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MK1: Gender, Livelihoods &
Decision-making
A qualitative study in a hydropower
resettlement site in Lao PDR
N. Weeratunge, O. Joffre, S. Senaratne Sellamuttu,
B. Bouahom, A. Keophoxay
Mekong Forum on Water, Food & Energy
Hanoi, 21 November 2013
Key Messages
A person’s livelihood decision-making is about
choosing one option over others
 These choices are shaped by his/her socio-cultural
values, norms and attitudes, as much as by
economic and political factors
 Decision-making is often gendered as livelihood
activities and tasks differ according to gender roles,
norms and values
 Livelihood trajectories, social network maps and
perceptions of wellbeing help to uncover these
values, norms and attitudes


◦ material, relational and subjective domains


Decisions result in benefits or costs
◦ these are social (relational), cultural
(relational/subjective), emotional (subjective) as well as
economic (material)
Objectives of the study


To validate results on
decision-making in the
MK1 Household
Livelihoods Survey in Lao
PDR
◦ A relatively small number of
respondents answered
questions on decisionmaking and control of
income in Lao upstream
and headpond sites
◦ A large-scale HH survey
cannot go into the
complexities of decision-
The complexity of decision-making


Decisions relate to a range of livelihood
activities,
◦ farming, fishing, provisioning, childcare within HH



Even within one livelihood activity (e.g. farming),
decisions for a range of tasks can be made by
different individuals within HH
◦ purchase of inputs, hiring labor, cooking for labor,
land preparation, sowing, weeding, fertilizing, pest
control, harvesting, processing, sale, use of income



Decision-making is both a task and a process
◦ While an ultimate decision might be made by one
person, others might contribute to or influence the
decision-making process



Difficult to capture and understand the
implications of this complexity in a large-scale
survey or economic study/modeling using
limited variables
Conceptual approach on decisionmaking builds on:


Social wellbeing approach (McGregor
2008)
◦ What a person/HH considers a “good life” to
be and what livelihood strategies s/he would
pursue to achieve this “good life”



Social relations approach to gender
analysis (Kabeer 1994, 1996, 2001)
◦ Focus on “agency”: “the ability to define
one’s goals and act upon them”
Conceptual framework: Social
wellbeing


a material dimension which focuses
on what (resources) a person has
and the extent to which the needs of
the person are met



a relational or social dimension
which considers the social
relationships in which a person
engages to pursue wellbeing
◦ E.g. relations which give access to
resources and markets, or shape
behaviour through institutions/social
structures



a subjective or cognitive dimension
which takes account of a person’s
level of satisfaction/ sense of security
with the quality of life he or she
achieves
Gender analysis: Social relations
approach (based on norms and practices)
social relations


determine gender roles, rights, responsibilities and
claims over others
 institutions (market, state, community, family) key
to producing and maintaining gender inequalities
◦

characterized by rules, resources, people, activities,
power

women’s empowerment a process of acquiring the
ability to make strategic life choices by those who
have been denied this ability
◦ Made up of three interlinked dimensions which shape
individual choices

 Resources (material, human, social enable choices;
current access + future claims)
 Agency “the ability to define one’s goals and act
upon them”
 (decision-making; also negotiation, persuasion,
deception, manipulation)
 Achievements (“well-being outcomes”of previous
choices - related to survival, security and autonomy)
Key methods/tools (Ethnographic)






Focus group gender-disaggregated tool to
assess a complex range of decisions and
gendered norms underlying livelihood
decision-making
Individual livelihood trajectories to assess
decision-making over time and to uncover
values, norms and attitudes influencing
this decision-making
Individual social network maps to assess
persons and organizations outside the HH
influencing decision-making of HH
members
Study context








Theun Himboun dam –
upstream resettlement site in
Bolikhamxay Province
181 HHs resettled from four
villages Phonkeo, Sansi,
Thambing, Sopchat
Main ethnic groups: Tai Maen,
Tai Yor
Focus groups (F/M)
Individual qualitative interviews
centered on livelihood
trajectory and social network
maps
◦ 9 F/9M from all former villages;
Tai Maen ,Tai Yor ethnic groups
+ 3 from other ethnic groups



Key informant interviews on
current status of resettlement
process and changes in
livelihoods since survey
Results from livelihood
trajectories
Women

