest”.
These taboos and restrictions often have spiritual underpinnings compelling indivi
individuals to strictly
obey certain rules in order not to incur the wrath of the gods. These cultural practices such as
restrictions preventing people from tilling the land or fishing in some water bodies for a period of
time allow these natural resources time to replenish.
Sacred natural sites as a conservation measure
One of the most important practices by the indigenous people of Ghana to ensure the protection

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of the environment is through the development of sacred natural sites. The villages of Ghana
have a long tradition of keeping sacred groves and protecting forests due to their strong religious
significance. The development of these sacred natural sites is based on the belief that forests,
rivers, mountains, etc., serve as abodes of several spiritual forces that are harnessed for their
forces
safety and continuity of life. Among the Asante, the largest ethnic group occupying the central
part of Ghana, for example, it is believed that trees and plants are ‘homes’ to certain spirits. It is
believed that these spirits residing in these plants or trees need to be appeased on special
rits
occasions (Hageneder, 2005; Heaven, 2008) through various religious rituals and sacrifices, such
as pouring of libation and sprinkling of food at the foot of sacred groves and trees. Sin it is the
Since
belief of indigenous Ghanaians that the natural environment is in the care of these spirits, their
permission is sought before the trees, plants, river bodies and animals are touched. However, this
tradition has an ecological context, as these groves are sanctuaries for wildlife and help to protect
scarce water resources.

Sacred natural sites are thought to protect the spiritual connections between people and their
environment (Gold, 2002; Ntiamoa Badu, 1995). As a result of spiritual beliefs, many
Ntiamoa-Badu,
communities throughout the country have given a special status to natural sites such as mountains,
rivers, lakes, caves, forest groves, coastal waters and ponds. Respondents reported that the
spiritual connections compel people to revere and protect the natural environment. As one survey
respondent, an indigenous local resident, stated: “those thick forests were places where our
forefathers received their protection from the gods”. Those natural sites, which are given spiritual
status, represent the homes of their gods, and are therefore protected and conserved. Indigenous
communities also hold water bodies as sacred and as such strict taboos are often instituted to
protect water resources from pollution. For instance, it is a taboo to defecate near water bodies. It
w
is also a taboo to use poisonous chemicals to fish in some rivers as fish are often regarded as
children of the river deity (Eshun, 2011). Certain animal species are also held to be sacred by
certain clans and as such are protected from hunting as it is believed they provide spiritual
hunting
inspiration.

The aesthetic appeal of the nature
While members of traditional communities engage in these practices for religious purposes they
appeared to strongly value the aesthetic benefits that such behaviour provides. Specifically,
behaviour
respondents indicated that they “love” the physical appearance of trees, flowers blossoming,
calmness and coolness of rivers, serenity of the forests and groves as well as the creatures that
inhabit them. The degree to which some parts of the surrounding landscape have been unaltered
which
by development was frequently reported as an important facet of its value. As one local official
stated: “Those forests that we do ‘touch’ are rich and beautiful”. As stated by another EPA
official: “Ooh, having sight-seeing along the bank of water-bodies early in the morning and
seeing water bodies
before darkness falls in the evening is beautiful”. Respondents (i.e. officials from the EPA and
beautiful”.
Friends of Rivers and Water Bodies) even reported that the natural environment, if experienced in
environment,
its “virgin” state, can help to alleviate stress. For instance, one of these respondents commentated
how: “We admire the thick foliage of the trees under which we rest. This gives us the opportunity
to think deeply about life”, and one of the local residents stated: “I love going to the countryside
to enjoy the sight of the natural environment to enable us shed some stress”.
stress”

Future Challenges
Despite the presence of strong socio cultural practices aimed at protecting the natural
socio-cultural natura
environment, interviewees reported that in recent times a range of development pressures such as
mining, road construction and stone quarrying have had a negative impact on many cultural sites
and nature reserves in Ghana. Respondents outlined that previously most sacred natural sites and
previously
forest groves were considered by indigenous people of Ghana as sacred and therefore, all human
activities in those areas were prohibited. Certain streams, for instance, are considered sacred and
even though sand, which people can mine, is found near them, by traditional beliefs of Ghanaians,
eople
it used to be a taboo to mine from those streams. However, due to an increase in developmental

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pressures, coupled with a decline in the reverence to traditional religious practices, respondents
r
report that many previous uncultivated or sacred lands are coming under increasing threat. In
effect the increasing popularity of other religions such as Christianity has eroded the effect of
these cultural taboos.

