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University of Surrey
Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences
School of English and Languages
In what ways do action sport based social justice advocacy
organizations utilize the seven characteristics of skateboarding to
enhance the effectiveness of their ‘Sportfor Development and Peace’
(SDP) projects in facilitating intercultural communication and
breaking down intercultural barriers?
by Jonathan Rimmer
Submitted for the degree of Master of Arts in Intercultural Communication with
International Business
September 2016

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Abstract
Action sport based social justice advocacy organizations are steadily gaining worldwide
recognition for their accomplishments in promoting intercultural harmony and
development via positive physical outlets. This discussion focuses on two such
organizations who have utilized skateboarding to tackle intercultural tensions and
establish sustainable development projects in two separate geo-political areas; the Indigo
Skate Camp in South Africa and Skateistan in Afghanistan. Using a combination of
original and existing qualitative research, the author interrogates how the seven
characteristics of skateboarding are utilized by both organizations to achieve their goals
whilst simultaneously attempting to avoid the common criticisms often levelled at those
operating in the Sport for Development and Peace (SDP) sector. The author concludes
by offering ten policy recommendationsto new and existing SDP initiatives who intend on
using skateboarding to enhance the effectiveness of their projects.

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Acknowledgements
The author wishes to thank Dallas Oberholzer (founder of the Indigo Skate Camp) for his
involvement in this project and the time taken to respond to questionnaires, emails and
phone calls.
This project also benefited hugely from the scholarly input of Holly Thorpe via her
previously written articles and her generosity in sharing her latest publication.
Special thanks also goes to Marion Wynne-Davies for her guidance, support and
feedback which contributed to the success and completion of this dissertation.
The author wishes to express their ongoing support for both the Indigo Skate Camp and
Skateistan and the crucially important work they do in spreading the joy of skateboarding
to those in need of its healing potential.

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Table of contents
Introduction………………………………………………………………………………page 5
Literature Review…………………………………………………………………….....page 7
A brief history of the Sport for Development and Peace sector……………..page 7
Action Sports in the Sport for Development and Peace sector ...…………..page 8
The seven characteristics of skateboarding………………………………....page 10
Dallas Oberholzer and skateboarding in South Africa………………………page 10
Oliver Percovich and skateboarding in Afghanistan………………………...page 13
Methodology……………………………………………………………………………page 16
Chapter 1: The Indigo Skate Camp
A brief history of the Indigo Skate Camp……………………………………..page 18
Skateboarding as tool of integration in South Africa………………………...page 20
Chapter 2: Skateistan
A brief history of Skateistan……………………………………………………page 31
Skateboarding as tool of integration in Afghanistan..……………………….page 33
Chapter 3: Comparative Analysis
Comparative analysis of the Indigo Skate Camp and Skateistan...............page 38
The ‘three common hurdles’ to success……………………………………...page 39
Analysis of the seven characteristics of skateboarding……………………..page 39
Conclusion
Concluding comments………………………………………………………….page 44
Ten recommendations for future skateboard based SDP initiatives………page 44
Further Research………………………………………………………………………..page 46
References……………………………………………………………………………....page 47
Appendix A – Questionnaire sent to Dallas Oberholzer (including consent)……..page 51

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Introduction
Sport has been utilized as a tool to facilitate peace and reconciliation throughout the
history of human civilization, even going back to ancient Greek mythology we are told that
the birth of the Olympic Games was an attempt by the Greek God Zeus to foster peace
in a time of war and great turmoil (Young, 2004). In more recent times two Secretary
Generals of the United Nations have also supported the idea that sport is an integral
socio-cultural and political-ideological element in improving intercultural communication
across national, cultural, social, and ethnic borders; ‘It has an almost unmatched role to
play in promoting understanding, healing wounds, mobilizing support for social causes,
and breaking down barriers’ (Kofi Annan Foundation, 2010); ‘Sport has become a world
language, a common denominator that breaks down all the walls, all the barriers […]’
(Ban Ki-Moon, UN News Service Section, 2016).
Although the Sport for Development and Peace sector (SDP) has been in existence in
one form or another since the 1960s, the sector only really began to take shape fully in
the 1990s, followed by unprecedented post-millennium growth in line with the UN’s
Millennium Development Goals and later its commitment to sport in 2005 (Giulianotti,
2011a). SDP projects have been steadily growing in number since this period, their
general aims being to tackle conflict and promote peace and sustainable social
development in the war torn areas, deprived urban areas or the underprivileged rural
areas of developing countries. Despite the good intentions of these organizations
however, they do not always achieve their objectives and their modus operandi are often
the subject of criticism. These criticisms have been noted by some of the newer ‘action
sport’ based projects in the sector who are trying to maintain a closer connection to the
local communities with which they work. This discussion is particularly interested in the
recent proliferation of action sport related SDP projects and specifically the use of the
action sport known as skateboarding.
This project expands upon previous research concerning skateboarding which only
considered one geo-political setting at a time; this discussion attempts to go further by
not only making additional inquiries into one of the organizations, but also by comparing
and contrasting the unique cultural barriers which had to be overcome and how this was

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achieved. The final outcome of this discussion identifies successful strategies which can
be recommended to both organizations and to others; specifically, those planning to
utilize skateboarding to facilitate peace and reconciliation in parts of the world
experiencing some nature of intercultural tension.
According to Thorpe (2014a), ‘[i]n 2008, skateboarding was identified as the fastest
growing sport in the United Sates with more than 10.1 million participants’ (p2). There
are certain characteristics of skateboarding which make it an excellent tool for facilitating
intercultural communication and breaking down intercultural barriers. Its lack of rules and
regulations, absence of winners and losers, gender neutrality and its role as a catalyst
allowing participants quicker access to so called ‘flow states’ (Csikszentmihalyi, 1990;
Kotler, 2014; Friedel, 2015) are just some of the myriad characteristics which can be
utilized by social justice advocacy groups to encourage youth from different backgrounds
to interact positively together to build socially interactive communities. This discussion
will analyze these characteristics of skateboarding in more detail and expand on
additional characteristics, including the concept of ‘flow states’ in due course.
There are currently only a handful of organizations operating globally who focus primarily
on the practice of skateboarding to engage underprivileged youth in peace and
development initiatives. Research has already been undertaken into two of these non-
governmental organizations (NGOs), one called ‘Skateistan’ based in Kabul, Afghanistan
(Thorpe and Rinehart, 2012; Thorpe, 2014; Friedel, 2015), and the other a smaller South
African based project called the ‘Indigo Skate Project’ in a rural area outside of Durban
(Wheaton, 2013). This discussion aims to provide a comparative analysis of these two
organizations in order to deconstruct the ways in which the characteristics of
skateboarding enhance the effectiveness of their projects in the context of the cultures in
which their operations are based. The final outcome of the analysis provides ten
recommendations for future SDP projects who wish to incorporate the use of
skateboarding into their development and peace initiatives.

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Literature Review
A brief history of the Sport for Development and Peace sector
Thorpe and Rinehart (2012) describe how, since the 1960s, sport related social justice
movements ‘have been attempting to draw attention to key political, social, and cultural
issues […] and initiate social change at local, national and global levels’ (p116) (see also
Giulianotti, 2011a; Calloway, 2004). Kidd (2008) further identifies SDP project aims and
objectives when describing how:
[…] programmes focus on strengthening basic education, public health, community
safety and social cohesion and helping girls and women, youth-at-risk, persons with
HIV/AIDS (PWA) and persons with disabilities (PWD) in LMICs [low- and middle-
income countries] (p373).
More recently an article written by Wilfried Lemke, special adviser to the UN secretary
general on sport for development and peace, succinctly captured the essence of the SDP
sector when he stated:
Sport and physical activity improve individual health and wellbeing, both physically
and mentally, and teach important values and social skills. But sport doesn’t just
empower on an individual basis; it also unites and inspires people collectively, which
builds communities (The Guardian, 2016).
Research suggests that sport based development and peace programmes can facilitate
reconciliation in areas of conflict (Kidd & Donnelly, 2007) and when managed well with
the inclusion of local communities can also make valuable contributions to conflict
resolution initiatives (Sugden, 2006).
However, despite the well intentioned aims and objectives of many social justice
advocacy groups there are still numerous critics who highlight the mixed successes of
such organizations. Firstly, critics are concerned that too many SDP organizations
promote a neo-colonial discourse, also referred to as ‘cultural imperialism’, by considering
‘the client’ (i.e. the people who are supposed to benefit from the development project) to
be uneducated ‘victims’ who must be shown ‘how to develop’ through practicing Western

