Reusing Abandoned Shopping Centers to Revitalize Sprawled Communities

Reusing Shopping Centers in
Sprawled Communities:
The Frayser Case
A Capstone Project by Gene Charles Burse
The University of Memphis
December 2014
Abstract: This paper considers the trend of urban sprawled development that has led to
increasing amounts of vacant shopping centers and big box stores. The increasing desire
to reuse vacant shopping centers and big box stores sites and the lessons that can be learned
for the community of Frayser (Memphis, TN) are examined. The planning profession
played a significant role in fostering urban sprawl, therefore it should play a critical role in
fixing it.

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Contents
Acknowledgements……………………………………………………………..3
I. Introduction………………………………………………………………..4
a. What is sprawl?................................................................................4
b. History of sprawl……......................................................................5
c. Research Questions and Scope…………………………………….10
II. Literature Review………………………………………………………….15
III. Methodology……………………………………………………………….23
a. What is Case Study Research?…………………………………….23
IV. Case Study Research Findings…………………………………………….28
a. Jackson Medical Mall……………………………………………..28
b. Schaumburg Town Square………………………………………...35
c. Lebanon-Laclede County Library………………………………....41
V. The Frayser Case…………………………………………………………..54
a. History of Frayser………………………………………………….54
b. Frayser Shopping Centers………………………………………….64
VI. Recommendations………………………………………………………….67
VII. Bibliography………………………………………………………………..75

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Acknowledgements
I would like to thank the faculty, staff, and students at The University of Memphis with
whom I had the pleasure to work with during my tenure in the City and Regional Planning
program.
I would like to thank Dr. Antonio Raciti, Dr. Charles Santo, Dr. Kenneth Reardon, Shep
Wilbun Jr. of the Building Neighborhood Capacity Program in Frayser, and the community
of Frayser for their input and direction in my studies in reusing shopping centers and big
box store sites.
I would like to acknowledge my family, friends and especially my fiancé for patiently
supporting me through this project and my graduate studies- I could not have done it
without them.
I thank God, for without Him nothing would be possible.
Finally, I dedicate this paper to the memory of my mother, Jeanette Louise Burse, for she
inspired my determination to improve the physical environment for all people.

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I. Introduction
What is Sprawl?
Suburban sprawl is the standard for the pattern of growth of physical development
and has served as the standard in America for many years (Andres Duany, 2000). Sprawl
is an idea that was developed by design professionals such as architects, planners, engineers
and was promoted by developers primarily after World War II. The sprawl model of
development is artificial, unlike the traditional neighborhood model which was a more
organic way of development that responded to the needs of people (Andres Duany, 2000).
It is now widely accepted by the design professions that sprawl is an unsustainable system
of development. According to the authors of Suburban Nation: The Rise of Sprawl and the
Decline of the American Dream, “sprawl is not healthy growth” and that “it is essentially
self-destructive” (Andres, Duany, 2000, p.4).
There are multiple outcomes that are now prevalent after years of studying sprawl
including, the use of large tracts of land, increased traffic problems, financial
unsustainability, increased transportation costs, the exacerbation of social inequity and
isolation. Some of the aforementioned outcomes were not predicted neither were their
impact on cities (Andres Duany, 2000). As cities with deteriorated downtown
neighborhoods attempt to revitalize, inner ring suburbs are experiencing the loss of
residents and businesses to new exurban locations (Andres Duany, 2000).

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History of Sprawl
It is important to understand how sprawl came about. Widespread sprawl
development is a direct result of a multitude of policies. Some of the most significant
policies include Federal Housing Administration (FHA) and Veteran Administration (VA)
loan programs that allowed more than eleven million people to access home mortgages for
new homes following World War II. Mortgages were directed toward new single-family
housing on the urban fringe and outside of cities. In conjunction with the housing boom
that resulted partially due to such policies, the development of the federal interstate system
further enabled sprawl (Andres Duany, 2000). Federal transportation policy at that time
neglected mass transit and focused on trying to make car commuting more affordable and
convenient for citizens moving to sprawling communities (Andres Duany, 2000). Federal
policy simultaneously discouraged the renovation of existing building stock, mixed-use
buildings and other types of urban housing. Many soldiers returning from the war chose
to locate their families is places such as Levittown, considered among the first post-World
War II suburban developments, where homeownership was more affordable than rent in
urban areas (Andres Duany, 2000).
Retail businesses remained in inner city neighborhoods during the initial migration
of people to the urban fringe after World War II, however, it didn’t take long for merchants
to follow their customers to the urban fringe (Andres Duany, 2000). Due to sprawl
development’s focus on homebuilding it became necessary for retail requiring its “own
distinct method of financing and development but also its own locations” (Andres, Duany,
2000, p. 9).

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Retail began being placed on wide high speed collector roads between clusters of
housing in sprawled developments. In response to the new pattern of development,
businesses began pulling back from the street and constructed large freestanding signage.
This new way of clustering retail businesses gave birth to the concept of modern day
shopping centers (Andres, Duany, 2000, p. 9).
The planning profession in America worked to promote sprawl as the cutting edge
in physical development primarily through the use of zoning. During the Industrial
Revolution European cities such as London and Barcelona were filled with factories that
produced smoke which had an adverse impact on quality of life. Planners of the day
advocated for separation of uses such as industrial and residential. This separation of uses,
which later became known as zoning, produced dramatic results. Industrial European cities
which had once largely been considered uninhabitable “were transformed within decades
into national treasures” (Andres, Duany, 2000, p. 9). Life expectancy of city residents
drastically improved and the success was partially attributed to planners.
The planning profession entering the 20th
century with success of separating land
uses in Europe and now such an idea being in America, embodied in the City Beautiful
movement, served as the foundation of the planning profession moving into the new
century. Planners were excited to implement the segregation of land uses in America as it
was successful in Europe. Such segregation which was originally applied to incompatible
uses, such as industrial and residential, would now be applied to every use (Andres Duany,
2000). The intertwining of the government’s commitment to the construction of new
homes on the urban fringe and planners’ desire to segregate land uses were supported by a

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“more subtle ethos: the widespread application of management lessons learned during the
Second World War” (Andre, Duany, 2000, p. 10).
In the early part of the 20th
century, city planning was viewed as a discipline that
incorporated aesthetics, culture and history yet the profession transformed into a profession
that became more technical partially due to the influence of modernism (Andres Duany,
2000). Over time, the American city was viewed as being reduced to zoning designations
and sprawl.
Physically sprawled communities often lack a sense of place partially due to
homogeneity among physical structures and segregated uses which contribute to a sterile
environment that is not memorable or has lasting value. Many of these communities have
minimal pedestrian activity, less civic identification, and often times an uncoordinated
development of land.
Sprawl has had deteriorating effects on itself. Suburban cities are one of the entities
that suffer economically from the innate inefficiency of a car oriented development pattern.
Municipalities have to provide services to homes that are distant and do not properly cover
the cost to deliver those services with their taxes. Andres and Duany (2000, p.12) describe
a scenario elaborating on this:
One such municipality, the city of Franklin, a
Milwaukee suburb of 25,000, conducted a careful cost
analysis in 1992. It found that a new single-family home
pays less than $5,000 in property taxes but costs the city
more than $10,000 to service. The inefficiency of new
sprawling development had to be covered by a general tax
hike paid by all residents, even those in more efficient older
neighborhoods.
Sprawl also contributes to the polarization of society through economic segregation
with the development of residential enclaves (Andres Duany, 2000). Those that can afford

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to move into suburban communities often do leaving central cities with increasing
concentration of poverty. The growing separation between what Andres and Duany call
the haves and have-nots, may appear to be part of a natural order but federal policy
contributed due to the lack of incentives for various housing types or incomes among the
new construction happening on the urban fringe after World War II. The government did
not allocate resources in an equitable manner and therefore provided means of escape from
cities through highways and very affordable home loans. Outcomes of the social
stratification of sprawled development in conjunction with white flight are still
recognizable today (Andres Duany, 2000).
Today, many communities in cities and suburban communities are facing
deteriorating infrastructure, inadequate services, a limited tax base, lack of jobs and
investment. This is primarily due to declining median income in mature sprawled
communities (Cities N. L., Suburban Cities: Confronting Decline and Charting a Path to
Renewal, 2013). Median income usually decreases in mature sprawled communities as
wealthier residents transition to younger and more sprawled communities, sometimes in
exurban areas, and are replaced by residents with lower income (Cities N. L., Suburban
Cities: Confronting Decline and Charting a Path to Renewal, 2013). The transition leads
to communities having fewer resources to allocate for maintaining infrastructure, home
improvements, transit, social services and government services (Cities N. L., Suburban
Cities: Confronting Decline and Charting a Path to Renewal, 2013)
In America, like Memphis, there is a tendency toward building new sprawled
physical development which leads to an abandonment of older physical development. In
neglecting older infrastructure and older neighborhoods, those impacted by such end up

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neglected as well. We are in need of embracing a more sustainable pattern of growth that
believes every neighborhood is valued (Andres Duany, 2000). The interstate highway
system enabled a massive migration to the urban fringe. Neighborhoods that became
neglected were left with existing infrastructure such as vacant shopping centers and big
box stores that were still valuable and provided opportunities for redevelopment.
Shopping centers and big box stores that are vacant and not maintained contribute
to economic decline, blight and are symbolic of vitality past with job creation and tax
revenue generation. Such properties also represent opportunities that cities and suburban
communities can leverage for investment while simultaneously addressing the needs of the
community. Vacant shopping centers and big box stores along with existing infrastructure
can help increase the quality of life in communities by being redeveloped as affordable
housing, mixed-use developments or converting them into social service centers among a
myriad of options.
According to the National League of Cities, there are different types of shopping
centers that include regional centers, community centers, neighborhood centers and strip
centers (Cities N. L., City of Practice Brief, 2008). A regional center typically will provide
general merchandise (i.e. apparel) and services in full depth and variety. The primary draw
for regional centers are the combination of anchors, which may be traditional, mass
merchant, discount, or fashion department stores, with numerous fashion oriented specialty
stores. Regional centers typically are enclosed with an inward orientation of the stores
connected by a common hallway- the common mall (Cities N. L., City of Practice Brief,
2008). Parking surrounds the regional center, typically on each side of the development.

