1. Arguably, the first cities emerged in the end of the fourth millennium BC in Mesopotamia.
Analyse the process of urbanization in Mesopotamia, and discuss the technological, cultural
and social innovations which took place.
Fiona MacColl
12/06/2015
The view that the first cities emerged in the end of the fourth millennium BC in Mesopotamia is
based primarily upon their size, with Uruk and Tell Brak exceeding one hundred hectares (Ur, 2014, p.249).
However, size is not the only way of defining a city. The earlier Ubaid period, while not having
large settlements, did have urban features such as centralization, monumental architecture at Eridu
and Gawra, and container sealings found at Gawra, suggesting 'some form of central collection and
redistribution' (Oates, 1993, p.408). There are also different theories for the process of urbanization,
ranging from Clark and Blake's model of aggrandizers who pursue prestige, using 'a strategy of
competitive generosity' (Clark and Blake, 1994, p.21), to Jacobs' view that cities resulted from long-
distance trade in raw materials, leading only later to agriculture (Mieroop, 1997, p.25).
This essay will compare Adam's Redistributive and Schloen's Patrimonial Household models, to
show that they need not be mutually exclusive, and that a better understanding of urbanization may
involve aspects of several models. Despite the different views, there is a general, though not
necessarily universal, consensus regarding the innovations resulting from urbanization.
In his Redistributive Model, Adams identifies three stages in the process of urbanization. Firstly,
improvements in agriculture, such as irrigation, led to surplus food production (Knapp, 1988, p.28),
especially in cereals. That the Mesopotamian diet was primarily cereals is attested by the many
terms for grain in the native language (Mieroop, 1997, p.144). However, irrigation did exist on a
smaller scale during the earlier Ubaid period (Huot, 1989). One benefit of irrigation was the use of
longer furrows, enabling larger operations (Thomas, 2012, p.221). These developments led to
population growth, with the largest towns containing up to fifty thousand people in the Uruk period

2. (Thomas, 2012, p.214) as people immigrated into the Uruk area (Ur, 2014, p.253).
Nonetheless, it seems unlikely that families would produce more food than needed for their
subsistence. Rather, food surplus may have resulted from the existence of a higher authority, or
from the desire for a less restricted diet or for products that could not be found in the local area
(Mieroop, 1997, p.29). A lack of essential materials and the desire for prestige goods encouraged
trade (Knapp, 1988, p.42), with southern Mesopotamia exporting foodstuffs, textiles and processed
goods. However, this does not mean that there was no prior trade. In the Halaf and Samarra
cultures, trade was conducted with semi-nomadic herders (Thomas, 2012, p.219).
Secondly, variations in wealth, resulting from access to means of production, and occupations such
as farming, trade and administration led to increased social inequality (Mieroop, 1997, p.28). But
urbanism benefitted mainly a few elite households, rather than society in general (Ur, 2014, p.254).
These elite households comprise Adam's third stage of urbanism; the priesthood who controlled the
central administration needed for trade. Thus, the main function of the temple was one of economic
redistribution. As the temples were not involved in food production, they depended upon rural
producers for their needs as evidenced by the Warka vase from Uruk which depicts naked men
carrying jars of produce to the goddess Inanna. Before her stands the city's ruler who, being the
intermediary between the people and the goddess, is depicted as larger than his men and dressed in
ceremonial robes.

3. Fig. 1. Warka vase
(Roaf, 1991, p.61)
Religious ideology may have been used by the priesthood to extract produce in the form of tribute
from rural producers (Mieroop, 1997, p.32). The size of monumental temple complexes in the Uruk
period suggests social inequality, with the priesthood holding the greatest wealth and power.
In contrast, Schloen's Patrimonial Household model depicts the household as a metaphor used at
different scales in society (Schloen 2001, p.1). Schloen claims that urbanism disadvantaged many
agriculturists through taxation, and the need to travel greater distances to and from fields. In fact,
dispersed villages may have been a more efficient method (Ur, 2014, p.249). The reason that people
accepted hierarchy and inequality was because the household was a structure they were familiar
with. Inequality existed within a family, so it was accepted within the larger family of the city.
Sumerian or Akkadian cuneiform texts omit the word, state (Emberling 2003, p.261). Also the term