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forms of sport (Burnett, 2009; Coalter, 2010; Easterly, 2006; Friedel, 2015; Spaaij, 2011;
Wheaton, 2013). Secondly, there is also great criticism of top-down, paternalistic
development approaches where no consideration is given to the voice of the local people,
their preferences, knowledge, and the potential for local youth agency (Evers, 2010;
Fontan, 2012; Friedel, 2015; Nichols et al. 2011; Thorpe and Ahmad, 2015). Thirdly,
since the SDP/NGO sector is largely unregulated this can lead to unproductive
competition amongst organizations for funds, donations and volunteers. This in turn only
serves to cause detrimental in-fighting and distracts focus away from those in need; in
many instances development projects send untrained and unskilled volunteers into the
field with no set plans, which only complicates matters overall (Kidd, 2008; Kidd &
Donnelly, 2007).
The abovementioned research supports the position that sport has its place in facilitating
development, conflict resolution and improved intercultural communication. The term
sport covers an extremely wide range of physical activities however, and thus clarification
is required in order to interrogate how skateboarding can be utilized to enhance SDP
initiatives.
Action Sports in the SDP sector
Building on the concept of sport as a tool for development and peace, this discussion
aims to examine the ‘action sport’ of skateboarding and the ways in which SDP
movements make use of its characteristics to achieve their goals. According to Thorpe
(2014a), ‘[o]f the 700 organizations currently working under the SDP umbrella, the lion’s
share utilizes traditional sports such as football, basketball, volleyball and hockey…’ (p4).
Many traditional sports often involve strict rules, regulations and umpires/referees in
addition to requiring specially set aside pitches/courts/fields and equipment. Such
facilities and equipment rarely exist in underprivileged, post-war areas, where any
available financial resources are much more likely to be directed towards key
infrastructure such as roads and medical facilities.

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Traditional sports have also been criticized for their culturally imperialist roots; sports like
football, rugby and cricket have all been linked to the historic spread of the British colonies
and their natural tendency to impose British culture whilst stifling indigenous cultures
(Giulianotti, 2011b; Wheaton, 2013; Booth & Thorpe, 2007).
Thorpe (2014b) offers a definition of ‘action sports’:
[…] ‘action sports’ broadly refers to a wide range of mostly individualized activities,
such as BMX, kite-surfing, skateboarding, surfing and snowboarding, that differed –
at least in their early phases of development – from traditional rule-bound,
competitive, regulated western ‘achievement’ sport cultures’ (p4).
Thorpe and Rinehart (2012) set the scene for this discussion by stating that:
Action sports have grown remarkably in both their acceptance and participation
rates over the past four decades. Since the mid- and late-1990s, action sports
participants have established non-profit organizations and movements relating to an
array of social issues, including health…education…environment…and antiviolence
and conflict resolution (p116).
With the growth of action sports over previous decades there has been a commensurate
increase in the awareness by action sports participants that they should be ‘giving
something back’ (Thorpe and Rinehart, 2012); this phenomenon has contributed to both
action sports professionals and non-professional participants initiating their own social
advocacy projects.
The use of action sports in the SDP sector (as opposed to traditional sports) is clearly on
the rise as is exemplified by the above mentioned research and the analysis of the two
organizations in this discussion. This project aims to interrogate how the characteristics
of skateboarding are used by the two organizations (Skateistan and Indigo Skate Camp)
to facilitate intercultural communication and break down intercultural barriers in the
context of their relevant national cultural settings. For the purposes of this discussion the
author has identified seven characteristics of skateboarding which have been utilized
by both organizations in their different cultural contexts:

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1. its ‘newness’, progressive nature and lack of rules and regulations
2. its core values of diversity and multiculturalism
3. its adaptability to be creolized
4. its status as a global subculture (which transcends national, social, cultural
and ethnic divides)
5. its focus on courage, persistence, personal challenges and goals (above
the concepts of winners and losers as with traditional sports)
6. its gender neutral traits
7. its ability to act as a ‘physical therapy’ and provide quicker access to ‘flow
states’ (which in turn increases participant levels of empathy, self-
determination and creativity)
Whilst skateboarding does require the use of specialist equipment in terms of an actual
skateboard, the act of skateboarding itself is an extremely flexible one. Even in rural
areas with a lack of concrete or asphalt, so called skateboard ‘tricks’ can be performed
almost as readily on short grass or dried dirt areas. In fact, this can even be beneficial to
those new to the sport since learning to ride a skateboard will involve falls and minor
injuries, and falling over on grass/dirt is arguably safer than falling over on
concrete/asphalt.
Given the growing popularity of skateboarding in conjunction with the exponential
proliferation of the internet and social media across the globe, it stands to reason that
skateboarding is now being utilized by new social actors in fresh cross-cultural settings.
Dallas Oberholzer and skateboarding in South Africa
Wheaton’s (2013) research into the founder of the Indigo Skate Camp (Dallas Oberholzer)
in her book The Cultural Politics of Lifestyle Sports acts as one of the three supporting
foundations of this project. Wheaton’s insights into the use of ‘skateboarding as a tool of
integration’ in Durban are a key focus of the comparative analysis between the Indigo
Skate Camp and Skateistan, since the author considers these highlighted characteristics
of skateboarding to be the primary elements which can facilitate improved intercultural

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communication. Wheaton’s research is based on her communication with the founder of
the Indigo Skate Project (Dallas Oberholzer) and also her brief trip made to visit a
municipal skate park overseen by Oberholzer in downtown Durban, South Africa. It
should be noted that the majority of Wheaton’s research focuses on the North Beach
skate park in Durban overseen by Oberholzer, as opposed to the actual Indigo Skate
Camp location itself which is based in the ‘Valley of 1,000 Hills’, a rural area about 20km
west of Durban. Wheaton’s discussion still focuses on how the characteristics of
skateboarding contribute to facilitating intercultural communication in South Africa
however, so her points remain specifically valid in the context of this project. Oberholzer
was contacted directly for the purposes of this project concerning the Indigo Skate Camp,
answers to the questionnaire sent to Oberholzer will be discussed in Chapter One.
In Wheaton’s (2013) research, Oberholzer describes the ‘newness’ of skateboarding and
its progressive nature as major characteristics which capture the attention of young, black
communities in and around Durban. Oberholzer goes on to advocate another positive
characteristic of skateboarding when he states how it is:
[…] not competitive, so it is a sport where people encourage each other, not so much
team against that team scenario […] all encouraging each other to progress. And
people can come from different backgrounds and instantly connect at the skate park
or the skate camp (p108).
This element of skateboarding stands in stark contrast to the white colonial history of
South Africa and apartheid where traditional sports clubs were often exclusively whites
only.
Wheaton’s (2013) own observations of the North Beach skate park in Durban note that:
[t]he street children said they liked the fact that you meet ‘lots of different people’,
including from different countries at the park. Julian, a white teenage skater (age
15) who skated with the street children, claimed ‘skating brings us all together’
(p109).
These examples help to support the claim that two of skateboarding’s core values are
those of diversity and multiculturalism. That is not to say that there are no racist

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skateboarders however, the point here is to exemplify the natural tendency of
skateboarding to be inclusive. In contrast to this, Wheaton (2013) does refer to research
by Chivers-Yochim which details the difficulty of black skaters gaining subcultural status
in the skate parks of California, USA. Yet Wheaton (2013) is also quick to point out that,
‘[t]his lack of status did not, however, appear to be the case in Durban’ (p109). Gaber,
cited in Wheaton (2013), discusses the fact that the street children who use the North
Beach skate park:
[…] felt they lived a cleaner, more committed and less violent lifestyle than many
street dwellers; they differentiated themselves from the violent and notorious
personalities […] and used their skater identity as a way to do this (p110).
Wheaton’s (2013) closing comments reference the ‘glocalisation’ and ‘creolization’ of
skateboarding; the idea that skateboarding as a sporting culture, in its generic form, lends
itself to be shaped according to the local culture in which it is developing. Wheaton (2013)
gives examples of how, ‘black skaters also adopted indigenous vernacular forms of
African culture’ (p112) and that:
[...] South African skateboarders appeared to mix vernacular culture forms like
Kwaito with North American cultural forms such as skateboarding, thus producing a
variety of complex, competing cultural flows, and in so doing reconfiguring lifestyle
sport cultures and identities (p112).
Wheaton’s work on ‘skateboarding as a tool of integration’ at the North Beach skate park
in Durban is integral to the creation of the seven characteristics of skateboarding
developed for this research. The author expands upon Wheaton (2013) to ask more
detailed questions about the Indigo Skate Camp, the results of this research can be found
in Chapter One.