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Community centers usually provide a wider range of soft goods and apparel. They
also are commonly anchored by supermarkets, drugstores, and department stores (Cities
N. L., City of Practice Brief, 2008). The type of tenants that can be found in community
centers include value-oriented big box retailers selling such items as apparel, home
improvement/furnishings, toys, electronics or sporting goods (Cities N. L., City of Practice
Brief, 2008).
The neighborhood center is a design that provides convenience shopping for the
everyday needs of people within the immediate neighborhood (Cities N. L., City of Practice
Brief, 2008). Many neighborhood centers are anchored by a supermarket, while others are
anchored by a drugstore. They also are typically configured as a straight-line strip with no
enclosed walkway or mall area and parking in the front (Cities N. L., City of Practice Brief,
2008). Neighborhood centers usually have a canopy or other façade improvement that
provide shade and protection from inclement weather, or to tie the center together.
Strip centers are smaller than neighborhood centers and are typically attached to a
row of at least three retail stores, managed as a coherent retail entity, with onsite parking
in front of the stores (Cities N. L., City of Practice Brief, 2008). Open canopies may
connect the storefronts, but a strip center does not have enclosed walkways or malls linking
the stores. A strip center may also be configured in a straight line, or have an “L” or “U”
shape (Cities N. L., City of Practice Brief, 2008).
Research Questions and Scope
This capstone seeks to answer the following: what planning and development tools
are available to encourage the reuse of vacant shopping centers and big box stores,

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particularly in the sprawled community of Frayser (Memphis, TN)? The purpose of this
question is to highlight that such developments in Frayser are valuable and can be reused.
Reuse of such development is critical to getting people in Memphis to rethink continued
urban sprawl development patterns and convince them that it is possible, as well as
financially prudent, to reuse existing infrastructure for new development.
It is an accepted fact by design professionals, such as architects and planners, that
sprawled development is not sustainable. This belief does not appear to be put into practice
in Memphis because sprawled development patterns continue to manifest. Sprawl
increases the stress on current infrastructure systems, drains scarce public resources and
has a significant impact on quality of life in Memphis. It is believed that this capstone can
add to the conversation of sustainable development in Memphis by encouraging the reuse
of vacant shopping centers and big box stores in Memphis. Frayser will serve as the model
for other Memphis neighborhoods on how to reuse vacant shopping centers and big box
stores which will help encourage more sustainable development.
Movement of people plays a significant role in the development of communities.
Neighborhoods often have a cyclical existence beginning with inception, continuing with
investment, then transition to lack of investment, undergo redevelopment and then
hopefully return to a state of investment (Mallach, 2010). This is often the case throughout
communities across America. Generally such neighborhoods are urban and dense having
the capacity to weather such transitions, however, the dynamic appears to be different for
neighborhoods, such as Frayser, that have low residential density and are more physically
spread out (Cities N. L., Suburban Cities: Confronting Decline and Charting a Path to
Renewal, 2013).

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A general definition of a
neighborhood with low residential density is
one that has approximately one living unit
per acre of residential land (Virginia, 2013).
Such neighborhoods that are older and part
of central cities, such as Frayser, often
struggle with challenges similar to
neighborhoods that have greater densities.
Central cities continue to face diminishing
resources and the capacity to adequately
service all neighborhoods within their jurisdiction. Some of the more dense neighborhoods
in central cities have advantages and are better equipped to cope with challenges due to
having communal assets such as higher density, smaller areas of infrastructure serving
higher concentrated populations, existing social services infrastructure and physical spatial
patterns more conducive for public and private transportation (Dunham-Jones, 2011).
Many concepts exist, such as New Urbanism, to help mitigate the decline of central
cities but they have been primarily focused on urban neighborhoods that have higher
densities compared to neighborhoods of lower densities. There exist a plethora of
knowledge on redeveloping, revitalizing and re-inhabiting dense inner city neighborhoods.
Research on redevelopment strategies of low density neighborhoods is fairly recent yet
continues to grow. According to Phillips (2000), it is important to note that a significant
portion of America’s population resides in neighborhoods of low densities such as the
urban fringe and in suburban communities. Therefore, such neighborhoods need
Figure 1. Suburban Sprawl (a) vs. Traditional
Neighborhood Design (b)
Source: adapted from Duany and Plater-Zyberk (1992)

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significant attention. These neighborhoods face similar challenges that their more dense
counterparts face but yet lack sufficient coping mechanisms such as social services in the
form of non-profit organizations and government assistance to deal challenges such as
poverty and blight. Low density residential neighborhoods also tend to have insufficient
tax revenue to support the infrastructure of a declining population (Phillips, 2000).
Ellen-Dunham Jones and June Williamson, authors of Retrofitting Suburbia: Urban
Design Solutions for Redesigning Suburbs, provide context to how low density residential
neighborhoods and suburban communities developed. They also provide insight to how
such developments have declined.
According to Jones and Williamson (2010), low density residential neighborhoods
began to increase drastically after World War II. Some of the prototypical low density
residential developments include Levittown, Willingboro and Park Forest. Each of the
three were intended to provide affordable housing, primarily for soldiers returning home
from the war. These “bedroom” communities were primarily comprised of small, single
family houses on streets that had dendritic patterns and were designed around schools and
parks. Such developments also had shopping centers and malls. According to Jones and
Williamson (2010, p. 45):
What can we learn about the future of later, similar
residential communities by studying the current state of the
oldest post-war examples? In the past half century these
communities have matured. Residents have aged and
diversified while population has decreased due to an
increase in the number of households without children.
Willingboro and Park Forrest are now majority African
American. Small, one-story “starter” houses have been
extensively added to and remodeled, especially in the still
racially homogenous Levittown. The retail areas, once cash
cows for public tax coffers, have collapsed. In Willingboro
and Park Forrest, local government assumed ownership of

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dead mall sites and funded long-term redevelopment efforts
geared toward meeting local, rather than regional needs. In
many ways these communities continue to serve their
primary original purpose: the provision of affordable
housing. The value of this role to their regions is likely to
grow but will require continued investment in transit and
retrofitting opportunities.
There is a growing body of knowledge that continues to be developed around
redevelopment of low residential neighborhoods. In this paper I offer a review of relevant
literature and explanation of key findings to provide a foundation for my proposed research
question. First, I will explore the beginnings of sprawled development focusing on the
twentieth century. This includes discussion of how the economy, public policy, public
investment and race played a significant role in the growth of urban sprawl and its decline.
The other part of the review will focus on literature aimed at a discussion regarding
strategies in recent times currently being implemented to stave off further decline in
sprawled communities and transform them into self-sustaining places by encouraging the
reuse of vacant buildings (i.e. big box stores, indoor malls and shopping centers). Lastly,
I will focus on the importance of further research on this topic to advance the conversation
and bring more attention to the reuse of vacant buildings such as shopping centers and big
box stores.
The reuse of vacant buildings such as shopping centers and big box stores is capital
intense in the infant stages of a project. There are a variety of costs involved including
property acquisition, infrastructure improvement, legal fees and bonding that can
significantly increase overall project costs. It has been demonstrated that although such
development is capital intense in the beginning, over time such projects can be beneficial
both financially and socially to the communities in which they are situated (Mallach, 2010).

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The physical environment of Memphis has and continues to develop in a low
density, sprawled manner which may be partially attributed to Memphis lacking a
comprehensive land use plan. Not having a comprehensive plan, a document that guides
physical development, allows for fragmented and unsustainable development to occur.
Often times in Memphis, developers are able to gain approval of their projects without
much resistance from local leaders and bureaucrats regardless of the impact their project
will have on the city. It is believed that this type of unchecked development has adversely
impacted quality of life in Memphis including transportation (both public- inefficient bus
system due to sprawl and private- adverse impact on air quality and fewer resources for
road maintenance), infrastructure, walkability, public safety and economic opportunity.
The reuse of vacant infrastructure such as shopping centers and big box stores in Memphis
can help improve each of the aforementioned quality of life issues in response to the
absence of the City of Memphis having a comprehensive plan and provide long term cost
savings by reducing the expansion of public infrastructure.
II. Literature Review
The late nineteenth century and the early twentieth century ushered in
industrialization in America. Industrialization was a transition from an agrarian economy
to an industrialized economy where the use of technology and standardization was used
greatly for the production of goods and services. People began to leave rural areas and
migrate to cities for employment opportunities with many working in factories. This influx
of workers created demand for housing near employment centers. Employers eventually

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developed housing that was substandard and in many cases not safe for habitation for
employees. Such housing was known as tenement housing.
The vast development of tenement housing created high density neighborhoods,
often referred to as slums, which were unhealthy for people to live in. Over time tenement
housing became closely associated with urban living thereby contributing to a negative
perception of cities along with pollution that stemmed from employment centers such as
factories. From the negative perception of urban living was born a desire to escape from
the ills of cities which would serve as a catalyst for outward population migration. This
outward migration would give birth to a new concept known as the suburb in America.
In the book titled Confronting Suburban Decline: Strategic Planning for
Metropolitan Renewal, authors William Lucy and Davis Phillips provide a brief history on
the development of urban sprawl and its effect on suburban cities and what they call central
cities.
Since the beginning of the early twentieth century, increase in affluence, private
vehicle use, expansion of interstates and abundance of low cost land created opportunities
for urban sprawl. Continued population growth in the United States created an atmosphere
for commercial development such as apartments and other rental units into lower density
residential areas in cities (Phillips et al., 2000, p. 3). According to Lucy, “concerns about
in-migrants, crime, and schools added “push” factors from older neighborhoods to the
“pulls” associated with new neighborhoods” (Phillips et al., 2000, p. 3). Wealthier
populations typically spearheaded the outward migration from central cities into rural
areas.