Discussion
Many of the distinctive characteristics of particular landscapes are in danger of being lost, even
nctive
though they are highly valued by society. This is due to external economic and environmental
pressures which can lead to radical changes in biological diversity except where appropriate
policies are in place. Religion has the potential to shape peoples’ attitudes towards nature,
particularly in ‘traditional’ communities and therefore should be given greater consideration as a
factor in environmental policy. As described by Jefferson and skinner (1974, 27) “for most
Jefferson
Africans, land is more than a source of wealth; it is sacred. It gives people life and so people
believe they have been entrusted with land and must in return treasure it.”
This study explored the relationship between institutional norms shaped by religious perspectives
between
on biological conservation. To date, there has been limited attention given to the role of religious
norms and associated taboos play in governing interactions between traditional communities and
natural resource management. Table 2 below shows some cultural practices that have positive
ral
effects on the environment. Nature plays, however, an important role in indigenous African
religions and a better understanding of this relationship should aid the design of more effective
desi
conservation policy. Conservation strategies are more likely to be successful if they are in
keeping with the values and attitudes of the local population. Furthermore, informal institutions
based on spiritual perspectives should receive greater attention from conservation biologists, as
receive
in certain areas, they may provide the only effective regulations aimed, albeit indirectly, at
conservation. This study demonstrated how the spirituality of elements of nature such as
particular locations, plants and animals has been an integral part of life in traditional communities
ons,
in Ghana. A belief system which stipulates spiritual connections between humans and nature
have helped to protect the biological richness of Ghana. As a result of beliefs that recognise the
belief
power and spirituality of nature, traditional communities have a sense of spiritual and practical
respect for all the environmental components of their landscape. Fear of divine sanctions from
failing to observe various cultural taboos have helped to prevent abuse of the environment.
taboos

Table 2: Some cultural practices that have positive effect on the environment
Regions Types of cultural practices Effect on the environment
Greater Accra Ban on drumming and dancing as well as Reduction of noise pollution, protecting
all forms of excessive noise
s noise-making for 30 birds and wildlife to relax
days to precede the Homowo festival (a
festival celebrated by the Ga people to
literally “hoot at hunger”

Eastern & Women in their menstrual cycles are Prevention of pollution of water bodies
Ashanti forbidden to wash in the ponds and as well as the protecting of biodiversity
streams in the community. Also, it is a
taboo for all persons to urinate and
defecate in those water bodies

Ashanti, Greater Farmers should not go to their farms or till The land goes through a fallow process
Accra & Eastern the land during certain seasons when some for conservation and rejuvenation
ritual festivals are celebrated to venerate the
gods and ancestors

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Greater Accra & All persons are prohibited from cutting Offers total protection to the “virgin”
Eastern trees and killing animals in sacred natural biodiversity and maintains their aesthetic
forests in the communities qualities

Ashanti, Most of lineages (clans) have certain types
ost Protects biodiversity from over- over
Greater Accra of animals, birds and plants, which are an exploitation or possible “extermination”
& Eastern abomination for the people to kill, harvest or
eat any of them

Institutional norms shaped by religious principles, such as a belief that spirits of ancestors are
ed
domiciled in everyday environmental goods, play an important conservation role in shaping
peoples’ interaction with natural resources and their attitudes towards wildlife. More specifically,
spe
the results presented here illustrate how institutional norms such as cultural taboos that prohibit
development on certain landscapes, moral laws preventing the destruction of certain animal and
plant species and ban on fishing and farming during certain seasons, although with religious
during
origins, have important ecological functions. These institutional norms should receive greater
attention so that potential synergies with conservation policy can be realized. As Kellert et al.
(1996) notes, a deeper understanding of cultural attitudes and beliefs is important in shaping the
per
design of conservation strategies.
Previous anthropological research and writing on environmental issues in the field of religion and
ecology (Milton, 1996; Sarpong, 1974; Ntiamoa-Badu, 1995; Oviedo et al, 2000) also supports
Nt Badu,
the view that socio-cultural practices can be effective in protecting the environment from
cultural
degradation. Indeed these informal institutions can not only be more cost effective than more
formal intuitions that depend on third-party agencies for their development and enforcement, but
hat third party
they can in certain circumstances be more effective. We can see in Ghana, for instance, that
formal conservation areas are frequently encroached upon and often of far more releva relevance in
certain areas are the socio-cultural practices and cultural taboos of traditional communities.
cultural
Traditional communities have a deep seated respect for the environment. While traditional
deep-seated
communities observe certain strict behaviours as a result of religious beliefs, they also appear to
religious
strongly value the aesthetic benefits arising from these cultural practices. Many respondents, for
instance, commentated that they strongly value the aesthetic appeal of the landscape in its
unaltered state. Finally, it is important to note that with the increasing popularity of other
t
religions such as Christianity among traditional communities in Africa, the various restrictions
and ways of life which helped protect the environment no longer have the same hold on people.
peopl
If traditional beliefs are eroded then this can have a negative effect on habitats protected by
taboos (Anoliefo et al., 2003). It remains to be seen, therefore, whether the perceived spiritual
connection between man and nature will continue to have an effect on behaviour in the future.