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Oliver Percovich and skateboarding in Afghanistan
Thorpe & Rinehart’s (2012) article, Action Sport NGOs in a Neo-Liberal Context and
Friedel’s (2015) book, The Art of Living Sideways are the two additional supporting
foundations for this project. Both concern the struggles and achievements of the NGO
known as Skateistan in Afghanistan. Thorpe and Rinehart (2012) conducted interviews
with key personnel at Skateistan via email and Skype over many months and years from
2011 onwards; specifically the founder of the project, Oliver Percovich. Friedel (2015)
was a volunteer working for Skateistan in Kabul, Afghanistan at various stages in 2009
and 2012.
Percovich, cited in Thorpe and Rinehart (2012), describes skateboarding as ‘the carrot’
to ‘connect with kids and build trust’ (p121). Another founding member of Skateistan,
Sharna Nolan, cited in Thorpe (2014), outlines the intention of the skateboard tuition
programmes to teach ‘key interpersonal skills and respect across cultural and gender
divides’ (p7)’. Nolan goes on to add that skateboarding ‘is a fantastic tool for
communication’ and ‘we get kids from all different ethnicities building relationships with
each other. So we’ve got Hazera kids with Tajik kids […]’ (p10).
Skateistan is also credited with being savvy in its connection to (and relevant use of) the
skateboarding global subculture, making use of the strong sense of community that is
afforded to those who demonstrate themselves as ‘skaters’. Skateboard companies have
donated equipment, safety gear and run fund-raising campaigns across the globe in aid
of Skateistan (Thorpe and Rinehart, 2012). In more specific terms, Skateistan not only
facilitates local intercultural communication between youth from different backgrounds in
Afghanistan, but also between youth in Afghanistan and youth around the world via the
Skateistan website. Percovich, cited in Thorpe and Rinehart (2012), refers to this global
youth communication:
[…] if they can share stories with each other and they can share experiences […] I
think that breaks down a lot of barriers, a lot of misunderstanding. I do believe that’s
a really important tool in the interaction between the Muslim world and non-Muslim
world (p132).

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Fitzpatrick (2012) outlines the skills which he developed through skateboarding:
independence, persistence, individuality, self-confidence and creativity. Friedel (2015)
further supports the notion of skateboarding’s focus on courage, persistence, personal
challenges and goals when she states:
One only needs to watch a group of skateboarders for a short amount of time to
realize that the movements that might look pleasingly fluid are only emerging from
hours of practice, hard work, slams, fails and injuries (p87).
As has been suggested previously, the characteristics of skateboarding are gender
neutral for the most part. Thorpe (2014) states that:
[…] the gender neutral traits of balance, coordination, grace, personal style and the
creative use of space are highly valued […] such that boys and girls do not need to
be separated in the learning experience […] (p11).
The topic of gender will be covered in greater detail in the chapters that follow; indeed, in
the context of culture, the hurdles faced by both Skateistan and the Indigo Skate Camp
with regard to female inclusion in their programmes makes for interesting contrast and
comparison.
The final characteristic of skateboarding covered in this discussion is that of its ability to
act as a physical therapy and provide quicker access to ‘flow states’. Friedel (2015) cites
research recognizing physical movement to have ‘healing tendencies’ shortly before her
sentence describing the act of skateboarding as being akin to:
[…] the search for one’s own style, the ability to dare the unknown, the athletic
stream of consciousness and the quality of being in the moment are all aspects that
play a significant role in elicitive conflict transformation (p92).
Friedel (2015) also describes her own experiences skateboarding ‘on the edge of her
comfort zone’ and when ‘bucket loads of endorphins’ are released whilst participating;
‘[t]his skateboarding stoke disregards national, social, religious, cultural, political, gender
and potentially more boundaries’ (p89). Friedel (2015) considers these to be the same
‘peak experiences’ originally referred to by Maslow in 1961; his research, cited in Friedel

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(2015), suggests that individuals will benefit from ‘an increase in empathy, self-
determination, creativity and free will’ (p84). Friedel’s own words help to expand on this:
[…] to be more in the moment, more appreciative, more aware, feel more,
experience more, become less defensive, less guarded […] such experiences are
significant for peace and conflict work because they can lead to increased personal
awareness and understanding and even can serve as a turning point in a person’s
life (p84).
Kotler (2014) goes one step further than Friedel’s reference to Maslow by expanding on
Csikszentmihalyi’s (1991) research into ‘flow states’ to describe how ‘group flow’:
[…] is egalitarian: anyone, regardless of class, race, religion, sex, politics, or
whatever, can share the experience […] Group flow is a social unifier and social
leveler, creating what cultural anthropologists call ‘communitas’ – that deep
solidarity and togetherness that results from shared transcendent experiences
(Chapter 8).
This project aims to contribute to the existing body of research by considering how each
of the two organizations utilizes the abovementioned characteristics of skateboarding to
facilitate intercultural communication in their relevant cultural context. This expands on
previous research, which focused on how skateboarding was utilized in one geo-political
setting at a time (the Indigo Skate Camp in the post-apartheid environment of urban and
rural Durban, South Africa; and Skateistan in the post-war setting of Kabul, Afghanistan)
and attempts to go further by not only making additional inquiries into the aims, objectives
and outcomes of one of the organizations, but also by comparing and contrasting the
unique cultural barriers which had to be overcome in each case, and how this has been
achieved. The final intention is to identify successful strategies which can then be
recommended to others; specifically, those planning to utilize skateboarding to facilitate
peace and reconciliation in parts of the world experiencing some nature of intercultural
tension. This project will also be made available to the founders of both organizations in
the hope that it may prove useful to them in the process of self-reflexivity and program
enhancement.

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Methodology
This qualitative study was informed by two main data collection techniques; an ongoing
semi-structured email interview with the founder of the Indigo Skate Camp, and an in-
depth review of all previous research of the two organizations in question. Analysis of the
Indigo Skate Camp was primarily informed by the previous research of Wheaton (2013),
this research was complemented by the creation of a questionnaire specifically designed
to expand upon Wheaton (2013); open-ended questions interrogated the aims, objectives
and outcomes of the Indigo Skate Camp’s operations, what intercultural barriers had been
encountered and to what extent skateboarding could be said to have facilitated
intercultural communication.
Development of the questionnaire occurred via the following process; firstly, the author
reviewed previous books and articles (Fitzpatrick, 2012; Friedel, 2015; Thorpe, 2014;
Thorpe and Rinehart, 2012) which contained responses to questions from the founder of
Skateistan about its history, funding and daily operations. The author then considered
what questions may have been asked to elicit such responses and formulated 14
questions of a similar nature specifically designed to gather pertinent information about
the Indigo Skate Camp. The intention here was twofold: one, to engage with Wheaton
(2013) and expand upon her South African research, and two, to build up a body of
qualitative data concerning Indigo Skate Camp that is comparable to that which is already
in existence about Skateistan in Afghanistan.
The questionnaire was piloted with two professionals working in the NGO sector to ensure
appropriateness and applicability, certain questions were refined and re-phrased
following this feedback. It was then further piloted with the author’s dissertation
supervisor as a final reference and to ensure all ethical elements had been considered.
Questionnaires featuring open-ended questions ensure that the participant is free to
express their subjective viewpoint and are not limited by closed questions, the resulting
answers also tend to be more detailed and allow for follow-up questions which can then
garner more specific information (Ackroyd and Hughes, 1981; Popper 1959). Other
research also suggests that the quality of information gathered from open-ended

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questions through email surveys is of a similar quality to that gathered from postal or
telephone surveys (Coderre et al, 2004).
The questionnaire was sent to the founder of the Indigo Skate Camp (Dallas Oberholzer)
in July 2016 and served as the beginning of a semi-structured interview via email.
Oberholzer gave his written consent that all information provided in his response to the
questionnaire could be analyzed and published along with this discussion (see Appendix
A). Semiotic analysis of the Indigo Skate Camp website was also undertaken in addition
to independent review of additional secondary sources including books, online articles
and videos.
Analysis of Skateistan was primarily informed by the previous research of Fitzpatrick
(2012), Friedel (2015), Thorpe (2014), and Thorpe and Rinehart (2012). This previous
research was further bolstered by semiotic analysis of the Skateistan website and
independent review of additional secondary sources including books, online articles and
videos. A questionnaire was not sent to the founder of Skateistan to inform this discussion
because the required data already existed from previous research.
Bias may be an issue in all elements of this discussion based on the author’s emic
perspective as an active member of western skateboard culture and their wish for
skateboarding to be viewed in a positive light. Given that the author is not a citizen or
member of either of the geo-political or cross-cultural spaces investigated in this
discussion however, it can be argued that this also allows for a less biased, etic
perspective.