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This occurred before World War I but was accelerated after World War II. The
relocation of people outside of central cities was driven by many factors including personal
preference, development, policies such as tax deductions and federally insured mortgages
(i.e. Federal Housing Authority) (Phillips et al., 2000, p. 3). Poorer households gravitated
toward the housing that was left behind in central cities. After WWII, suburban
development increased dramatically mainly due to the prevalence of automobiles and
further development of the interstate system.
Affluence continued to increase over time which allowed more people to be able to
afford single family housing. Various institutions both public and private created new
housing opportunities for middle income and upper income people in places on the urban
fringe and outside of cities which provided opportunities for increased outward migration
of people from central cities. Population of inner city communities as well as income of
residents began to decline. The older housing in cities became increasingly inhabited by
poorer people. This predicament was not entirely negative although negative outcomes did
exist. According to Phillips (2000, p. 3):
Older housing also was located where distances to private
services were shorter, and where public transportation and social
services were nearby. Close proximity added the lure of
convenience to cities and older suburbs for low income people. In
some older neighborhoods, concentrations of poor people grew,
so that unemployment, poverty, crime and inadequate preparation
for school sometimes lead to persistent social crisis.
Manufacturing continued to become more decentralized after WWII. During the
1960s, suburban communities experienced a significant increase in employment as
employment within central cities declined. Major employers continued migrating to the

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urban fringe and the suburbs. Retailers followed in pursuit attempting to be located closer
to consumers. Expressways were built around and outside of central cities connecting
suburban communities with central cities. Over time, manufacturing on less expensive
land located near the urban fringe and increase in population in such areas allowed for a
critical mass to develop which the market could serve (Phillips, 2000). Other resulting
development included enclosed shopping malls, shopping centers, office buildings,
industrial parks and hotels. As time passed, commercial development on fringe urban
neighborhoods and suburbs increased. Many fringe communities and suburbs by the 1960s
had begun as subdivisions where residents commuted to central cities primarily for work
(Phillips, 2000). During this decade, most sprawled development had occurred and
continued leading to fewer dense development patterns across the nation according to
Phillips (2000).
The twentieth century also brought with it a period of civil unrest in central cities
that helped to fuel migration toward sprawled communities on the urban fringe and suburbs
(Phillips, 2000). The Civil Rights Movement was gaining momentum as marginalized
groups, mainly African Americans, were advocating for equality in society. For many
years marginalized groups had endured things such as substandard housing with tenement
housing then due to Urban Renewal, a federal program that replaced the slums, they shifted
to subsidized housing which would later become known as housing projects. Many devices
were implemented to maintain segregation by both public and private entities within cities
such as redlining which is the intentional disinvestment by banks, realtors and insurance
companies in neighborhoods (Phillips, 2000). Sprawled communities were homogenized
through redlining and other devices such as discriminatory restrictive covenants and

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exclusionary zoning that prevented people of color from accessing such neighborhoods
(Phillips, 2000). Given the rapid change that urban America was undergoing in the
twentieth century such as the Civil Rights movement, the gradual decline in
industrialization and racial tension caused many people of European descent to leave
central cities in mass and migrate toward the suburbs. This exodus became known as White
Flight (Phillips, 2000).
Over time, sprawled communities on the urban fringe and in first ring suburbs
became less attractive to middle and upper income residents. New physical development
continued to move further away from central cities and eventually away from the original
sprawled communities and suburbs. These communities began to experience decline as
central cities had in previous years and in some instances the decline was more severe for
sprawled communities (Phillips, 2000).
The concept of the American Dream, homeownership on an acre of land with a
white picket fence, also helped to fuel suburbanization especially since government
policies such as the mortgage tax deduction encouraged such behavior (Phillips, 2000). All
of the aforementioned events contributed significantly to increasingly sprawled
development further weakening central cities and in ironic fashion began to threaten
sprawled communities on the urban fringe and in the suburbs.
According to Phillips (2000), 1980 was a pivotal year because the decennial census
from that year showed that a large majority of the metropolitan population lived in suburbs
and when incomes in nearly all suburbs were rising more than incomes of central city
residents. One of the ways in which Phillips (2000) defines suburban decline is by the
falling median income of suburban residents when compared to median regional incomes.

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This is one indicator that such suburbs are not attracting middle income residents as they
once did.
In some cases, incomes of residents in suburbs were declining faster than the
incomes of central city residents. Another reason for the decline in first tier suburbs is that
there is continued development expanding away from central cities into exurban areas
demonstrating continued shifting of population further away from the central city. Exurban
areas are areas, as defined by Phillips (2000), beyond suburban area but are within 50 miles
of a central city that has a population between 500,000 and less than two million and 75
miles for central cities with a population of more than two million.
Phillips (2000, p.180), highlights that race and income are linked in the U.S. Back
in the year 1990 African Americans as a whole had a median family income fifty-eight
percent of the median income of whites. Part of the reason this income gap existed and
persists today is due to structural inequality in American society (Phillips, 2000). Phillips
argues there is a correlation between an increase in African American population in the
suburbs and a decline in median income of residents (Phillips, 2000). It is also stated that
there is a correlation between housing age and median income of suburban areas. Typically
the older a house the less income its resident has and the newer a house, the more money
its resident has (Phillips, 2000).
Over the past couple of decades there has been a concerted effort to restore vitality
to distressed inner city neighborhoods within central cities. Many strategies such as the
growth of neighborhood associations, community development organizations and others
made it their mission to stabilize and help dense inner city communities prosper yet again
(Phillips, 2000). Federal programs such as Section 8 and Hope VI have been implemented

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in an effort to deal with urban decline within distressed neighborhoods that are dense. Ideas
have included de-concentrating poverty by replacing high density subsidized housing with
lower density housing developments (i.e. Hope VI) and allowing those that participate in
subsidized housing (i.e. Section 8) to enter the market in trying to find a home. According
to Mallach (2010, p.217):
States and cities have become notorious for the generosity of
the financial incentives that they offer large corporations to
induce them to relocate. With far less fanfare, nearly all
older cities, and some private institutions, also offer more
modest financial incentives to households to buy a home or
rehabilitate a property in the city or in one or more targeted
neighborhoods. These incentives take many forms, including
property tax abatements, state or local income tax credits,
down payment and closing cost assistance, capital subsidies,
grants, and even equity protection insurance.
The purpose of such assistance is to encourage people to participate in targeted
communities, often having suffered from lack of investment. Such areas have traditionally
been exclusive to dense communities within central cities. These dense communities have
overwhelmingly garnered majority of the attention when dealing with revitalization
strategies for inner city communities.
Scholars in the design professions are recognizing the importance of reusing vacant
spaces such as former big box stores, traditional indoor malls and shopping centers. These
spaces have a significant amount of infrastructure. Many resources were used in the
development of such spaces and now due to various reasons such as market forces as well
as continued sprawl, have left these spaces vacant even though still hold value and are
prime opportunities for redevelopment.