4. office does not exist even though administrative roles did exist. Such linguistic evidence may
support the view that an abstract state did not exist in the earlier Uruk period either as concepts
rarely develop in isolation but are based upon earlier held attitudes and beliefs. Thus, in the Uruk
period, officials may have held their positions 'by virtue of kinship proximity to elites' (Ur, 2014,
p.255).
Weber claims that cities were run as royal households, led by a patrimonial ruler whose followers
(oikoi) lived to satisfy their ruler's wants (Ur, 2014, p.255), in the same way that lesser members of
a family obeyed the patrimonial head. So, familiarity with the patrimonial household led to an
acceptance of inequality in the state. In fact, the Sumerian word for household includes both small
families and large socio-economic units including owners, managers, workers, animals, buildings
and pastureland (Ur, 2014, p.256). Thus, in a city, the ruler was master of his household in the same
way that a patriarch was master of his house. The only difference was one of degree.
Some assemblies in ancient cities suggest consensual decision-making, rather than a hierarchical
structure though currently little is known about their structure and operation. However, it could be
argued that in the early second millennium, these were more concerned with debate and negotiation
than decision-making (Ur, 2014, p.256).
Evidence of kinship within early cities is seen in the ration lists that show permanent 'employees'
grouped by kinship (Ur, 2014, p.257). In Nippur, inscriptions concerning the house of Ur-Meme
who were temple administrators and governors show a chronological distribution of office titles,
suggesting that 'officials' were descendants of the chief administrator (Garfinkle & Johnson, 2008,
p.59). Also, tablets from Umma describe the transfer of the office of chief of the granary from
ARAD(-mu) to his son, Sara-izu, and the transfer of the office of archivist from Ur-Sara to his son,
Ur-Nungal (Dahl & Hebenstreit, 2007, pp.43 and 48.) Although these date from the later Ur III
period, it is possible that the administration of early cities was similar to this and was based upon a

5. kinship structure.
Architectural evidence to support the patriarchal model is seen in Ubaid houses. These were
tripartite, comprising a central hallway with a room on either side, often forming a 'T'-shape.
Fig.2. Tripartite Ubaid houses
(Ur, 2014, p.259)
Temples often have the same shape as residential houses, supporting the view that temples may
have been seen as Houses of the Deity. The domestic household provided the model for socio-
economic relations that were copied and 'ritualized...on a monumental scale.' (Wengrow 1998,
p.792). Temples originally may have been the prestige homes of patriarchs and their immediate
family but in time, they became that of political elites (Ur, 2014, p.262).
Thus, acceptance of class inequality resulted from familiarity with the household structure and the
idea of a ruling patriarch. As the household existed to advance its own interests, less important
households in early cities would support larger elite households 'in matters of taxation, corvee,
labour and warfare' (Ur, 2014, p.262).
The above two theories need not be mutually exclusive. Adams' model based on increasing social
stratification can fit with Schloen's Patrimonial Household model with members of the family closer
to the Patriarch being given more importance within the 'household.' Also, Schloen's model still

6. requires agriculture and trade in order to promote the well-being of the family. However, despite
their differences, the two models agree regarding the innovations resulting from urbanization.
Urbanization resulted in many innovations including, but not limited to, cylinder seals (Porada,
1993), wheel-made pottery (Knapp, 1988, p.46), mass production evidenced by the poorer quality
of bevelled-rim bowls in contrast to the delicate pottery of the Ubaid period (Leick, 2001, pp.35-
36), metalworking using lost-wax casting (Hunt, 1980, pp.63-65), and even war which may have
resulted from greater prosperity, boundary disputes and the need for raw goods within early cities
(Knapp, 1988, p.41).
Perhaps the greatest innovation was writing which appeared c.3500 BC (Knapp, 1988, p.11). In the
Eanna mound, clay tokens bearing simple designs that may have represented different commodities
of exchange first appear in layer xviii, during the earlier Ubaid period (Leick, 2001, p.35). The
geometric forms are mostly symbolic and unrelated to the shapes of the items they represent. Thus,
they can be seen as the precursor to writing.

7. Figure 3. Clay Tokens
(Nguyen, 2009)
During the Uruk period, an increase in trade resulted in new forms appearing (Knapp, 1988, p.56).
Cones represented numbers, with a small cone standing for one, and a large cone standing for sixty.
A sheep was represented by a disc with an incised cross (Schmandt-Besserat, 1979, p.20), while an
ear of wheat was a herringbone pattern (Schmandt-Besserat, 1979, p.22).

8. Figure 4 - Sheep and Wheat Tokens
(Schmandt-Besserat, 1979)
Holes in the tokens suggest that they may have been tied together for transportation (Knapp, 2988,
p.56), and this led to the use of a spherical clay envelope called a bulla.
Figure 5. Tokens and Bulla
(Gunther and Ludwig, 1994)
Unfortunately, the tokens could not be seen within the bulla without destroying the container so the
bulla was impressed with the number and shape of the tokens inside, leading over time to the idea
that only the representative symbols were actually needed. Thus, the token and bulla system led to
writing (Knapp, 1988, pp.56-57) which first appeared in the form of pictographs, c.3100 BC, during
the Late Uruk phase (Knapp, 1988, p.46).