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Chapter 1: Indigo Skate Camp
This chapter provides an overview of the social justice advocacy organization known as
Indigo Skate Camp. A brief history of the organization is followed by the main section of
the chapter which interrogates how the seven characteristics of skateboarding enhance
its effectiveness in promoting intercultural harmony. This chapter utilizes original
research data collected via questionnaire specifically to inform this project (see Appendix
A). Overall, the author believes that this chapter strongly exemplifies the ways in which
skateboarding enhances the Indigo Skate Camp project.
A brief history of the Indigo Skate Camp
The Indigo Skate Camp was founded in 2001 by professional South African skateboarder
Dallas Oberholzer in a Zulu village in the Valley of 1,000 Hills near Durban, South Africa.
Oberholzer explains that the original motivation for the project’s creation was to heal the
scars of apartheid and ‘to use skateboarding as a vehicle for social cohesion, bringing
people together in a joyful playful non competitive spirit’ (Appendix A).
Apartheid was an official governmental policy in South Africa from 1948 until 1994, during
those years apartheid meant strictly enforced racial segregation directly sanctioned by
the state (Un.org in South Africa, 2016). The brutality and aggressiveness of the era is
well documented, from the forceful removal of non-whites from western Johannesburg to
the killing of peaceful African protestors in 1960 as just two examples; such events
engendered deep seated intercultural tensions and resulted in ever escalating political
violence leading into the early 1990’s (Sahistory.org.za, 2016a). Apartheid officially
ended in 1994 with the democratic election of Nelson Mandela, and although intercultural
communication across South Africa has experienced a marked improvement over the last
two decades, there still remains a legacy of distrust.
Oberholzer, quoted in Wheaton (2013) states:
Look, I think everyone realises that when the government changed, everyone had
these big ideas that everything was going to change. And the government ended
up doing nothing really. Lifestyle in the Zulu village hasn’t changed much in the

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last 10 years, 20 years. It is still very poor and rural and very impoverished […]
(p101).
Oberholzer makes it clear that starting the organization from scratch took years of
persistence in forging a strong relationship with the local community. When asked if there
were any intercultural barriers to overcome during this set up phase Oberholzer’s
response highlights one of apartheid’s many negative consequences:
[…] huge obstacles with the locals not sure if they could trust me a white guy, it
took years of developing trust, around 5 years before I received land in kind from
the local chief, even after that and to this day some village people are skeptical as
to our intentions […] (Appendix A).
In terms of funding during the early days of the Indigo Skate Camp in 2001, Oberholzer
explains that:
[…] we have never had big funding really for the infrastructure, most our facility
comes from scrap yards etc and we just pieced it together through the years
(Appendix A)
Wheaton (2013) states that in 2006 official funding was provided by the Sport Trust to
build a skate park, but this was 5 years after the Indigo Skate Camp was first set up. Over
the years the project has developed various other forms of revenue and Oberholzer is
keen to highlight Indigo’s growing self-sufficiency:
[…] Indigo has grown organically and we have many income streams beyond
donations, this is our strength, we are not only waiting for donations, we have
incomes through skate park construction, eventing, hospitality etc […] (Appendix
A).
Indeed, the Indigo Skate Camp provides employment opportunities for local youth in the
areas of skate park construction, skateboard tuition, hospitality and event promotion;
Oberholzer adds that ‘we are the largest employer in our village that is non govt. [sic]’
(Appendix A). Wheaton (2013) states that there are also a ‘range of experiences’

20. 20
available ‘to complement the skateboarding lifestyle, ranging from ‘traditional African
living’ to relaxation techniques’ (p102).
Since 2001 the Indigo Skate Camp has also expanded into other territories and has built
8 skate parks around South Africa (Appendix A). Whilst admitting that the path to success
has been a difficult one, Oberholzer is clearly proud of the project’s home-grown
achievements and its focus on providing rural Zulu youth with access to ‘a safe place to
play […] that brings colour, vibrance [sic] and guidance to their lives’ (Appendix A), whilst
facilitating intercultural harmony to help heal the scars left by apartheid.
This brief history of the Indigo Skate Camp has outlined the intercultural history and
context within which the organization operates in addition to utilizing original research to
interrogate the motivation for its creation. The next section will explore how the
characteristics of skateboarding are utilized to enhance the project.
Skateboarding as a tool of integration in South Africa
Oberholzer encountered unique intercultural barriers during the early years of the Indigo
Skate Camp and these were tackled in a variety of ways. The following section discusses
how the seven characteristics of skateboarding1 have been utilized in this cross-cultural
context to facilitate intercultural communication.
As highlighted in the brief history of the Indigo Skate Camp above, the intercultural context
of the organization is that of attempting to heal deep seated racial divides; more
specifically for the Indigo Skate Camp this originally referred to working with a rural Zulu
community in KwaZulu-Natal, west of Durban. Inspiration for founding the project is
clearly born of Oberholzer’s personal courage and passion, in his own words he describes
using ‘skateboarding as a vehicle for social cohesion, bringing people together’ (Appendix
A). Indeed, in an online video celebrating ‘South African Heroes’ one scene depicts a
Zulu village elder named Khosi Msomi browsing through a skateboard magazine, as she
shows marked interest in photos of skateboarding, Oberholzer appears to offer
1 Its ‘newness’, progressivenature and lack of rules and regulations; corevalues of diversity and multiculturalism;
adaptability to be creolized;status as a global subculture;focus on courage, persistence, personal challenges and
goals;gender neutral traits;ability to actas a ‘physical therapy’and providequicker access to ‘flow states’

21. 21
explanation of how the tricks are performed (South African Heroes, 2014). In the official
video on the Indigo website detailing the history of the project, Msomi explains that
Oberholzer ‘lived in our house as one of the family’ whilst Oberholzer adds:
Khosi was quite an angel, she was very accommodating and welcoming and let
me into her home, cooked for me, gave me a hat. I would work on her land with a
vision of finally having my land (Indigo Youth Movement, 2014).
Before considering how skateboarding has played a role here, it is interesting to consider
the contrast between the official history of the Indigo Skate Camp portrayed in the
website’s video and the honesty of Oberholzer’s responses in personal communications.
Intercultural communication between Oberholzer and Msomi in the video appears to be
effortless and idealistic; in contrast to this is the more realistic explanation from
Oberholzer (Appendix A) concerning the obstacles he faced in developing trust with the
Zulu village Chieftain over many years. Analysis of this contrast reinforces the concept
that SDP projects need to engage with their target communities (and the global public) in
a positive manner in order to succeed, and must be vigilant that their practices do not
become paternalistic and self-serving. Whilst Oberholzer did have to spend years
developing trust within the local community, the overall aim of the organization is to
facilitate social cohesion between cultures, and what better way to prove this has been
achieved than for the organization’s official website to offer a solid example of
Oberholzer’s acceptance by a Zulu village elder.
It could be argued that this first example represents all seven characteristics of
skateboarding, however to be more specific the author suggests that two characteristics
are at play here; skateboarding’s newness and its focus on courage, persistence,
personal challenges and goals. When a Zulu village elder shows keen interest in photos
of a sport they are unfamiliar with, this is an example of skateboarding’s newness being
utilized to break down intercultural barriers. When a white South African has the courage
to head deep into the heart of a rural Zulu community, given the country’s history of
extreme racial tension, spend 5 years living, working and developing trust within that
community in order to introduce skateboarding as a vehicle of social cohesion; this is an