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Design scholars such as Ellen Dunham-Jones and June Williamson, authors of the
Retrofitting Suburbia: Urban Design Solutions for Redesigning Suburbs which highlights
adaptive reuse projects. Dunham-Jones is a licensed architect and a Professor of
Architecture and Urban Design at Georgia Institute of Technology (Georgia Tech) in
Atlanta, Georgia. June Williamson is a faculty member of the Bernard and Anne Spitzer
School of Architecture at the City College of New York in New York City (Dunham-Jones,
2011).
Dunham-Jones and Williamson address many issues in Retrofitting Suburbia. One
area of emphasis is on the adaptive reuse of vacant commercial buildings such as big box
stores and shopping centers. In their book they define the terms suburb and suburban
“primarily in terms of physical form rather than a location or governmental boundaries”
(Jones and Williamson, 2011, p. xxvi). Some of the other descriptions in the book define
suburban form as being dominated by single use, is mostly auto-dependent, involves large
surface parking lots surrounding buildings, roads are organized typically in dendritic
patterns with cul-de-sacs and dead end streets, are of lower density in both population and
building area, and are “predominantly funded by short-term investors in volume such as
publicly traded real estate investment trusts (REITs) and large home builders” (Jones and
Williamson, 2011, p.xxvii). This definition is applicable to Frayser because although
Frayser is not a municipality it does fit Jones and Williamson’s description of the term
suburban in physical form and spatial layout.
Sprawled communities on the urban fringe and in suburban cities have and continue
to suffer from the same challenges as inner city communities but have not received the
same amount of attention. Within the past decade, planners, architects and urban designers

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have begun to focus increasingly on sprawled communities. Ellen Dunham-Jones and June
Williamson are among a group of urban design professionals that are advocating for what
they call the retrofitting of suburbia. According to Williamson (2011) the main strategies
for retrofitting low density residential areas include:
1) Re-inhabitation- adaptive reuse of existing structures for more community-
serving purposes, often as “third places” for social interaction
2) Redevelopment- replacing existing structures and/or building on existing
parking lots, generally with a compact, walkable, connected mix of uses and public spaces
that supports a less auto-dependent and more socially engaged lifestyle.
3) Re-greening- revitalization of natural systems on previously developed land.
This usually means the demolition of existing structures and revitalization of land, as either
parks, community gardens, or reconstructed wetlands. Re-greening is sometimes a phasing
strategy for eventual partial redevelopment.
Some of the examples in Williamson (2011) include the reuse of vacant big box
retail stores and conversions for more communal purposes such as schools; diversification
and modernization of housing stock, including the introduction of higher density types; and
publicly funded and initiated redevelopment of failed retail sites for mixed-use town
centers. One of the noticeable themes of Williamson (2011) is the argument for increased
density and walkability in sprawled communities.
Another focus of the book is centered on case studies that are of large-scale, 40
acres or more. The authors believe that “large scale projects are needed to achieve the
critical mass necessary to induce behavioral change and evolution of the larger
transportation, regulatory, and market systems” (Jones and Williamson, 2011, p. xxvi).

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Jones and Williamson continue by stating they believe that “the zoning codes and land use
practices that produced the conventional suburban form of the twentieth century are simply
too entrenched and pervasive for piecemeal, incremental projects to adequately improve
the sustainable performance of suburbia as a whole” (Jones and Williamson, 2011, p. xxvi).
Many of the case studies in Retrofitting Suburbia are singular projects.
III. Methodology
What Is Case Study Research?
Case Study Research was the methodology used for this capstone. The Case Study
Research method “tries to illuminate a decision or set of decisions: why they were taken,
how they were implemented and with what result” (Yin, 2014, p. 15). This method was
used due to the explanatory nature of my research question- what planning and
development tools are available to encourage the reuse of vacant shopping centers and big
box stores, particularly in the sprawled community of Frayser (Memphis, TN)? Case Study
Research was the most appropriate methodology to use for this capstone because it places
an emphasis on context within each case allowing for deeper understanding of lessons to
be gained. It also helps in identifying clear results from each case and their applicability
to Frayser.
The cases in this capstone center on the redevelopment of shopping centers and big
box store sites in Jackson, MS; Schaumburg, IL; and Lebanon, MO. These cases were
chosen because they were identified in being most relevant to the Frayser case among other
documented shopping centers and big box redevelopment cases. The purpose in
highlighting three cases include: 1) not necessarily seeking direct duplication in project

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execution (Yin, 2014); 2) increase the strength of recommendations by referencing lessons
from multiple cases and 3) to provide contrasting contexts of redevelopment projects
involving shopping center and or big box store sites.
Multiple sources of information were utilized in executing the Case Study Research
methodology. The typology of sources in this capstone include participant-observation,
documentation, archival records and interviews. Specific sources of quantitative data
include Summary File 1 of the 2010 U.S. Census and the 2010 U.S. Census American
Community Survey 5- year estimate. Other sources include books about redevelopment of
shopping centers and big box store sites such as Big Box Reuse and Retrofitting Suburbia.
Project websites, telephone interviews with municipal employees that work in planning
and economic development, news reports and also first-hand participation and observation
all served as useful means in conducting research on the three cases and the Frayser case.
It was discovered that projects regarding the redevelopment of shopping centers
and big box stores sites are scarce and very challenging to find. It is believed that this is
partially attributed to a number of factors including projects being few in number, the topic
becoming of interest in recent years, projects being in progress and the lack of capital to
support such projects.
In recent years, more projects have become completed, however additional study is
needed on this topic. It was discovered that one of the best ways of getting quality cases
was to not set parameters that would be counter-productive or too stringent given that such
projects are not great in number nor well documented. The original intent was to identify
redeveloped shopping centers or big box store sites located in communities that were
similar to Frayser- low in population density, physically spread out, majority population

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being low-income, majority population being African-American and considered an inner-
ring suburban community or an early post World War II community located at the urban
fringe of a city.
Two resources proved very useful in identifying cases for this capstone- Big Box
Reuse by Julia Christensen and the City of Practice Brief by The National League of Cities.
Each source provided a description of projects that were redevelopments of shopping
center and big box store sites. Retrofitting Suburbia by Ellen-Dunham Jones and June
Williamson was a useful resource in providing context of redevelopment sites and is seen
by many to be one of the texts at the forefront of this topic. The book provided general
definitions and descriptions relevant to this capstone. The selected cases were chosen by
additional criteria beyond the standard criteria to include uniqueness to provide a more
distinct contrast between projects and simultaneously identify commonalities between the
cases and Frayser.
The research involved the reuse of shopping center and big box store sites. Selected
cases were converted from commercial uses to more institutional and communal uses. The
identification of appropriate cases was achieved through interrelated steps including
internet-based research, telephone interviews and email correspondence. The National
League of Cities’ Retail Redevelopment- A City of Practice Brief was helpful in identifying
the Jackson Medical Mall and Schaumburg. Big Box Reuse (2008) by Christensen was
useful in identifying the Lebanon-Laclede County Library case. Email and telephone
correspondence was performed to ensure continued use of each case.
The Case Study Research methodology was also used for the Frayser case. The
Frayser case also took into account experiences and resources affiliated with the Building

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Neighborhood Capacity Program (BNCP)- a federally funded planning process with the
goal of assisting distressed communities in building capacity and developing plans to
improve quality of life (communitylift.org). Some of the resources used in researching the
Frayser case include the U.S. Census, Shelby County Assessor, visual survey, community
survey, community workshops and Community LIFT’s Frayser Databook. Some of the
experiences with BNCP allowed for participant-observation with Frayser stakeholders
such as residents, community development organizations, social service organizations and
government officials. The BNCP planning process lasted for twenty-four months and was
instrumental in acquiring information and gaining insight into the Frayser case.
In addition, case studies were selected based on factors some of which were similar
to the Frayser case. Those factors included spatial configuration, physical development,
availability of reuse projects involving shopping center site, race, income and population
density. Availability of reuse projects involving shopping center and big box retail sites
was the most critical factor in researching cases. Sources of data included the U.S. Census,
visual surveys, archival research and the Shelby County Assessor database. Cases in this
paper generally have elements listed in Table 1.

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Table 1 Framework for Redevelopment of Shopping Center or Big Box Store
Source: Author
Source: Author

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IV. Case Research Study Findings
Jackson Medical Mall
Jackson, Mississippi, home to the Jackson
Medical Mall, is the capital and largest city in the state
of Mississippi and is located along Yazoo River at the
southern border of the Mississippi Delta region. It is
also one of two county seats for Hinds County, with
Raymond, MS being the other county seat. According
to the U.S. Census, the total population of Jackson is
173,514 people (Summary File 1, U.S. Census, 2010). Like Memphis, the majority of
Jackson’s population is African American being at seventy-nine percent of the total
population. Jackson shares similarities with Memphis some of which include high levels
of poverty and lack of access to adequate
health care facilities. The poverty rate of both
cities is twenty-six percent according to the
2010 U.S. Census. Access to health care
facilities and high poverty served as
inspiration for the development of the Jackson
Medical Mall.
Figure 2. Map of Jackson, MS
Source: Google Maps
Figure 3. Location of Medical Mall in Jackson, MS
Source: jmmf.org

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Figure 4. Jackson Medical Mall
Source: jacksonmedicalmall.org/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=80&Itemid=55
Figure 5. Aerial of Jackson Medical Mall
Source: jmmf.org

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The Jackson Medical Mall is housed inside of the old Mall of Jackson (Foundation,
2014). The Mall of Jackson commonly referred to as Jackson Mall, opened in 1969 near
the midtown area of the city. At the time of its opening it was considered the largest
enclosed mall within a four-hundred mile radius of Jackson which includes the cities of
New Orleans and Memphis (Foundation, 2014). The mall was a typical suburban style
mall with retail spaces and had department stores such as JC Penny and Gayfers housed
within it. The mall was a single story but consisted of more than 900,000 square feet of
retail space. It enjoyed economic success until a larger mall, Metrocenter Mall, opened in
1978 on the southwest side of the city. The Mall of Jackson struggled to compete and
eventually began to lose ground to Metrocenter Mall (Foundation, 2014).
Jackson Mall evolved into a dying mall during the 1980s as the vacancy rate
increased (Uniteonevoice, 2012). As national retailers left the mall they were replaced by
“mom and pop” businesses such as nail salons and wig shops but these establishments did
not last very long. Toward the end of the 1980s another mall, Northpark Mall located in
Figure 6. Jackson Medical Mall
Source: jmmf.org