Men

I got married at 17 years and moved to my
husband’s house in Thambing village. Our main
farming was shifting cultivation of upland rice and
tree plantations. We decided on the selection of
plots and types of crops together. (P., Female, Tai
Maen)

I cultivated upland rice on 2 plots. Both of us
decided on the rice varieties together. We cultivated
khao mun mixed with khao mong. We grew mixed
varieties because we were following the traditional
methods, which had been taught by our parents.
Our total rice yield was three tons: 1 ton was kept
for our own use and the other 2 tons were sold. (A.,
Male, Tai Maen)

My husband is the one who decided on the upland
rice crop and plot each year. (K., Female, Tai
Maen)

I concentrated on fishing and on deciding on the
sale of cattle each year. (D., Male, Tai Yor)

I decided to take up weaving again [when we
moved] here. I have time to stay at home to take
care of my children and also have time to take a
rest in the afternoon. I got funding and support for
the weaving from the Provincial Women’s Union.
Weaving contributes to my household income and I
also weave my own skirts. (M., Female, Tai Maen)

My wife is the one who goes to Lak Sao to buy
vegetable seeds but we both select the rice plot and
rice varieties to plant in the field together. (R., Male,
Tai Maen)

All the decisions were taken by my husband as
head of the family. He suggested raising livestock,
especially poultry and pigs. I was helping my
neighbors with upland rice cultivation and they paid
me in cash. My husband decided that weaving was
not a good option for me because it takes time to
complete a skirt and we cannot be sure when it will

When I heard about the village resettlement plan
from the company and that they would be
establishing a new resettlement village, I decided to
ask them for an opportunity to work. Then they
gave me a chance to work in constructing the
houses. At that time, I could earn a lot of money
from this job. I got 50,000 kip per day. (B., Male, Tai
Key results from livelihood
trajectories
Most livelihoods decisions are considered to be
“joint”
 Decisions relating to upland rice (including harvest
rituals), fishing, cattle, hunting and education are
more influenced/made by men
 Decisions relating to riverbank gardens, vegetable
gardens, NTFP collection, weaving, childcare and
cooking more influenced/made by women
 Ethnicity a factor in decision-making, as well as on
extent of male influence


◦ Tai Yor more focused on upland rice and fishing, Tai
Maen on multiple livelihoods; Tai Maen decisionmaking is relatively “joint”, while men have more
influence among Tai Yor


Farming decisions of young couples often made by
parents –i.e. decision-making beyond husband-wife
unit
Factors influencing decisionmaking: Values
All

Men

Food/rice security (M, S)

Upland rice as tradition/identity
(R,S)

Soil fertility (M)
Fishing as income (M)

Women

Kinship (R)

Riverbank gardens as income (M)

Intergenerational care (R)
Conformity (R)

Tai Maen

Respect (R)

Opportunity-seeking (S)

House (M,R,S)

Innovation (S)

Money (M)

Tai Yor

Modern services (M)

Protection of Pi (Spirit) (R,S)

Education (M, R, S)

Tai Maen women

Weaving as income and skill (M,
S)
I would say that rubber plantation work is not hard as
upland rice cultivation but I will continue upland rice
cultivation in the resettlement site to make sure that I
have enough rice for the household. The agricultural
land here is not suitable for rubber in any case. (B.,
Female, Tai Maen)

Upland rice is most important [for wellbeing]
because it is our tradition for generations…In the
past several households used to hold harvest rituals
together but now our new fields are in different
places so each household has to hold its own ritual.
(Male Focus Group)

After 20 years [in Thambing] I was invited by a
relative to move to Sopchat. After discussing with
the family, I decided to move there because the soil
was better than in Thambing. And we also lived
close to our relatives. (L., Male, Tai Yor)

I got married when I was 17 years old and moved to
my husband’s house. I continued with upland rice
cultivation and [riverbank] vegetable gardening as
before. At that time, chillie was the main crop that I
could earn a lot of money from - about 10 million kip
per year. (D., Female, Tai Maen)

I got married when I was 20 years old and my wife
asked me to move to stay with her family because
there is no one to take care of her parents.
Therefore, I had to follow her decision.(S., Male, Tai
Maen)