22. 22
example of skateboarding’s focus on courage, persistence, personal challenges and
goals being used to facilitate intercultural communication.
The eventual ‘gifting of land’ from the Zulu community in order for the Indigo Skate Camp
to officially exist also demonstrates an interesting reversal of a common criticism of SDP
projects; that of promoting a neo-colonial discourse. Such a discourse would ordinarily
involve a development organization ‘returning land’ to the rightful indigenous owners in
return for unquestioning support of that organization’s ‘development plan’, however in this
instance it is the indigenous Zulu Chieftain who willingly gifts land to a white South African.
The author considers this to be an important aspect of Indigo’s authenticity as an SDP
initiative; the level of trust required for a white man to have been gifted land by a Zulu
Chieftain (considering that historically ‘the white man’ took land by force) demonstrates
an intense level of intercultural commitment from both sides that exemplifies the antithesis
of a neo-colonial discourse.
Oberholzer provides a more formal list of the Indigo Skate Camp’s aims and objectives
on the ‘Play your Part’ website (a South African nationwide initiative to encourage positive
change):
This list of aims and objectives essentially mirrors every one of the seven characteristics
of skateboarding developed for this discussion. ‘Providing platforms for youths from
Indigo Skate Camp aims to create sustainable environments for learning and development
by:
- Providing platforms for youths from diverse backgrounds to meet on equal footing.
- Utilizing skateboarding as a vehicle for education specifically spoken English amongst
rural participants.
- Addressing areas of danger to vulnerable youths from sexual abuse, drug prevention to
anti gangsterism.
- Recognizing and developing skills amongst our participants, from woodwork to event
management to hospitality.
- Creating a sense of belonging through networks of skateboarders.
- Allowing youths the ability to believe in their infinite potential and providing avenues for
these youths to explore their chosen path.
- Developing a sense of pride and ownership in shared facilities.
- Creating and advocating for employment within the skateboarding industry.
(Source: Playyourpart.co.za, 2016)

23. 23
diverse backgrounds’ is akin to skateboarding’s core values of diversity and
multiculturalism. ‘Utilizing skateboarding as a vehicle for education’ is akin to
skateboarding’s progressive nature. ‘Addressing areas of danger to vulnerable youths’
and ‘Recognizing and developing skills’ are akin to skateboarding’s focus on courage,
persistence, personal challenges and goals. ‘Creating a sense of belonging’ is akin to
skateboarding’s status as a global subculture. ‘Allowing youths to believe in their infinite
potential and […] explore their chosen path’ is akin to skateboarding’s ability to be
creolized and its ability to act as a ‘physical therapy’ and provide quicker access to flow
states. ‘Developing a sense of pride and ownership in shared facilities’ can be loosely
connected to skateboarding’s gender neutral traits in terms of shared facilities between
genders; but which also relates to the sharing of a neutral intercultural space serving to
reinforce Indigo’s main aim of healing the scars of apartheid.
From the above list of seven characteristics, Oberholzer emphasizes that skateboarding’s
core values of diversity and multiculturalism have been utilized to enhance the
effectiveness of the Indigo Skate Camp, he is clear when asked about what intercultural
impact he believes the organization has made:
This is all about inter racial relations, about acceptance and working together, the
fact that we are still going speaks volumes as few projects dare to set up in the
heart of the problem as we did in an impoverished area (Appendix A).
In terms of Zulu culture specifically, oral tradition is a key feature and has been used for
centuries to pass on folklore from one generation to the next through stories and proverbs
(Zulu Culture, 2016; Sahistory.org.za, 2016b). Oberholzer states that there were ‘many
cultural stories to adhere to when working with respect in a traditional Zulu area’, but that
with ‘good communication we can overcome any obstacle’ (Appendix A). When asked if
he thinks skateboarding has facilitated increased intercultural communication through the
Indigo project, Oberholzer’s resolute response is that:
YES, [sic] When I am in Durban I sleep safely in a rural village, so too do countless
volunteers, we have opened up a doorway into this community for outsiders and
this is proof of our strong roots (Appendix A).

24. 24
Supporting Oberholzer’s claim that ‘we have opened up a doorway into this community
for outsiders’ is a 2009 Reuters article aptly titled Tony Hawk meets “fearless” Zulu
skateboarders. The article states that:
Since the camp was started eight years ago, scores of rural youngsters have
become skateboarders and many city children have attended the camps, learning
new skateboarding tricks in a unique cultural environment (Reuters, 2009).
This example demonstrates that integrating a social justice movement into this Zulu
community required adherence to traditional cultural folklore in combination with a high
level of intercultural sensitivity. Indigo has not only involved rural, impoverished Zulu
youth in a wider South African youth culture and provided them with positive outlets for
their energy and creativity, it has also created in-roads for urban dwelling youth of all
cultural backgrounds to experience elements of Zulu culture in a safe and engaging
environment. The author strongly suggests that skateboarding’s core values of diversity
and multiculturalism have enhanced the effectiveness of this cultural integration process.
Moving on to discuss skateboarding’s adaptability to be creolized, Oberholzer, quoted in
Wheaton (2013) explains how South Africa’s relative isolation has resulted in their own
form of skateboarding:
African style, because anything goes in this country, and everyone kind of gets
looked out for, you know, does get kind of acknowledged in a certain way (p111).
More specifically Oberholzer also refers to the organic development of an audacious and
adventurous Zulu skate style when he states:
It is in their culture. The children in the city hold back a lot but these boys are so
outdoor, rough and rugged that they don't hold back (Reuters, 2009).
One of the good things is that they are pretty fearless. And that is Zulu culture,
that they are quite strong and fearless. It helps when skating (Wheaton, 2013,
p110).
Skateboarding’s adaptability to be creolized certainly appears to be a key feature
enhancing the effectiveness of the Indigo Skate Camp here, the author suggests that the

25. 25
indigenous Zulu youth have been able to use elements of their Zulu warrior ancestry
(being rugged and fearless) (Zulu Culture, 2016) and apply this to the modern, positive
and creative physical outlet of skateboarding; developing their own ‘African style’ of
skateboarding in the process. These two examples also further support the author’s
suggestion that the Indigo Skate Camp makes every effort to ensure it does not propagate
a neo-colonial discourse, and that local cultures are given every chance to thrive as an
integral part of the project’s development. Wheaton (2013) suggests that this perception
of Zulu culture plays to stereotypes of black physicality in a neo-colonial discourse,
however the author argues that whilst black physicality is indeed a cultural stereotype, in
the context of the Indigo Skate Camp it reflects a positive narrative which only serves to
enhance the participant’s skateboarding abilities.
Once youth have reached a certain proficiency on the board, it is then skateboarding’s
status as a global subculture which offers them the potential to travel, grow and
experience a wider world. The Laureus Sport for Good Foundation works closely with the
Indigo Skate Camp and in a 2013 newsletter it was reported that:
The success of IYM [Indigo Youth Movement] drew the attention of local
government officials and for the first time ever in South Africa, skateboarding
became part of an international youth exchange programme. This saw six Zulu
kids from the programme skateboarding throughout Europe, putting the humble,
rural programme firmly on the map (Laureus, 2013).
A more specific example of this is the empowering story of a previously homeless South
African teenager named ‘Thalente’. Professional skateboarder Tony Hawk witnessed
Thalente’s ‘incredible style and natural talent’ at the Indigo Skate Camp and subsequently
offered him sponsorship; this sponsorship enabled Thalente, who had left school at 8
years old, to learn to read and write and also travel to Los Angeles to meet other
professional skateboarders and develop the skills needed to succeed as a sponsored
athlete in the skateboard industry (I am Thalente, 2016). In Oberholzer’s words:
The benefits to our participants are evident with improved schooling, motivation
and ambition, the proof is in the success of all our skaters who have used us as a
stepping stone to success (Appendix A).