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the suburb of Ridgeland, opened. Shortly after Northpark Mall opened, Jackson Mall lost
both of its anchor stores, JC Penny and Gayfers (Uniteonevoice, 2012).
As the 1990s approached, Jackson Mall was completely vacant. The failure of the
shopping mall brought with it the decline of the surrounding midtown area in Jackson
(Foundation, 2014). The median family income of the midtown area at the time was less
than $17,000, its poverty rate was at 41%, and over 16% of residents were unemployed
(Uniteonevoice, 2012).
In 1995, a local doctor by the name of Dr. Aaron Shirley, had an idea on how
Jackson Mall could be redeveloped as an inner city revitalization project (Hansen, What
Can Mississippi Learn From Iran, 2012). Dr. Aaron Shirley, an African-American
pediatrician, assistant professor at the University of Mississippi Medical Center in Jackson,
a midtown resident and former project director for
Mississippi’s largest community health center, had the
idea of the Jackson Mall being converted into a state of
the art ambulatory health care facility providing quality
care for the urban poor of Jackson and serve as an anchor
to bring new vitality to the midtown area.
Dr. Aaron Shirley got the idea for the Jackson
Medical Mall from a visit to the country of Iran (Hansen,
What Can Mississippi Learn From Iran, 2012). In Iran,
he witnessed a health care network called health houses.
Beginning in 1979, Iran established a primary health care
network throughout the country. In rural areas, villages
Figure 7. Dr. Aaron Shirley, Founder of
the Jackson Medical Mall Project
Source: jmmf.org

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contain health houses staffed by community health workers. There is a health house for
every 1,200 Iranians. Health houses serve as the first point of contact with people in rural
areas of Iran. Health houses feed into rural health centers that are staffed by a physician,
health technician and an administrator. Health centers have the capacity to handle complex
health problems beyond the capacity of a health house. There is one health center per 7,000
people. Health centers also focus on community-based nutrition by providing training,
facilities and educational materials for mothers, health workers, and volunteers (Hansen,
What Can Mississippi Learn From Iran, 2012).
The same system is used in Iran’s urban areas. This system of health houses and
health centers is administered through Iran’ Ministry of Health and Medical Education.
This system collaborates with medical schools in each province by providing medical
education and the provision of health services (Levine, 2013). The Chancellor of each
medical school in Iran’s provinces is also in charge of all district health centers and
hospitals. One of the most noticeable aspects of Iran’s system is the fact that eighty-five
percent of the population in rural and deprived regions has access to primary health care
services (Levine, 2013).
When Dr. Shirley returned from his trip to Iran in 1995 he started the Jackson
Medical Mall Foundation (JMMF) with
representation from Tougaloo College,
Jackson State University and the
University of Mississippi Medical Center.
The JMMF set out to promote greater
access to cost effective, high quality health
Figure 8. Jackson Medical Mall Clinic
Source: jacksonmedicalmall.org

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care for central Mississippi; to facilitate integration of human service delivery with health
care delivery; to stimulate economic and community development in the area surrounding
the mall; to utilize health care delivery activities to enhance educational opportunities; and
to build financial strength of the foundation to ensure future reinvestment in the community
(Foundation, 2014).
After JMMF was created, they purchased the vacant Jackson Mall for $2.7 million
dollars with loans backed by the University of Mississippi Medical Center (UMC). Plans
were developed and renovation started in 1996 with the assistance of a $23 million dollar
interim construction loan. The JMMF hired many small and disadvantaged contractors,
including minority subcontractors and vendors. Approximately forty-five percent of all
subcontracts went to minority-owned firms and vendors. It is noteworthy that minority
and women-owned businesses occupy the majority of the retail facilities in the building.
In 1997, the JMMF was able to secure more permanent financing with a tax free $25.2
million dollar bond issue through the Jackson Redevelopment Authority, a $650,000 Hinds
County bond issue, and a $500,000 pledge from the City of Jackson towards reconstruction
of the mall parking lot (Foundation, 2014).

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The first tenants began to occupy spaces in
1997. Some of the mall’s tenants include health care
and social services such as Hinds County Health
Department Clinic, UMC specialty clinics such as
cardiology, obstetrics and gynecology, and oncology as
well as the Mississippi Health Advocacy Program. The
Jackson Medical Mall also incorporates health care
education into its facilities; classes for the University of
Mississippi’s Doctor of Pharmacy program, as well as
UMC’s School of Nursing, have been held within the mall (Foundation, 2014). This unique
arrangement allows interaction with the community, clinics, and social service providers.
The mall functions as a nonprofit organization. A community advisory board made
up of individuals from local neighborhood associations, area businesses, churches and
schools help JMMF to identify and address areas seeking growth and renewal (Foundation,
2014). In addition to providing a comprehensive, multidisciplinary health care facility
serving the urban poor the medical mall is a community place. The mall has a community
meeting room, center stage, and a common area where many community events, ranging
from general meetings, concerts and plays occur.
Figure 9. Public Meeting Space Inside
Medical Mall
Source: jmmf.org

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Figure 10. Banquet Hall
Source: jmmf.org

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Figure 11. Population by Race
Source: U.S. Census 2010 Summary File 1
Figure 12. Poverty
Source: American Community Survey 2007-2011

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Table 2. Framework for Jackson Medical Mall Case
Source: Author

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Schaumburg Town Square
Schaumburg, Illinois is a city in the northeastern part of Illinois, located in Cook
County, the largest county by population in Illinois. It is a suburb located northwest of
Chicago being twenty-eight miles from downtown Chicago. According to the 2010 U.S.
Census, Schaumburg has a population of 74,227 people, is predominantly Caucasian
representing seventy percent of the total population (Summary File 1, U.S. Census, 2010).
Schaumburg was incorporated in 1956 and operates using the council-manager form of
municipal government (Village of Schamburg, 2014). It has primarily been a bedroom
community since World War II. It became one of the fastest growing communities in the
Figure 13. Map of Schaumburg in relation to Chicago
Source: http://search.midamericagrp.com/property_files/flyer_50960.pdf

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U.S. in the 1970s and 1980s (Village of Schamburg, 2014). Unlike other Chicago area
suburbs, Schaumburg did not have a rail line connecting it to Chicago.
Figure 15. Poverty

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Today, Schaumburg is a prospering suburb of Chicago. During the day,
Schaumburg’s “population increases to approximately 150,000 due to people commuting
into the village from other cities. It also has a booming economic climate” according to an
interview with Matt Frank, Assistant Director of Community Development and Economic
Development Manager for the village. According to Frank, the shopping center that
eventually became Town Square was booming in the 1970s going into the 1980s. In the
1980s the shopping center began to decline. After a while the shopping center became
vacant. The property owner allowed the property to fall into decay. The owner was cited
for various code violations due to lack of upkeep on the shopping center. Over time village
Figure 16. Retail at Town Square
Figure 17. Grocery Store at Town Square

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leadership became unhappy with the condition of the center. The village decided to take
the property owner to court for multiple code violations, delinquent property taxes and
safety issues. They eventually were able to condemn and acquire the property through
eminent domain in the 1980s. Even though the village was able to acquire the property
through eminent domain “the government still had to compensate the owner in the form of
$9 million dollars” Frank said. All taxes on the property were settled prior to property
acquisition.
After the village acquired the property, they decided to begin a planning process
headed by The Hitchcock Group, planning consultants, for what the village should do with
the property. Public meetings were held by the planning consultants to get input from
residents and local leaders for what should be done with the old shopping center. After
receiving feedback, it was decided that the best and highest use of the vacant shopping
center would be a town center. This came about due to the desire of village residents
wanting a destination place which Schaumburg lacked at the time since they had not
historically had a downtown or a town center.
The mayor at the time was the most instrumental key player due to his vision and
leadership in striving to convert the old shopping center into an award winning
development, according to Frank. Other key players included multiple regional
developers, planning consultants (The Hitchcock Group) and the Schaumburg Library.
The Schaumburg Library, one of Illinois’ largest libraries attracting more than 1 million
people per year, had been considering building a new library facility (Village of

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Schamburg, 2014). The village knowing the library’s desire, decided to work with the
library.
Figure 18. Aerial View of Town Square Development
Source: bing.com/maps

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In 1989 the village designated 123 acres, 30 of which included the vacant shopping
center property, as a Tax Increment Financing (TIF) district which paid for property
acquisition and infrastructure improvements. The shopping center building was
completely demolished with some of the existing infrastructure remaining and becoming
improved with the development, according to Frank.
Part of the programming for Town Square included a public open space and a pond
to help manage storm water on the site. Other programming include traditional retail,
Native American Museum, Gallery of Architecture and Design, Amphitheater, Clock
Tower and the Schaumburg Public Library (Group, Mid-America Group, 2014).
Institutional uses such as the library, garnered the attention of developers. The
Schaumburg Library is the primary anchor institution for the development and was seen as
more than a library but a destination that could be leveraged within the project. It was
important for the new development to include communal uses generated from a public
planning process.
The village parceled the property in order to bring in a variety of developers in
hopes of enriching the project. Schaumburg Library was the first anchor for the
development which served in successfully attracting other developers and establishments.
The Village of Schaumburg lead the development of Town Square through property
acquisition, parceling of land, recruitment of developers, implementation of the TIF district
and hiring consultants. Schaumburg invested a total of $30 million dollars into the
development and the private sector invested $100 million bring the total investment of the
project to $130 million.