In 2011 I moved to the resettlement village. My family came
before the company built the houses. My husband and I
thought it would be a good opportunity to come early to the
village because I wanted to build my own grocery shop and
hoped there would be good business here. I invested in the
shop on my own with my savings without anybody’s support.
With the profits from the shop, I bought pigs, feed, a
refrigerator and an air compressor [for vehicles]. (A.,
Female, Tai Maen)

From my experience, education is important for life. I
do not mind if my children go for higher education
and get married with partners from other districts or
provinces. Farming is hard and difficult. I don’t want
my children to have to work like me. I will continue
to encourage and support my children to get a higher
level of education than I have. I don’t care if there is

I am unhappy that I had to stop cultivating upland
rice and cannot hold the ceremony for Pi (Spirit)
after the harvest.. (N., Male, Tai Yor)
Factors influencing decisionmaking: Norms and practices


Gender division of labor
◦ Flexible but with some areas clearly demarcated for women
such as weaving, childcare, cooking



Labor relations
◦ Husband and wife or hired labor (no exchange labor except
for livestock); high work burden for women; lack of labor in
some HHs



Post-marital residence
◦ Mostly patrilocal, but also ambilocal/matrilocal/bilocal



Assets/Inheritance
◦ Bilateral, dependent on parental care



Capabilities
◦ Education level – of women lower than of men; of Tai Yor
lower than of Tai Maen



Ostracism
◦ When individual is associated with misfortune, no support
from others in making decisions
Factors influencing decisionmaking: Attitudes/feelings


Dependency on/independence from the company
◦ To cultivate or not influenced by rice provided by
company and no. family members, as well as soil fertility
in new fields and costs to reach old upland fields
◦ Option to return to cultivating upland in former villages



Risk taking/aversion
◦ Adapt to new livelihoods – weaving, fishing, home
gardens
◦ Not taking credit for livestock



Insecurity
◦ Of the future – lack of rice, food, soil fertility, income



Fear
◦ Of water - restricts fishing among individuals



Pride/Satisfaction
◦ Weaving, enough rice for the HH for the year, house,
electricity, water supply, education
Social network mapping
Social network analysis
Social networks influence decision-making
Networks of men/rich denser than of women/poor
 Tai Maen have kin networks beyond village
 Women’s networks comprise both F & M, while men’s
networks are mostly male
 Linkages with kin and friends are perceived as strong,
and mostly confined to same ethnic group
 Linkages with buyers are considered somewhat strong
and are cross-ethnic


◦ Mostly female for women; M+F for men


Linkages with suppliers, also cross ethnic are
perceived to be weak, except by Tai Maen women
◦ Mostly female for women; M+F for men



Buyers and suppliers are from nearby town (Lak Sao)
for both women and men; women also deal with
buyers in the village
Social networks (ctd.)




Linkages with community-based organizations are
perceived as somewhat strong by women but as
weak by men
Linkages to the company, government and temple
are considered weak by majority
Reworking livelihoods: wellbeing
perceptions and value orientation





Wellbeing oriented towards upland rice
(material/subjective) by most
Women: identified care by children (and
support of husband) as important for
wellbeing (relational)
Tai Maen men: range of perceptions on
wellbeing (material)
Most
important for
a good life in
the village

Women
Tai Maen
Material:
Upland rice (3)
Money (1)
Upland rice (1)
House (1)
Money (1)
(Pouk)

Relational
Husband (1)
Children (1)

Tai Yor
Material
Upland rice (1)
Vegetable
garden (1)
Upland rice (1)
Lowland
paddy field (1)
Money for
children’s
education (1)
(Tai Taen)
Relational
Children (1)

Men
Tai Maen
Material
Upland rice (1)
Fishing (1)
Water supply
(1)
Higher
education (1)
Goats and
chickens (1)

Relational
Respect (1)
(Phoutai)

Tai Yor
Material
Upland rice (4)
Lowland
paddy field (2)
Fishing (1)

Relational
Gendered changes in decisionmaking after resettlement: Costs
and benefits









Upland rice - men’s control limited by new land use
patterns (material, relational and subjective costs)
Fishing – men’s control has increased (material
benefits)
Riverbank gardening – women’s control has
decreased (material costs)
NTFP – women’s control has decreased (material
costs)
Weaving – women’s control has increased (material
and subjective benefits)
Livestock – women’s control unchanged; men’s
control over cattle decreased (material costs)
Education – men’s control unchanged but women
have increased participation in decisions (relational
and subjective benefits)
Thank you