9. Figure 6. Sumerian pictograph
(Reid, 2011)
Such developments probably resulted from increasing trade, craft production in workshops, and a
growing temple-based bureaucracy (Schmandt-Besserat, 1979, p.19).
Within cities, the most visible innovation was surely the monumental architecture of temples
(Knapp, 1988, p.40). This provided the populace with clear evidence of the growing importance of
their community. While temples had existed in the Ubaid period, archaeologists discovered in Uruk
monumental structures constructed and decorated on a much grander scale, suggesting increased
social stratification. In addition, new building techniques included waterproofing by adding a layer
of bitumen (Leick, 2001, p.36), seen in the Stone Cone Temple (level vi, Eanna mound, c.3500-
3200 BC) (Charvat, 2013, p.114). Buttresses were used to strengthen walls (Frankfort, 1954, p.18)
though these are also evident in Ubaid structures, and clay cones were used in mosaic wall
decorations (Leick, 2001, p.35) in geometrical patterns reminiscent of textiles, perhaps suggesting
wall hangings.

10. Figure 7 - Stone-Cone Temple Mosaics
(BrokenSphere, 2004)
The creation of monumental architecture was very labour-intensive. Limestone had to be
transported from quarries or treated to produce concrete. The millions of stone cones used in the
mosaics were also very time-consuming to produce (Leick, 2001, p.40), suggesting the importance
of such structures as a focal point of the cities.
Innovations were not, however, limited to cities. In the rural hinterlands that supported the cities,
one such innovation was the plow which let people create the food surplus needed to support an
increasing population. Also, fewer people were needed to produce food. Since food production
required less labour and fewer labourers, people could branch out into other craft areas. Evidence of
plows is seen on cylinder seals (Faiella, 2006, p.30). However, the plow was not a new innovation

11. but an improvement on an earlier form, due to new metalworking technologies. While earlier plows
were made of wood, later ones had metal-pointed ardshares (Potts, 1994, pp.163-4). In the third
millennium BC, a further development created the seeder plow which had a funnel attached,
enabling seeds to be dropped in place (Faiella, 2006, p.30). Evidence for seeder plows can be seen
in Mesopotamian and Kassite glyptic art.
Fig. 8. Seeder Plow representations
(Potts, 1997, p.78)
The innovations linked to urbanization are many and of considerable importance, although it could
be argued that the greatest innovation of ancient Mesopotamia is, in fact, urbanization itself,
without which later city-states and empires could not have developed.
In conclusion, a better understanding of the process of urbanization in Mesopotamia may involve
aspects of several theories. Adams' model based on increasing social stratification can fit with

12. Schloen's Patrimonial Household model as noted above. Also, Clark and Blake's aggrandizer could
be the patriarch, promoting his own (and therefore his family's) self-interest. Agriculture and trade
as the foundation for urbanization fit almost every model, and Wheatley's claim (1971, p.24) that
religion may have developed before cities does not necessarily deny Schloen's model. However,
despite the many different theories for the process of urbanization, what most models appear to
agree on are the technological, cultural and social innovations which are considerable. But perhaps
the greatest innovation of all is urbanization itself, without which modern societies could not have
developed.

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16. IMAGES
Figure 1 - Warka vase
ROAF, M., 1991. Cultural Atlas of Mesopotamia and the Ancient Near East. (s.l.): Facts on File
Inc., p.61.
Figure 2 - Ubaid Tripartite House
UR, J., 2014. Households and the Emergence of Cities in Ancient Mesopotamia. Cambridge
Archaeological Journal [online], 24, p.259. Available at:
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Figure 3 - Clay tokens
NGUYEN, M., 2009. At: Louvre Museum (Department of Near Eastern Antiquities). Accession
number Sb 4937, Sb 4938, Sb 4942, etc.
Figure 4 - Sheep and Wheat Tokens
SCHMANDT-BESSERAT, D., 1979. An Archaic Recording System in the Uruk-Jemdet Nasr
Period. American Journal of Archaeology, 83 (1), pp.19-48. Available at:
http://www.jstor.org/stable/504234. [Accessed on 16/05/2015].
Figure 5 - Tokens and Bulla
GUNTHER, H. & LUDWIG, O., 1994. Schrift und Schriftlichkeit, (I). Berlin: Walter de Gruyter.
Figure 6 - Sumerian Pictograph
REID, L., 2011. Louvre, Department of Near Eastern Antiquities. Available at:
https://www.flickr.com/photos/leonandloisphotos/5985135503/ [Accessed on 16/05/2015].
Figure 7 - Stone-Cone Temple Mosaics
BrokenSphere (2004), At: Pergamon Museum. Available at:
http://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Stone-Cone_Temple_mosaics,_Pergamon_Museum.JPG
[Accessed on: 16/05/2015].
Figure 8 - Seeder Plow representations
POTTS, D. T., 1997, Mesopotamian Civilization, the Material Foundations. London: The Athlone
Press, pp.70-78.