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Today, Town Square stands as an award winning development and a model for
redevelopment of a shopping center site. Town Square is managed by Town Square
Association- a management group consisting of multiple property managers, each of which
are responsible for their respective parcels in the development. One of the benefits for the
property being managed by an association is to mitigate against potential future neglect of
the development.
Table 3. Framework for Schaumburg Town Square Case
Source: Author

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Lebanon-Laclede County Library
Lebanon, Missouri is a small town
located in Laclede County in the south central
Missouri. The town has a population of 14,747
(Summary File 1, U.S. Census, 2010). It is on
Historic Route 66 and is a popular destination
for Route 66 Enthusiasts. Lebanon, MO is
home to the Lebanon-Laclede County Library
and Route 66 Museum.
The Lebanon-Laclede County Library is a public library housed inside of a former
K-Mart building along with a Route 66 museum and a restaurant in the small town of
Lebanon, Missouri. During the 1950s, Laclede County developed a need to have a library
and decided to establish a library district with the first library in the City of Lebanon. One
of the reasons the Lebanon-Laclede County Library project is a relevant case study include
using a public institution (i.e. a library) to be the primary aspect for the reuse of a vacant
shopping center or big box store in a low density area.
Most public library districts in the State of Missouri are independent political
subdivisions lead by a board of directors that are responsible for providing oversight. The
board of directors have the responsibility for planning and setting policy, but also has sole
control of the library’s funding and budget, setting of tax levies, and compliance with laws
and regulations for the library’s operation. The Lebanon-Laclede library is supported by
local taxes and through an affiliated not-for-profit organization called Friends of the
Figure 19. Map of Lebanon, Missouri
Source: google.com/maps

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Library- the library’s fundraising arm. The purpose of Friends of the Library is to support,
raise funds, and advocate for the library.
In contrast to Missouri, public libraries in Memphis are governed in a very different
way when compared to public libraries in Missouri. Libraries in Memphis are part of the
City of Memphis government in the division of Parks and Neighborhoods. Like in Laclede
County, public libraries in Memphis are supported by taxes but the Office of the Mayor is
solely responsible for providing oversight to each public library in Memphis. The
Lebanon-Laclede library enjoys a level of autonomy that is significantly greater than what
libraries in Memphis currently have.

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The original Lebanon-Laclede library building was 4,500 sq. ft. Over time, use of
the library increased and eventually necessitated discussion about a major expansion in the
1980s. “It got to the point where books were stacked floor to ceiling, and they looked like
they were going to tumble down on you at any minute” said Cathy Dame, Library Director
(Christensen, 2008, p. 146).
In 1986, the Lebanon-Laclede Library board
of directors received a charitable gift via the
will of a local resident who was in support of
building a new Lebanon-Laclede County
Library. As discussions of building a new
library continued to grow, land was donated to
assist with development, however the donated
Figure 21. Poverty
Figure 22. Lobby Floor
Source: Christensen, 2008

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land came with a time-sensitive clause. The clause meant that the land had to be used
within a certain amount of time or the gift would be revoked. The intent of the donated
land was to encourage the library’s board of directors to continue progress of the project.
Seed money and donated land both served as early capital for the development of a new
library. The library’s board of directors developed plans for a new library with a modern
design and a green space. The new facility was estimated to cost $6 million which was not
financially viable for the board of directors to undertake. Momentum began to wane for
the project. The clause for the donated land expired due to the library board not taking
action and public support started to decrease. Planning for the new library came to halt as
a result of increased apathy.
After the Christmas season of 1999, the Kmart
store in the City of Lebanon closed for business
permanently leaving a 41,000 sq. ft. vacant building.
Kmart has been in Lebanon for over twenty years but
closed due to internal company overhaul that resulted
in Kmart stores around the country closing. The
building was in a prime location given that it was less
than 1-mile away from the nearest interstate exit,
adjacent to a public school and in the center of town. It also shared a parking lot with a
restaurant and movie theater. The idea of the vacant Kmart building becoming the new
library was first developed in 2002 by a library board member.
Figure 23. Public Art Dedicated to
Project Donors

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Big box retailers, such as K-Mart, typically lease the buildings they inhabit. The
former K-Mart building was owned by two people, one of which donated their ownership
to Laclede County and the library board purchased the remaining share in 2002. The
project seemed to be garnering interest again even though the community was apathetic
given talk about a new library had been ongoing for years. The community was skeptical
about reusing the K-Mart building as the new library for many reasons some of which
include the poor condition of the structure and having been exposed to plans that called for
a new modern library built from the ground up.
The library board engaged Charlie Johnson and Dan True, a local architect and
engineer respectively, and was able to get both to donate their services to the development
of the new library which helped to decrease the financial burden of the project. The
development of the library was gaining momentum again after years of talk and little
action. One of the major challenges for the project was convincing residents that having
the new library inside of the K-Mart building was a good idea, would be aesthetically
pleasing and that the project would come to fruition. The project was led by Cathy Dame,
the library director and designated representative for the library board.
The planning team engaged Sam Allen, a local community organizer and
fundraiser, to begin generating renewed interest among residents which was a challenging
task given the apathy that developed in previous years around the project. Another
challenge was trying to convince Lebanon residents that the library was not going to look
like a K-Mart building and the library project would actually happen. Allen became
successful at generating community interest through community conversations and
marketing the library project as a community effort.

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The planning team quickly realized community ownership was going to be critical
to the success of the project. Allen stated that “we have found that people get really excited
about helping with a project that will improve the quality of their lives, when they can
actually see the results of their own efforts” (Christensen, 2008, p.151). Allen was able to
advertise that each contribution to the project would be physically recognized in the
building in the form of plaques, statues or something similar as well as help residents
understand that the library would improve the quality of life in Lebanon. People also
became convinced that the new library would not look like a Kmart building. The strategy
worked very well. Fundraising for the project grew, a sense of community pride and
ownership among residents was beginning to be fostered.
Over time, local media supported the library project which helped to increase
financial contributions to the project. “When I speak at conventions or to community
organizations about fundraising, the first question I ask my audience is: who is the editor
of your local newspaper, and who runs your local radio station” library director Dame said
(Christensen, 2008, p. 152). The local media played a significant role in fostering a sense
of pride, solidarity and enthusiasm within residents of Lebanon around the library project.
The planning team decided to design the exterior of the building first. Johnson
stated that:
our first priority was to get the community behind us. They had
been waiting so long for the new library and people were still apprehensive
that the thing was going to happen at the Kmart site, even with all the
publicity that Sam had gotten going. We had to start right away with the
outside so that they could see that something was happening. It was crucial
for them to see that the library was not going to look like an old Kmart.
Once we had the façade inplace, people really did understand that we were
no longer wasting everyone’s time, and that changes were afoot. And the
building looked great, so perceptions began to change.

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Conceptually, the very idea of what a library could- or should- be
was very maleable to the team at this point in the design process, since
nobody involved had ever been to a library in a big box before. This
structure needed to be heavily reimagined to make a fluid transition to its
new use, allowing designers to rethink what a library is meant to do and
what the institution is meant to be, beyond acting as a stockpile of books
and media sources. New precedents were about to be set, and as long as
they were forward-thinking enough to reconceptualize the Kmart building,
the library board was open to expanding the very idea of what a library is
suppose to be (Christensen, 2008, pp. 152-153).
Dame, the library director, was
approached with the idea of incorporating a
musuem dedicated to Historic Route 66
within the library project. The City of
Lebanon is near Historic Route 66, some of
which is now Interstate 44. Route 66 was
developed in 1926 and was no longer part of the
national state highway system in 1985. Historic
Route 66 is considered to be the “Mother Road of
America” and was once considered “America’s
Figure 24. Main Entrance
Figure 24. Floor of Route 66 Museum
Figure 25. Route 66 Museum Restaurant

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Main Street”. The nostalgia surrounding the legendary road eventually gave birth to a
tourist industry that cities and towns near the historic highway could take advantage of. It
was suggested that a Route 66 history museum could share the Kmart building with the
library which would incorporate a tourist attraction and a local theme into the new library
which could provide a stream of revenue for the library. The museum would not only be
an income generator for the library but could also bring additional business to the City of
Lebanon.
Dame got the planning team to visit a Route 66 Museum in Clinton, OK in order to
further explore the concept of a Route 66 History Museum. Later, the planning team would
discover that museums dedicated to Route 66 were increasing in number along the historic
highway. It was important for the team to figure out how the museum in Lebanon would
be different than the other Route 66 museums that existed.
“The fact that we were a museum merging
with a library made the structure of our setup
different than any other Route 66 Museum”
according to a member of the planning team
(Christensen, 2008, p. 158). It was decided that
since the relationship between the new library and
the Route 66 history museum would be syhmbiotic
that it only made sense for museum to have an extensive “thorough library about Route 66
Figure 26. Route 66 Museum

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lore and history” (Christensen, 2008, p. 158) which would lead to crossover clientele
between both insitutions.
“Many libraries are becoming what we
call ‘destination libraries’” according to Dame
(Christensen, 2008, p. 159). She was speaking
in regard to the decision to merge the library
and history museum. “Destination libraries
draw people into the structure for reasons
beyond just checking out books, and usually
they involve some sort of money-making venture to sustain th library”, says Dame
(Christensen, 2008, p. 159).
Many destination libraries have a
theme whether they be permanent or
temporary and they have book stores or cafes
included in them. Destination libraries give
people more reasons to extend their visit by
participating in activities or patronizing the
bookstore or café inside. The integration of
the library within a commercial space is an exploration beyond physical reuse of the big
box seeing how it serves as an example of capitalism blending with a public institution.
“Libraries simply do not receive enough money to survive on their own these days. They
need income” says Dame (Christensen, 2008, p. 159).
Figure 27. Route 66 Museum
Figure 28. Signage for Lebanon-Laclede County
Library

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Once architectural drawings of the project were complete, Dame staged a public
groundbreaking of the new library. She brought in a pile of dirt and gave all in attendance
hard hats, even though no ground was actually being broken, The event was to demonstrate
to the community that the project continued to move forward and show that milestones
were being reached with the renovation. “We had no ground to break, since the actual dirt
had long been covered by the Kmart building! But in order to inspire community
excitement, we created these events that got people inside of the building, so that they could
actually begin to visualize what was about to happen” (Christensen, 2008, p. 162). The
planning team held tours of the renovation everyday of the week. Tour participants were
viewed as potential donors to the project. The planning team gave tours to approximately
five thousand people during while construction was still ongoing.