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Gender, livelihoods & decision making

  • 1. MK1: Gender, Livelihoods & Decision-making A qualitative study in a hydropower resettlement site in Lao PDR N. Weeratunge, O. Joffre, S. Senaratne Sellamuttu, B. Bouahom, A. Keophoxay Mekong Forum on Water, Food & Energy Hanoi, 21 November 2013
  • 2. Key Messages A person’s livelihood decision-making is about choosing one option over others  These choices are shaped by his/her socio-cultural values, norms and attitudes, as much as by economic and political factors  Decision-making is often gendered as livelihood activities and tasks differ according to gender roles, norms and values  Livelihood trajectories, social network maps and perceptions of wellbeing help to uncover these values, norms and attitudes  ◦ material, relational and subjective domains  Decisions result in benefits or costs ◦ these are social (relational), cultural (relational/subjective), emotional (subjective) as well as economic (material)
  • 3. Objectives of the study  To validate results on decision-making in the MK1 Household Livelihoods Survey in Lao PDR ◦ A relatively small number of respondents answered questions on decisionmaking and control of income in Lao upstream and headpond sites ◦ A large-scale HH survey cannot go into the complexities of decision-
  • 4. The complexity of decision-making  Decisions relate to a range of livelihood activities, ◦ farming, fishing, provisioning, childcare within HH  Even within one livelihood activity (e.g. farming), decisions for a range of tasks can be made by different individuals within HH ◦ purchase of inputs, hiring labor, cooking for labor, land preparation, sowing, weeding, fertilizing, pest control, harvesting, processing, sale, use of income  Decision-making is both a task and a process ◦ While an ultimate decision might be made by one person, others might contribute to or influence the decision-making process  Difficult to capture and understand the implications of this complexity in a large-scale survey or economic study/modeling using limited variables
  • 5. Conceptual approach on decisionmaking builds on:  Social wellbeing approach (McGregor 2008) ◦ What a person/HH considers a “good life” to be and what livelihood strategies s/he would pursue to achieve this “good life”  Social relations approach to gender analysis (Kabeer 1994, 1996, 2001) ◦ Focus on “agency”: “the ability to define one’s goals and act upon them”
  • 6. Conceptual framework: Social wellbeing  a material dimension which focuses on what (resources) a person has and the extent to which the needs of the person are met  a relational or social dimension which considers the social relationships in which a person engages to pursue wellbeing ◦ E.g. relations which give access to resources and markets, or shape behaviour through institutions/social structures  a subjective or cognitive dimension which takes account of a person’s level of satisfaction/ sense of security with the quality of life he or she achieves
  • 7. Gender analysis: Social relations approach (based on norms and practices) social relations  determine gender roles, rights, responsibilities and claims over others  institutions (market, state, community, family) key to producing and maintaining gender inequalities ◦ characterized by rules, resources, people, activities, power women’s empowerment a process of acquiring the ability to make strategic life choices by those who have been denied this ability ◦ Made up of three interlinked dimensions which shape individual choices  Resources (material, human, social enable choices; current access + future claims)  Agency “the ability to define one’s goals and act upon them”  (decision-making; also negotiation, persuasion, deception, manipulation)  Achievements (“well-being outcomes”of previous choices - related to survival, security and autonomy)
  • 8. Key methods/tools (Ethnographic)    Focus group gender-disaggregated tool to assess a complex range of decisions and gendered norms underlying livelihood decision-making Individual livelihood trajectories to assess decision-making over time and to uncover values, norms and attitudes influencing this decision-making Individual social network maps to assess persons and organizations outside the HH influencing decision-making of HH members
  • 9. Study context      Theun Himboun dam – upstream resettlement site in Bolikhamxay Province 181 HHs resettled from four villages Phonkeo, Sansi, Thambing, Sopchat Main ethnic groups: Tai Maen, Tai Yor Focus groups (F/M) Individual qualitative interviews centered on livelihood trajectory and social network maps ◦ 9 F/9M from all former villages; Tai Maen ,Tai Yor ethnic groups + 3 from other ethnic groups  Key informant interviews on current status of resettlement process and changes in livelihoods since survey