26. 26
These examples demonstrate that being skateboarders and thus having access to the
global skateboard subculture has provided underprivileged African youth with avenues to
explore their full potential. Skateboarding’s status as a global subculture has clearly
facilitated intercultural communication in this regard and therefore the author suggests
that the Indigo Skate Camp has utilized this characteristic of skateboarding to enhance
the effectiveness of its SDP project.
Earlier in this chapter skateboarding’s focus on courage, persistence, personal
challenges and goals was discussed in relation to the founder of the Indigo Skate Camp,
Dallas Oberholzer. Interrogating this characteristic of skateboarding in regards to the
actual participants however provides further insight into the topic. Besides the Laureus
Sport for Good Foundation, the Indigo Skate Camp also works with PeacePlayers
International (PPI) in South Africa. In a 2010 PPI blog it was stated that:
PPI will work with Dallas to introduce a more life skills-centered program, with a
specific focus (as requested by Dallas) on concentration, tenacity, and effective
communication, necessary for skateboarders to feel safe when boarding
(Peaceplayersintl.org, 2010)
Indeed, in 2013 the Laureus Sport for Good Foundation reported that:
The project [Indigo] has recently been instrumental in helping combat violence and
substance abuse in the city of Cape Town […] This saw participants being
empowered and trained in leadership skills, greatly enhancing the development of
self-esteem. After all, this is seen almost universally as a key weapon in fighting
the negative and destructive influences of violence and substance abuse (Laureus,
2013).
This persistence and tenacity is also reflected in Indigo’s Memorandum of Agreement
with the city of Cape Town where Oberholzer explains:
[…] today [2016] we run the programs we developed at skate camp in the Cape
Flats (Cape Town) where our after school skate sessions are running at 4 sites in
very dangerous gang ridden areas (Appendix A).

27. 27
At risk youth in these ‘gang ridden areas’ who are given the opportunity to take part in
after school skateboard programs are therefore being offered constructive alternatives to
violence and drugs which allow them to develop concentration skills, effective
communication and self-esteem. In addition to this, the successful collaboration between
Indigo, PPI and the Laureus Foundation provides a robust response to Kidd (2008) and
Kidd & Donnelly’s (2007) criticism of actors in the ‘unregulated’ NGO sector competing
against each other for limited funds; in this instance three organizations have
communicated effectively to avoid competition and work towards a shared development
goal. The author suggests that enabling youth agency through such skills development
programs is a prime example of skateboarding’s focus on courage, persistence, personal
challenges and goals; and therefore the Indigo Skate Camp is utilizing this characteristic
of skateboarding to greatly enhance the effectiveness of its SDP initiative.
Gender equality is an intercultural barrier that has been harder to tackle for the Indigo
Skate Camp, mainly due to traditional elements of Zulu culture. Research into this aspect
of Zulu culture describes how girls either tend to be at school or helping their mothers in
the household, only once chores are completed are they permitted to play outside
(Everyculture.com, 2016). When asked if the apparent lack of female participants in most
online videos and photos related to Indigo is connected with this Zulu tradition, Oberholzer
confirms that:
Yes it is a cultural issue where youths don’t really ‘play’ together, it’s a Zulu custom
and we are here for the skaters – most of who are males so we just go with what
we can do, we do still have around 20% females and we are not pushy we just
embrace all we can do (Appendix A).
An excerpt from the PeacePlayers International blog describing the Indigo Skate Camp
adds that:
Mostly boys were skating, but girls were there too. One girl […] was a good match
for the boys, flipping and grabbing the board just as many times as the boys
(Peaceplayersintl.org, 2010).

28. 28
Given that Oberholzer reports that only 20% of participants are female, and considering
the above quote describes just ‘one girl’ being a match for the boys, gender equality is
clearly an area of the project which requires further attention. Despite this cultural barrier
to gender equality however, Oberholzer explains how they are working hard to develop
the project and incorporate more female participants:
However in CT [Cape Town] we have a girls only session every Saturday so we
are learning ways to facilitate for both genders separately as this is proving to be
more effective (Appendix A).
So despite the fact that traditional Zulu customs may cause a barrier to the participation
of rural female youth, the above example from PeacePlayers International highlights the
gender neutral traits of skateboarding since ‘one girl […] was a good match for the boys’;
supporting Thorpe’s (2014) argument that skateboarding supports ‘gender neutral traits
of balance, coordination, grace, personal style and the creative use of space’ (p11).
The author considers that Indigo must be cognizant of not perpetuating a neo-colonial
discourse here however, whilst many would extol the intention to improve gender equality,
would it be considered cultural hegemony in presuming to affect traditional Zulu culture
by encouraging young girls to skateboard instead of fulfilling their familial duties? The
author suggests that this concept presents less of an issue in regards to the girls only
sessions in the urban environment of Cape Town. Cape Town is a populous,
multicultural, cosmopolitan city where the threats of violence, prostitution and substance
abuse far outweigh any threat skateboarding may pose to the traditional role of young
females in the family unit. Overall, the author considers that the gender neutral traits of
skateboarding have been utilized to enhance the effectiveness of the Indigo Skate Camp
where possible.
The final characteristic to be covered in this chapter is that of skateboarding’s ability to
act as a physical therapy and provide quicker access to flow states. Oberholzer, quoted
in Wheaton (2013) describes this characteristic in basic terms as:

29. 29
[…] just the self-satisfaction of doing something. Look at their confidence, and it
picks up their spirits. […] Every push or every turn of the skateboard is an
achievement for them, and it motivates them (p106).
One of the Indigo participants is a young South African named ‘G Ngubane’, he has
developed through the ranks of the project from simply being a skater to becoming an
Operations Manager of the rural skate park. Ngubane explains how ‘every time when I’m
on my board I just feel so free, it’s where I find my happiness’ (Indigo Youth Movement,
2014). In addition to these examples is a quote from world-famous professional
skateboarder Tony Hawk, during his visit to the Indigo Skate Camp he describes this
characteristic more eloquently:
If you get kids active and doing stuff together, there is a synergy and there is an
energy there that you can’t match in other ways […] these kids all come from
challenged communities, and they all come from different ways of life, but they find
a common bond in doing something active, and doing something together (Indigo
Youth Movement in Durban, 2009).
All three of these examples demonstrate elements of skateboarding’s ability to act as a
physical therapy and provide quicker access to flow states. Learning a new skill combined
with exercise acts as a physical therapy for these youth in terms of improved confidence,
self-esteem and a sense of freedom. Further to this the author suggests that the ‘synergy’
and ‘common bond in doing something active’ referred to by Hawk is an example of a
‘group flow state’ which has increased participant levels of empathy, self-determination
and creativity (Csikszentmihalyi, 1991; Friedel, 2015; Kotler, 2014). This characteristic
of skateboarding certainly appears to have been expertly utilized by Indigo to enhance
the effectiveness of their project in facilitating intercultural communication.
Each of the seven characteristics of skateboarding developed for this discussion have
been referred to throughout this chapter concerning the Indigo Skate Camp. Every
characteristic has been supported with a minimum of one real life example from the
experiences of people associated with the organization, and for each example the author
believes that skateboarding has positively contributed to the aims and objectives of the
project. There is evidence to suggest that more attention is required to improve gender

30. 30
equality, although development of this aspect must be carefully balanced to avoid cultural
hegemony. Overall the author considers that this chapter has clearly set out the ways in
which this action sport based social justice advocacy organization has utilized the
characteristics of skateboarding to enhance its project in facilitating intercultural
communication and breaking down intercultural barriers.