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Overall, the project was able to raise a total of $2 million in local donations not
factoring inkind donations of labor some of which was two years worth of labor. A local
interior designer also donated her services. All donors are celebrated throughout the
project in many forms including hand-carved bookmarks with gold nametags, on plaques
in library meeting rooms and the hand-carved tree relief decorated with golden leaves
among other mediums of public recognition.
Figure 29. Floor plan of Lebanon-Laclede Library

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The library moving into the big box provided an opportunity to rethink the library
and reconceptualize how it plays a role in the community. The library and its associated
entities such as the Route 66 Museum and the café have made the old Kmart building both
a destination but more importantly a center of the community. “The fabric of the
monolithic structure itself is being reconceptualized, as the human tendency to connect
activities and patterns comes together under one giant roof. The space in this giant building
is creating not only a supersized library but also a textured community center, with many
destinations dwelling together simultaneously” (Christensen, 2008, p. 169) This case study
is another example that demonstrates how adaptive reuse of commercial developments
such as shopping centers and big box stores are becoming more common in the United
States.
Figure 30. Stack area of Lebanon-Laclede County Library

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Table 4. Framework for Lebanon-Laclede County Library
Figure 31. Children’s reading area

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V. The Frayser Case
This chapter will provide background information about the North Memphis
community of Frayser. Some of the information will include the history of Frayser, census
data showing demographics and will provide descriptions of Frayser’s physical
environment including zoning. It is important that a synopsis of Frayser is provided in
order to make connections with the case studies mentioned in this document. Such
connections will be crucial for making recommendations on how Frayser can develop a
strategy for the reuse of its vacant shopping centers.
History of Frayser?
The area known as Frayser began as a suburban town built around the Illinois
Central Railroad in the middle of the nineteenth century. Frayser was a passenger railroad
stop between Memphis and Covington, Tennessee. Like many other developing
communities of its time, Frayser developed around a railroad depot known as Frayser
Station (LIFT, 2013).
By the late 1870s, Frayser was lightly populated with small farms and the summer
homes of wealthy Memphians. The town was named in honor of Dr. J.W. Frayser– a
medical doctor and wealthy Memphian (LIFT, 2013). Historically, the boundaries of
Frayser have been the Loosahatchie River to the north, Mississippi River to the west, Wolf
River to the south and the Illinois Central Railroad to the east. As the twentieth century
came it brought increasing use of the automobile and decline in passenger traffic on the
railroad. Eventually, the area around Frayser Station became commonly referred to as
Frayser.

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Commercial and industrial development caused a significant growth in Frayser’s
population in the middle of the twentieth century. Large manufacturing employers such as
International Harvester and Firestone located to North Memphis and provided jobs for
many Frayser residents. Shopping centers in subdivisions such as Rugby Hills were being
developed to accommodate the growing demand for retail throughout Frayser. In 1958,
Frayser was annexed by the City of Memphis (LIFT, 2013). Frayser continued to grow
throughout the 1950s and 1960s, largely in response to the need for an industrial workforce.
New schools and shopping centers were built to accommodate its growing population.
Frayser began experiencing population decline due to difficult economic times that
began in the early 1980s after International Harvester, a manufacturing company,
eliminated nearly 1,500 jobs (LIFT, 2013). In the mid-1980s, International Harvester
discharged the rest of its employees and closed permanently. The loss of Firestone occurred
around the same time and added further economic damage to Frayser. This propelled an
exodus of white working class people to leave Frayser causing population decline in the
area. Throughout the 1980s and 1990s, Frayser transitioned from a predominantly
Caucasian, middle class neighborhood to a more racially diverse and economically
distressed neighborhood. Frayser is now considered one of the most economically
disadvantaged and highest crime-rated neighborhoods in of Memphis along with being one
of the least dense neighborhoods in Memphis.
Frayser consists of census tracts 99, 100, 101.1, 101.2, 102.2, and 103. According
to the 2010 U.S. Census, Frayser has a total population of 40,871. The population is
generally evenly distributed by age, with children under the age of five (almost 10% of
total) and adults aged 75 and older being outliers, as evidenced by Appendix 2. Teens ages

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15-19 make up almost 10% of the total population of Frayser (U.S. Census, 2010, Summary
File 1).
The neighborhood is predominately African American at 84 percent, with the
Caucasian population being the next largest race at just under 13 percent. Frayser was once
a predominantly Caucasian neighborhood (U.S. Census, 2010, Summary File 1). The racial
makeup of Frayser began to change as jobs were decreasing due to economic conditions in
the 1980s. Working class Caucasians began leaving and the African American population
began to grow. The Latino community is approximately 2.39 percent of the total population
of Frayser.
Some Memphis neighborhoods are considered food deserts. According to the
USDA, a food desert is a census tract (small subdivision of a county that usually contains
between 1,000 and 8,000 people but generally averages around 4,000 people) with a
substantial number or share of residents with low levels of access to retail outlets selling
healthy and affordable foods. Census tracts qualify as food deserts if they meet low-income
and low-access thresholds. According to the United States Department of Agriculture
(USDA), an area with a poverty rate of 20 percent or greater, or a median family income
at or below 80 percent of the statewide or metropolitan area median family income is
considered low income (LIFT, 2013).

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Figure 33. Poverty

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An area with 500 persons and/or at least 33 percent of the population lives more
than 1 mile from a supermarket or large grocery store is considered to have low access
according to the USDA (LIFT, 2013). Easy access to fresh, healthy, and affordable food is
vital to the success of a community. In recent years, Memphis has seen the development of
farmer’s markets bringing healthy and fresh food to communities that are food insecure.
Farmer’s markets help to fill a void that supermarkets have traditionally occupied.
According to the Shelby County Health Department (SCHD), some of the leading
causes of death in Frayser include cancer, heart disease, Alzheimer’s disease and
cerebrovascular disease (LIFT, 2013). Frayser has the highest rate of infant mortality and
teen pregnancy in Shelby County. Many factors contribute to infant mortality including
life-style choices, poor nutrition, poverty, domestic violence, access to medical care, birth
defects and substance abuse. Some of the health agencies that are located in Frayser
include Christ Community Health Services (primary care), Mahan House (mental health),
Midsouth Health and Rehabilitation (nursing home), Frayser Millington Mental Health
(Mental Health) and Guardian Group (Mental Health).
Frayser is 15.75 square miles and has 40,871 residents (LIFT, 2013). The Frayser
community has a total of nine recreational parks to serve residents. These parks include
neighborhood parks, parks connected to community centers and large parks. Many Frayser
parks have amenities such as walking trails, playground equipment, pavilions and
basketball courts. Frayser has a history of gangs running the parks making them unsafe to
use. Some parks do not have accurate signs that display the correct name of the park.
The mission of community centers in Memphis is to provide a safe and honest
environment that offers a wide variety of programs and services which meet the identified

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needs of the community. Community centers are a safe place for all ages to meet new
friends, socialize, learn new skills, keep fit, and stay healthy. Each community center
provides classes, programs and events in 5 core areas 1– health fitness, and wellness
services and programs; 2– Educational development and training services; 3– Cultural arts
programming; 4– Dance and musical expression; 5– Character building and social
development (LIFT, 2013). They also provide summer day camp; a gymnasium, game
room, art studio, kitchen and meeting rooms; supervised youth team sports; time for free
play; holiday events. These two centers offer aquatics; homework help; outdoor athletic
fields, walking trails, and playgrounds; partnerships with organization such as boy scouts,
girl scouts, AARP, and neighborhood associations. All community centers are available
for family reunions, banquets, wedding receptions, business meetings and more (LIFT,
2013).
With both failing elementary and high schools in the area, Frayser has relatively
low educational attainment. According to the 2010 American Community Survey, of the
population 18 and over, 28.9% lack a high school diploma (LIFT, 2013). Just over 20%
have completed some college or obtained an associate’s degree, and 2.6% have a bachelor’s
degree or higher. Forty percent of residents of the age of 18 have a high school diploma
(LIFT, 2013).
In January of 2010 the Tennessee legislature enacted the Tennessee First to the Top
Act– the most sweeping education law passed in Tennessee in over two decades (LIFT,
2013). Among the most notable components of this new, bi-partisan legislation was the
creation of The Achievement School District (ASD), a wholly new division of the State’s
Department of Education. The ASD is a key component of Tennessee’s strategy to address