Conclusion
Results presented here suggest that socio cultural practices can be harnessed for goals related to
socio-cultural
environmental protection. Environmental and socio cultural conditions of the developing
socio-cultural
countries like Ghana differ from that of the developed countries. The aim of this paper was to
a
explore the socio-cultural practices and nature conservation to highlight the aesthetic benefits of
cultural
natural landscapes. Many of the distinctive characteristics of particular landscapes are in danger
landsc
of being lost, even though they are highly valued by society. This is due to external economic and
environmental pressures which can lead to radical changes in the landscape except where
appropriate policies are in place. As such it is important to uncover new ways in which we can
important

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protect certain landscapes and habitats. The aesthetic value of the natural environment is a very
important phenomenon for environmental protection in every part of the globe (Hettinger, 2005;
Styers et al, 2010). Even in Ghana, issues related to the aesthetic benefits of the natural
).
environment, which are embedded in the religious practices of the people, are a major concern to
the nation. Results presented here suggest that socio cultural practices can be harnessed for goals
socio-cultural harn
related to environmental protection.
The results presented here demonstrate how positive socio cultural practices such as cultural
socio-cultural
taboos that prohibit people from destroying some parts of the environment, moral laws instituted
by the local people to prevent the destruction of certain animal and plant species and ban on
l
fishing and farming during certain seasons (Ntiamoa Badu, 1995; Gold, 2002) are practical steps
(Ntiamoa-Badu,
that save the natural landscape from destruction. These restrictions are impo imposed as a result of
religious or spiritual beliefs but have the positive side effect of allowing natural resources the
time to rejuvenate and replenish. In addition to providing aesthetic benefits in terms of
maintaining the visual quality of the countryside, these practices also provide economic benefits
countryside,
in that they help to prevent the irreversible depletion of the stock of certain natural resources (e.g.
fish stocks).

Attitudes towards the landscape are place specific and therefore policymakers need to be more
b
cognisant of local stakeholders attitudes and preferences. What is appropriate in terms of land
use policy for one area may not be for another. Specifically, policy prescription in developing
countries may have to be very different to that employed in Western countries to be successful.
employed
One such example is in the case of nature reserves. We can see in Ghana that these are
encroached upon and of far more relevance are the socio cultural practices and cultural taboos of
socio-cultural
these indigenous communities. Efforts should be focused therefore on maintaining the strong
linkages between values of individuals and the environment.

The findings further suggest that since socio-cultural practices of Ghanaians are not static but
socio cultural
dynamic, issues relating to the environment keep changing. This phenomenon requires
environment
continuous monitoring, an increasing capacity for farsighted and integrated understanding and
commitment to sustainable development. Moreover, as the Ghanaian population grows, the trade-trade
offs between environmental protection and economic developments are likely to become more
ental
apparent. Although what happens to the environment may be an important issue, it is rarely the
most urgent one. Issues of national security, availability of employment opportunities and level of
l
incomes remain at the top of policy agendas. In contrast, clear environmental threats that compel
action are rare, making the challenge of effective and timely response all the greater.
Also, the study identifies that developing beautiful landscape architecture to suit a particular
landscape
topography of the natural environment purposely to serve aesthetic functions, and also involving
the social and cultural constructs of that particular society in the project to showcase a sense of
cultural identity and belongingness could facilitate the appreciation and protection of the
aesthetic aspects of the natural environment. In view of this, it is important to consider
thoroughly polices that promote visual quality of the environment as a whole to promote the
integration of landscaping, wildflowers, scenic strips and overlooks, scenic highways, parks and
egration
historic places, rest areas which may accommodate sculpture, outdoor advertising and other
original art forms to enhance the aesthetic value of the environment. Finally, developing a strong
inally,
link between socio-cultural practices and nature conservation may be an objective grounding of
cultural
appreciating the aesthetic aspects of the natural landscape to address environmental issues for
sustainable development.

References
Anoliefo, G.O., Isikhumen, O.S. and Ochije, N.R. (2002). Environmental implications of the
erosion of cultural taboo practices in Awka South local government area of Anambra State,
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