  • 11. Women Men I got married at 17 years and moved to my husband’s house in Thambing village. Our main farming was shifting cultivation of upland rice and tree plantations. We decided on the selection of plots and types of crops together. (P., Female, Tai Maen) I cultivated upland rice on 2 plots. Both of us decided on the rice varieties together. We cultivated khao mun mixed with khao mong. We grew mixed varieties because we were following the traditional methods, which had been taught by our parents. Our total rice yield was three tons: 1 ton was kept for our own use and the other 2 tons were sold. (A., Male, Tai Maen) My husband is the one who decided on the upland rice crop and plot each year. (K., Female, Tai Maen) I concentrated on fishing and on deciding on the sale of cattle each year. (D., Male, Tai Yor) I decided to take up weaving again [when we moved] here. I have time to stay at home to take care of my children and also have time to take a rest in the afternoon. I got funding and support for the weaving from the Provincial Women’s Union. Weaving contributes to my household income and I also weave my own skirts. (M., Female, Tai Maen) My wife is the one who goes to Lak Sao to buy vegetable seeds but we both select the rice plot and rice varieties to plant in the field together. (R., Male, Tai Maen) All the decisions were taken by my husband as head of the family. He suggested raising livestock, especially poultry and pigs. I was helping my neighbors with upland rice cultivation and they paid me in cash. My husband decided that weaving was not a good option for me because it takes time to complete a skirt and we cannot be sure when it will When I heard about the village resettlement plan from the company and that they would be establishing a new resettlement village, I decided to ask them for an opportunity to work. Then they gave me a chance to work in constructing the houses. At that time, I could earn a lot of money from this job. I got 50,000 kip per day. (B., Male, Tai
  • 12. Key results from livelihood trajectories Most livelihoods decisions are considered to be “joint”  Decisions relating to upland rice (including harvest rituals), fishing, cattle, hunting and education are more influenced/made by men  Decisions relating to riverbank gardens, vegetable gardens, NTFP collection, weaving, childcare and cooking more influenced/made by women  Ethnicity a factor in decision-making, as well as on extent of male influence  ◦ Tai Yor more focused on upland rice and fishing, Tai Maen on multiple livelihoods; Tai Maen decisionmaking is relatively “joint”, while men have more influence among Tai Yor  Farming decisions of young couples often made by parents –i.e. decision-making beyond husband-wife unit
  • 13. Factors influencing decisionmaking: Values All Men Food/rice security (M, S) Upland rice as tradition/identity (R,S) Soil fertility (M) Fishing as income (M) Women Kinship (R) Riverbank gardens as income (M) Intergenerational care (R) Conformity (R) Tai Maen Respect (R) Opportunity-seeking (S) House (M,R,S) Innovation (S) Money (M) Tai Yor Modern services (M) Protection of Pi (Spirit) (R,S) Education (M, R, S) Tai Maen women Weaving as income and skill (M, S)
  • 14. I would say that rubber plantation work is not hard as upland rice cultivation but I will continue upland rice cultivation in the resettlement site to make sure that I have enough rice for the household. The agricultural land here is not suitable for rubber in any case. (B., Female, Tai Maen) Upland rice is most important [for wellbeing] because it is our tradition for generations…In the past several households used to hold harvest rituals together but now our new fields are in different places so each household has to hold its own ritual. (Male Focus Group) After 20 years [in Thambing] I was invited by a relative to move to Sopchat. After discussing with the family, I decided to move there because the soil was better than in Thambing. And we also lived close to our relatives. (L., Male, Tai Yor) I got married when I was 17 years old and moved to my husband’s house. I continued with upland rice cultivation and [riverbank] vegetable gardening as before. At that time, chillie was the main crop that I could earn a lot of money from - about 10 million kip per year. (D., Female, Tai Maen) I got married when I was 20 years old and my wife asked me to move to stay with her family because there is no one to take care of her parents. Therefore, I had to follow her decision.(S., Male, Tai Maen) In 2011 I moved to the resettlement village. My family came before the company built the houses. My husband and I thought it would be a good opportunity to come early to the village because I wanted to build my own grocery shop and hoped there would be good business here. I invested in the shop on my own with my savings without anybody’s support. With the profits from the shop, I bought pigs, feed, a refrigerator and an air compressor [for vehicles]. (A., Female, Tai Maen) From my experience, education is important for life. I do not mind if my children go for higher education and get married with partners from other districts or provinces. Farming is hard and difficult. I don’t want my children to have to work like me. I will continue to encourage and support my children to get a higher level of education than I have. I don’t care if there is I am unhappy that I had to stop cultivating upland rice and cannot hold the ceremony for Pi (Spirit) after the harvest.. (N., Male, Tai Yor)