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the persistently poor performance of many of its schools. The ASD has the ability to take
over and operate persistently poor performing schools across the state.
Currently, schools slated to enter the ASD will operate under three types of
governance structures, comprising a “portfolio” approach (LIFT, 2013). The ASD’s
relationship with schools will differ, depending on the governing arrangement. The three
governing arrangements are Direct-run Schools, Local Education Agency (LEA) Contract
School, or charter school.
The Tennessee Department of Education realized the problems facing the Frayser
community and were determined to improve the educational achievement in the
community, see Appendix 3. In 2012, the state announced that the newly minted
Achievement School District (ASD) would take over several low performing schools in
the Memphis area. The ASD targets schools that have been historically in the lowest 5%
of achievement standards within the city. The ASD is currently operating three schools in
the Frayser area: Corning Elementary, Frayser Elementary, and Westside Middle (LIFT,
2013).
Within the neighborhood boundaries, Frayser has eleven elementary schools. Eight
of the eleven elementary schools are classified as high priority schools—meaning they
have not met Tennessee’s Department of Education standards for two years (LIFT, 2013).
From the eleven different elementary schools, students are able to attend three different
middle schools. Frayser students attend two high schools: Frayser High and Trezevant
High.
Frayser is currently served by one public library, Frayser Branch Library. The
library is within 1-mile of a small sector of the community. The library is located off of

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Watkins at 3712 Argonne Street. It offers the largest collection of Christian fiction and
Auto Repair manuals in the Memphis Public Library System (LIFT, 2013). Listings of
community organizations and special functions in the area can be found at the library. Their
collection also includes many home-schooling materials and parent-teacher materials.
They have a meeting room that seats 30 people that can be used by non-profit organizations.
The library also advertises events that take place in the Frayser community. The library
includes 10 computers with internet access and offers copying services. The City of
Memphis is currently planning to build a new library in Frayser.
Figure 34. Frayser Branch Public Library
Source: Community LIFT Frayser Data Book

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Frayser has a lot of land, more than
fifteen square miles, with approximately half
being vacant or blighted. A significant amount
of that land is due to blighted properties (LIFT,
2013). Urban blight is the deterioration and
decay of buildings and older areas of a city due
to neglect, crime, or lack of economic support.
Since the International Harvester plant closed in
the 1980s and many people began moving out
blight was on the increase. Many of the people
that moved away were homeowners. The homeowners that left were not replaced
predominantly by renters. The combination of fewer homeowners and lack of economic
investment have led to more properties becoming blighted and serving as places of criminal
activity (LIFT, 2013).
Figure 35. Map of Vacant Land in Frayser
Source: Community LIFT Frayser Data Book

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Frayser Shopping Centers
Frayser is home to three shopping centers: Northgate Shopping Center, Frayser
Plaza and Frayser Village Plaza. Northgate fits the community shopping center typology-
provides soft goods and apparel, commonly anchored by supermarkets, drugstores and
department stores. It is the oldest of Frayser’s shopping centers having been established in
Figure 36. Map and Aerial Image of Northgate Shopping Center
Sources: Shelby County Assessor and Bing.com/maps
Figure 37. Vacancy
Source: Author

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1955 on more than seventeen acres of land and in a collection of buildings totaling 185,697
sq. ft. It is located at the intersection of Highway 51 and Whitney Avenue within the
western quadrant of Frayser. Northgate is currently forty-three percent vacant. Some of
the tenants include value oriented and mom and pop retail akin to the type of commercial
activity that is part of the second and third generation wave of retail in a shopping center.
Figure 38. Map and Aerial Image of Frayser Plaza Shopping Center
Figure 39. Vacancy
Source: Author

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Frayser Plaza, the second oldest shopping center in Frayser was built in 1965 on
more than eleven acres of land in a 107,305 sq. ft. building (Assessor, 2014). This shopping
center fits the neighborhood shopping center typology- convenience shopping for everyday
needs within immediate neighborhood, typically configured as a straight-line strip with
parking in front, along with a canopy at the entrance of establishments. Frayser Plaza
currently has a vacancy rate of twenty-six percent. Like Northgate, Frayser Plaza has value
oriented and mom and pop retail.
Figure 40. Map and Aerial Image of Frayser Village Plaza
Figure 41. Vacancy
Source: Author

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Frayser Village Plaza is the youngest shopping center in Frasyer having been built
in phases from 1968-1972 on 17 acres in buildings totaling 149,661 sq. ft. (Assessor, 2014).
This center, like Northgate, fits the community shopping center typology. One of the
significant differences between Frayser Village Plaza and Northgate is the type of tenants
each have. Tenants of Frayser Village Plaza consist primarily of national retailers such as
Kroger and Ashley Stewart among others, whereas Northgate only has one national retailer
as a tenant. Another key difference between the two shopping centers is their respective
vacancy rate with Frayser Village Plaza not having any vacancies. Shopping centers in
Frayser are partially vacant and overtime vacancy will likely increase. It is believed that a
plan for reusing shopping centers in Frayser should be developed before such facilities
become vacant and begin to have a negative impact on the community.
VI. Recommendations
The capstone began with research questions that can now be addressed after
completion of the case study research in the form of recommendations for the Frayser case.
The research questions were 1) what economic tools are currently available to encourage
the reuse of vacant shopping centers in Memphis and 2) how can vacant shopping centers
in Frayser be reused? The purpose of these questions is to demonstrate that vacant
shopping center sites in Frayser are valuable and can be reused. The reuse of such sites is
critical to getting people in Memphis to rethink continued urban sprawl development
patterns and convince them that it is possible to reuse existing infrastructure for new
development.

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The developments in each case began with a grand vision. The Jackson Medical
Mall case began with the vision of providing a state of the art ambulatory health care
facility providing quality care for the urban poor and serve as an anchor to bring new
vitality to the midtown area of Jackson, MS. The Schaumburg Town Square case began
first with a desire to deal with a shopping center that fell into decay but later transformed
into developing a destination place, akin to a downtown, for local residents to gather. The
Lebanon-Laclede County case began with the vision of building a new library that could
adequately serve residents and operate as a community gathering space.
In each case we saw a public institution or nonprofit organization lead
redevelopment efforts for the reuse of vacant shopping center and big box store sites. The
Jackson Medical Mall case was led by the University of Mississippi Medical Center. The
Schaumburg Town Square case was led by the mayor of Schaumburg Township. The
Lebanon- Laclede County Library case was led by the board of directors of the local library
(nonprofit) with the library director serving as the point person. Each institution began the
process of redevelopment with relatively significant resources that were leveraged to attain
additional capital for their respective reuse project. Public participation and community
ownership were critical to success in each case.
The Lebanon-Laclede Library County and Schaumburg cases used the need of
expanding the existing local library as a catalyst for redevelopment. In the Schaumburg
case, the need to build a new Schaumburg Library, which attracts more than one million
visitors annually, fueled interest of reusing the shopping center site (mainly the
infrastructure) among developers. The Lebanon-Laclede County Library case
demonstrated a reconceptualization of a library by introducing a revenue generating

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component in the form of the Route 66 Museum and special Route 66 library collection-
the only of its kind in the country.
Frayser, like both cases involving developing a new library, currently has a library
that is in need of major expansion due to increased use and addition of new materials
according to Dean Moore, The Frayser Branch Library Manager. There have been
discussions regarding the City of Memphis building a new library branch in Frayser. Some
of the discussion has been around the idea of a new Frayser library branch being part of
the Frayser Town Center concept- a plan that originated from the Mid-South Regional
Greenprint planning process in 2014. The Frayser Town Center concept is similar to the
Schaumburg Town Square case in developing a communal space, akin to a downtown,
using existing infrastructure at one of the shopping centers in Frayser.
There is opportunity for Frayser to capitalize on the need and likelihood of getting
a new library built as a tool to reuse one of the existing shopping center sites- Northgate,
Frayser Plaza or Frayser Village Plaza. There are other redevelopment efforts currently in
process throughout Memphis that involve the reuse of shopping center sites such as Raleigh
Springs Mall and Southbrook Mall. Projects involving those sites have requested
assistance from local government which in the Schaumburg case proved to be instrumental
in preparing the site to become developable.
Findings from this capstone have significant implications for city planning. One,
is that vacant shopping center sites can accommodate alternative uses, such institutional,
civic and sometimes commercial uses. The aforementioned case studies are relatively
successful examples of development alternatives for underutilized shopping center sites.

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The hope of this research is to draw further attention to creative ways of reusing large-scale
buildings whether they be malls, big-box stores and shopping centers.
Another implication for city planning is that planners need to be aware that adaptive
reuse projects of shopping center and big box store sites, which have existing infrastructure,
can be used as an economic development tool. The Lebanon-Laclede County Library was
able to effectively leverage the Route 66 Museum as an income generator for the library
and increase tourism in the City of Lebanon by capitalizing on its proximity to Historic
Route 66. The increase in tourists to the museum, who probably would not ordinarily visit
Lebanon, now will likely patronize other establishments in the city as a direct result of the
Route 66 Museum. The new Schaumburg Library site attracted developers primarily due
to the high volume of visitors the library receives annually.
A third implication for city planning is that there are design and/or structural
characteristics that can easily be incorporated into commercial building practices that will
allow for future building use flexibility. This can happen if local communities demand
more from commercial development through planning, design and regulatory strategies.
Memphis has begun to do this through the use of zoning overlay districts that are created
to maintain and or develop a certain character of a community’s physical environment.
Every shopping center site should not be repurposed. The size and configuration
of many shopping center sites will prevent consideration for anything other than
commercial uses in the future. The aforementioned case studies demonstrate that former
shopping center sites can be reused in many ways.
It is important to note that the population of Frayser may not be able to support, as
it currently is not able to, multiple shopping center developments but may be able to support

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