31. 31
Chapter 2: Skateistan
This chapter provides an overview of the social justice advocacy organization known as
Skateistan. A brief history of the organization is followed by the main section of the
chapter which interrogates how the seven characteristics of skateboarding enhance its
effectiveness in promoting intercultural harmony. Overall, the author believes that this
chapter strongly exemplifies the ways in which skateboarding enhances the Skateistan
project.
A brief history of Skateistan
According to Skateistan: The Tale of Skateboarding in Afghanistan (Fitzpatrick, 2012)
Skateistan was founded by an Australian named Oliver Percovich not long after he
travelled to Kabul in 2007. In the first chapter detailing the history of Skateistan it is stated
that:
He’d [Percovich] already travelled to over 40 countries, where he’d repeatedly been
amazed by the ease in making connections across cultural and language barriers
through skateboarding (p12).
However, the story of Skateistan is closely tied to Afghanistan’s troubled past. The UN
website details a history of the country and the decades leading up to 2007 and beyond;
this history summarizes the multiple periods of war and armed conflict which have left
Afghanistan with deeply ingrained intercultural barriers (Un.org in Afghanistan, 2016). In
addition to almost constant warfare in Afghanistan was the period of oppressive rule by
the Taliban from 1996 to 2001; one of the first Afghan locals to skate with Percovich,
Shams Razi, remembers the consequences of participating in sport during that time:
[…] everyone was desperate for something fun to do, but even sports were banned,
except for special scheduled football matches…Anyone found playing football or
other sports on the street was beaten or arrested, whether they were seven-years-
old or 70 (Fitzpatrick, p13).
Besides the natural hurdles expected in a country consumed by war and the lingering
memory of an overbearing, fundamentalist governing regime, Afghanistan is also home

32. 32
to an extremely diverse ethnic mix with a history of division, including Pashtuns, Hazara,
Tajik and Uzbeck (Fitzpatrick, 2012). Despite these daunting challenges however,
Percovich managed to secure funding from various locations and achieve a major
milestone in 2009 as stated in Thorpe and Rinehart (2012):
[…] in 2009, with US$1 million in local and international donations and land gifted
by Afghanistan’s Olympic Committee, the organization built a 19,000 square foot
indoor skateboard park – Kabul’s largest indoor sports facility (p121).
The Skateistan website explains that some of its on-going core financial support comes
from the Finnish Embassy and the Embassy of the United States in Kabul (Skateistan,
2016). The annual running costs of the organization were approximately $229,000 USD
according to the organization’s 2011 Financial Overview, cited in Thorpe and Rinehart
(2012). Compare this with the operating costs in 2014 of $788,457 USD and it is clear
that the project is experiencing sustained growth (Financial Overview, 2016). In the 7
years since opening its first skate park in Kabul the organization has also developed a
skateboard school program in both Phnom Penh, Cambodia and Johannesburg, South
Africa. For the purposes of this discussion however, focus shall be on the Skateistan
project in Afghanistan in order to provide a distinctive appraisal of how the unique
intercultural barriers of this country have been tackled by the organization. The author
believes this will make for a more effective contrasting comparison with the intercultural
barriers faced by the Indigo Skate Camp in South Africa.
Finally, the Skateistan website and literature underscore that skateboarding is only one
element of the project, Friedel (2015) states that she ‘created lesson plans for the skate
park as much as for the classroom that were based on participatory education and
engaged pedagogy’ (p70). Fitzpatrick (2012) also explains how general education is the
key focus:
[…] the Skateistan facility in Kabul has played host to young people exploring,
usually for the first time, the possibilitiesof theatre, puppetry, sculpture, woodwork,
textiles, modelling, drawing, painting, button-making, video production and
photography (p162).

33. 33
This brief history of Skateistan has provided a framework which encompasses the unique
intercultural context of Afghanistan in addition to the basic premise of how the
organization operates. The next section will explore how the characteristics of
skateboarding are utilized to enhance the project.
Skateboarding as tool of integration in Afghanistan
Percovich and the Skateistan team have encountered (and continue to encounter) unique
intercultural barriers in Afghanistan, and these have been tackled in a variety of ways.
The following section discusses how the seven characteristics of skateboarding2 have
been utilized in this cross-cultural context to facilitate intercultural communication.
Afghanistan’s unfortunate history of armed conflict serves as the starting point to discuss
intercultural barriers, especially considering the unique political and military situations that
were spawned following the end of Taliban rule in 2001. In December 2001 the United
Nations (UN) sanctioned creation of an ‘International Security Assistance Force (ISAF)’
to assist the newly established ‘Afghan Interim Authority’ in keeping control of the capital
city of Kabul (Un.org in Afghanistan, 2016). From the perspective of the Afghan people
however, this only meant foreign soldiers walking around on patrol instead of being
actively involved in live combat; either way, in the experience of a large proportion of the
Afghan population, foreigners tend to carry guns, and guns often act as barriers to most
forms of communication. The point here is better explained by Friedel’s (2015)
experiences:
A village chief thanked us for skateboarding through their place and showing his
children that foreigners do not always come armoured and in presence of military or
police convoys (p68).
In this first example then, the simple act of skateboarding itself has unintentionally created
a neutral space for intercultural communication to occur, even without a conscious
intention to achieve as much. It could be argued that this example represents all seven
2 Its ‘newness’, progressivenature and lack of rules and regulations; corevalues of diversity and multiculturalism;
adaptability to be creolized;status as a global subculture;focus on courage, persistence, personal challenges and
goals;gender neutral traits;ability to actas a ‘physical therapy’and providequicker access to ‘flow states’

34. 34
characteristics of skateboarding, however to be more specific the author suggests that
approval of the village chief is more likely linked to four of the characteristics;
skateboarding’s newness, its adaptability to be creolized, its focus on courage, and its
gender neutral traits. This suggestion is based upon the idea that these four thoughts
may have occurred to the village chief as he considered the relative bravery of a foreign
woman, practicing an activity requiring skill and balance never before seen in Afghanistan
where such acts could be deemed as culturally inappropriate.
A more universally familiar intercultural barrier is that of division due to social class and
financial status. In one of Percovich’s early skate sessions on the streets of Kabul he
remembers how skateboarding’s natural status as a subculture (transcending national,
social, cultural and ethnic divides) was a contributing factor to a remarkable experience:
[…] it was a girl’s session, and there were girls from the nearby apartment blocks,
which was quite middle class, as well as really poor girls that were working in that
area, and they were all skateboarding together and they were having so much fun,
they were shrieking while they were skateboarding…at the end of it they all sat
around the fountain…and they started to sing a song together, and after they
finished singing the song they held hands and they started to dance around the
fountain…and this is not what usually happens after a skateboard session in most
places in the world (TEDxSydney, 2016).
It seems apparent that two characteristics of skateboarding are facilitating intercultural
communication in this example. Firstly, girls from different social and ethnic backgrounds
are being brought together by sharing a positive experience where skateboarding is
acting as a subculture; subconsciously this lets the girls briefly relax adherence to any
dominant cultural norms which may ordinarily create barriers to communication.
Secondly, the author suggests that the learning of a new skill combined with the physical
exercise of skateboarding has acted as a physical therapy in this instance, and that
arguably this transcendent experience has allowed the participants to enter a ‘group flow
state’ which has increased participant levels of empathy, self-determination and creativity
(Csikszentmihalyi, 1991; Friedel, 2015; Kotler, 2014). This serves as a possible
explanation as to why these girls, who may ordinarily be disinclined to interact with each

35. 35
other due to social and intercultural barriers, felt compelled to hold hands and dance
together. The author suggests therefore that skateboarding has played an important role
in enhancing the effectiveness of Skateistan’s development project in this instance.
Moving forward, any discussion of intercultural barriers in Afghanistan must also consider
both religion and gender. Gender equality is certainly the subject of ongoing debate; a
combination of historical Taliban rule and strictly enforced religious Shari’ah law has left
Afghanistan’s modern day female population with severely restricted rights and freedom
of movement. Women in Afghanistan are not permitted to drive cars, ride bicycles, have
jobs or participate in any form of sport, and these are just a few examples from an
extensive list (Amnesty.org.uk, 2016). Percovich explains how skateboarding’s
‘newness’ has been a key characteristic in this context:
[…] how is it possible that I’ve been skateboarding with girls in the street but they’re
not allowed to play these other sports, and I realized; skateboarding was a loophole,
it was so new that nobody had had a chance to say that girls couldn’t do it yet
(TEDxSydney, 2014).
The sensitive issue of female participation in everyday Afghan life is an important aspect
of Skateistan’s approach to development and peace work in Kabul, the organization is
acutely aware of the inherent complications. Percovich, cited in Thorpe (2014) explains
that having a staff which is 50% female is almost unheard of in Afghanistan and brings
with it a special set of considerations and complexities.
In fact, female participation in many aspects of modern Afghan life is such a novelty and
so rare that it invites widespread attention. Mainly due to Shari’ah law, it is at best a
cultural faux pas and at worst a catalyst for public execution if women draw too much
attention to themselves in Afghanistan (The Independent, 2013). The Skateistan team
found that this could be an issue for the young Afghan girls skateboarding on the streets
of Kabul. The indoor skate park built by Skateistan in 2009 was therefore a neutral space
for young Afghan girls to escape such attention, and this is also where skateboarding’s
core values of diversity and multiculturalism were allowed to blossom further. Friedel
(2015) explains that, ‘[i]n Kabul it was building a safe house where girls, especially, can
participate in skateboarding and educational classes without being watched by strangers’