  • 15. Factors influencing decisionmaking: Norms and practices  Gender division of labor ◦ Flexible but with some areas clearly demarcated for women such as weaving, childcare, cooking  Labor relations ◦ Husband and wife or hired labor (no exchange labor except for livestock); high work burden for women; lack of labor in some HHs  Post-marital residence ◦ Mostly patrilocal, but also ambilocal/matrilocal/bilocal  Assets/Inheritance ◦ Bilateral, dependent on parental care  Capabilities ◦ Education level – of women lower than of men; of Tai Yor lower than of Tai Maen  Ostracism ◦ When individual is associated with misfortune, no support from others in making decisions
  • 16. Factors influencing decisionmaking: Attitudes/feelings  Dependency on/independence from the company ◦ To cultivate or not influenced by rice provided by company and no. family members, as well as soil fertility in new fields and costs to reach old upland fields ◦ Option to return to cultivating upland in former villages  Risk taking/aversion ◦ Adapt to new livelihoods – weaving, fishing, home gardens ◦ Not taking credit for livestock  Insecurity ◦ Of the future – lack of rice, food, soil fertility, income  Fear ◦ Of water - restricts fishing among individuals  Pride/Satisfaction ◦ Weaving, enough rice for the HH for the year, house, electricity, water supply, education
  • 19. Social networks influence decision-making Networks of men/rich denser than of women/poor  Tai Maen have kin networks beyond village  Women’s networks comprise both F & M, while men’s networks are mostly male  Linkages with kin and friends are perceived as strong, and mostly confined to same ethnic group  Linkages with buyers are considered somewhat strong and are cross-ethnic  ◦ Mostly female for women; M+F for men  Linkages with suppliers, also cross ethnic are perceived to be weak, except by Tai Maen women ◦ Mostly female for women; M+F for men  Buyers and suppliers are from nearby town (Lak Sao) for both women and men; women also deal with buyers in the village
  • 20. Social networks (ctd.)   Linkages with community-based organizations are perceived as somewhat strong by women but as weak by men Linkages to the company, government and temple are considered weak by majority
  • 21. Reworking livelihoods: wellbeing perceptions and value orientation    Wellbeing oriented towards upland rice (material/subjective) by most Women: identified care by children (and support of husband) as important for wellbeing (relational) Tai Maen men: range of perceptions on wellbeing (material) Most important for a good life in the village Women Tai Maen Material: Upland rice (3) Money (1) Upland rice (1) House (1) Money (1) (Pouk) Relational Husband (1) Children (1) Tai Yor Material Upland rice (1) Vegetable garden (1) Upland rice (1) Lowland paddy field (1) Money for children’s education (1) (Tai Taen) Relational Children (1) Men Tai Maen Material Upland rice (1) Fishing (1) Water supply (1) Higher education (1) Goats and chickens (1) Relational Respect (1) (Phoutai) Tai Yor Material Upland rice (4) Lowland paddy field (2) Fishing (1) Relational
  • 22. Gendered changes in decisionmaking after resettlement: Costs and benefits        Upland rice - men’s control limited by new land use patterns (material, relational and subjective costs) Fishing – men’s control has increased (material benefits) Riverbank gardening – women’s control has decreased (material costs) NTFP – women’s control has decreased (material costs) Weaving – women’s control has increased (material and subjective benefits) Livestock – women’s control unchanged; men’s control over cattle decreased (material costs) Education – men’s control unchanged but women have increased participation in decisions (relational and subjective benefits)

Notas del editor

  1. This session on Better Dams for Food and Livelihoods will draw on the research results generated by the CPWF MK1 project on optimizing reservoir management for livelihoods.
  2. Values = shared assumptions about what is good, right or importantNorms = shared rules of behaving or way of doing things that we abide by subconsciouslyAttitudes = positive or negative evaluation of things, persons, events, ideas, activities
  3. Tai Maen women deal mostly with Tai Maen traders (sometimes Lao), while Tai Yor women deal with Tai Maen, Tai Yor and Lao traders; Tai Maen men do business with Hmong and Tai Maen traders while Tai Yor men deal with Tai Maen and Muey traders