36. 36
(p94). The indoor skate park also allowed the Skateistan team to introduce the concept
of gender equality to a new generation of Afghan males:
We’ve got girls skateboarding, but we had to teach boys that, no, they couldn’t
push girls off the board and that they had equal rights to be in that space
(Skateistan: The Movie, 2011).
Skateboarding’s gender neutrality also plays its role here, skateboarding can be practiced
in myriad different ways where personal style, coordination and grace are just as
important, and at times arguably more so, than physical size or strength. So not only
does Skateistan provide the opportunity for young Afghan girls to be able to skate in a
safe environment, but girls are also able to experience a sense of gender equality with
Afghan boys which would be almost impossible in regular Afghan life outside of the skate
park because of the dominant Shari’ah law.
The topic of female empowerment also ties in with Skateistan’s awareness of the common
pitfalls of SDP projects; such as promoting a neo-colonial discourse through cultural
imperialism and top-down paternalistic approaches to development. Percovich explains
how skateboarding is utilized to enhance the Skateistan project in this context:
[…] the local community created through skateboarding can also transcend
international barriers. When somebody sees a picture of a young girl in
Afghanistan on a big ramp, and she’s dropping in, and she’s achieved something
that she thought was impossible, she also becomes the subject of respect, not pity,
in those people’s eyes (TEDx, 2014).
This echoes Spaaij’s (2011) argument that urges SDP projects ‘to move away from deficit
mode’ and stop assuming that youth are ‘victims’ who need to be shown how to develop;
in the above example Afghan youth are being given agency to ‘become the subject of
respect’ and thus countering Spaaij’s criticism of SDP projects. The author suggests
therefore that this element of the Skateistan project is enhanced by the characteristic of
skateboarding that focuses on courage, persistence, personal challenges and goals. To
become good enough to drop in to a large ramp takes courage, persistence and the
setting of personal goals to overcome challenges. Moreover, another key element of the

37. 37
Skateistan project utilizing the characteristic of courage, persistence, personal challenges
and goals is that of developing youth leaders and ‘skateboard teachers’ from the local
Afghan community. Skateistan - The Tale of Skateboarding in Afghanistan contains an
entire section which details the personal profiles of six ‘teachers’ who have been
developed out of the local community, ranging in age from 12 to 23 years old (Fitzpatrick,
2012).
It is skateboarding’s adaptability to be creolized that is the final characteristic utilized by
Skateistan to enhance their development project. The organization is very careful not to
expose local Afghan youth to an excessive amount of Western cultural influences, the
aim is to create a neutral space for individual personalities and leaders to flourish (Friedel,
2015; Thorpe and Rinehart, 2012). Thorpe (2014) talks about how the organization has
worked with various skateboard companies to create a recognizable Skateistan brand
with their own products, and how ‘[…] many of the graphics featured on these products
are designed by Skateistan students during art classes’ (p7). Allowing Afghan youth
culture to make a branded impact on the global skateboard industry in this way is an
example of skateboarding’s adaptability to be creolized, but more importantly in the
context of this discussion, it is further evidence to show how skateboarding is utilized by
Skateistan to enhance the effectiveness of its project in facilitating intercultural
communication and breaking down intercultural barriers.
Each of the seven characteristics of skateboarding developed for this discussion have
been referred to throughout this chapter concerning Skateistan. Every characteristic has
been supported with a real life example from the experiences of people within the
organization, and for each example the author believes that skateboarding has positively
contributed to the aims and objectives of the project. The author considers that this
chapter has clearly set out the ways in which this action sport based social justice
advocacy organization has utilized the characteristics of skateboarding to enhance its
project in facilitating intercultural communication and breaking down intercultural barriers.

38. 38
Chapter 3: Comparative analysis of Indigo Skate Camp and Skateistan
This chapter provides comparative analysis of both organizations in order to deconstruct
how the seven characteristics of skateboarding have been utilized to enhance the
effectiveness of their projects in facilitating intercultural communication and breaking
down intercultural barriers. The purpose of this chapter is to indicate similarities and
differences in both development project approaches in order to explain the background
of the ten recommendations for future skateboard based SDP initiatives. The ten
recommendations are detailed in the conclusion.
Basic comparative analysis highlights the main barriers to success faced by each
organization as detailed below:
Indigo Skate Camp (South Africa):
 dealing with the legacy of apartheid and colonialism which resulted in distrust of
‘the white man’
 setting up a sport based development program in an impoverished rural area with
poor infrastructure
 developing into gang ridden urban areas with violence and substance abuse
problems in the context of well documented government corruption
 attempting to enable gender equality in a Zulu community where the local custom
is that male and female youth don’t play together
Skateistan (Afghanistan):
 dealing with the legacy of persistent armed conflict which resulted in the distrust of
Western cultures in addition to a history of division between a complex mix of
indigenous ethnicities
 setting up a sport based development program in a war torn urban area with poor
infrastructure and the very real threat of regular terrorist attacks
 operating in a culture dominated by religious fundamentalism
 attempting to promote female empowerment and gender equality in a culture with
strict religious laws curtailing female rights

39. 39
Despite the different barriers to success faced by each organization they do share three
common hurdles:
A. dealing with the legacy of historical socio-cultural and political-ideological
problems
B. setting up sport based development programs in areas with poor infrastructure
C. attempting to enable (and even promote) gender equality in cultures famous for
male dominance
Both organizations have utilized every single one of the seven characteristics of
skateboarding in the process of developing their SDP projects and tackling the three
‘common hurdles’ mentioned above. The following analysis will interrogate one
characteristic of skateboarding at a time in order to compare and contrast these two
approaches from a more critical perspective.
‘newness’, progressive nature and lack of rules and regulations
The simple ‘newness’ of skateboarding enabled it to become the biggest female
participant sport in Afghanistan (TEDx, 2016) whilst also breaking down intercultural
barriers with a local Afghan chief. This ‘newness’ also sparked the interest of a Zulu
village elder and captured the attention of underprivileged youth across South Africa.
Analysis of these examples indicates that both organizations embrace involvement of
their local cultures and communities, this in turn also provides a response to the criticism
that SDP projects can often fall into the trap of being top-down and paternalistic if local
communities are not involved (Evers, 2010; Fontan, 2012; Friedel, 2015; Nichols et al,
2011; Thorpe and Ahmad, 2015). This characteristic of skateboarding has specifically
helped to counteract common hurdles A and C.
core values of diversity and multiculturalism
In South Africa, through skateboarding’s core values of diversity and multiculturalism
Indigo have provided urban youth of all cultures with a ‘doorway’ into a rural Zulu
community, whilst providing rural Zulu youth with avenues to explore their full potential in
other regions of the country and beyond. In Afghanistan, Skateistan has facilitated
intercultural communication between Pashtuns, Hazara, Tajik and Uzbeck youth in

40. 40
addition to providing a neutral space for youth from different socio-economic backgrounds
to safely interact. This characteristic of skateboarding has specifically helped to
counteract common hurdle A.
adaptability to be creolized
Indigo has facilitated the ‘creolization’ of skateboarding in South Africa and an ‘African
style’ that is exhibited more specifically in a strong and fearless approach to
skateboarding which Zulu youth have developed as their own cultural form of the sport.
Skateistan have similarly facilitated Afghan youth in adapting skateboarding to meet their
cultural needs, participants have made their mark on the global skateboard industry by
producing and selling Afghan inspired artistic skateboard equipment designs. This
characteristic of skateboarding has specifically helped to counteract common hurdle A.
status as a global subculture
Skateboarders from the Indigo Skate Camp have tapped directly into skateboard culture
on a macro scale in order to travel outside South Africa and pursue greater levels of self-
development. Indigo skaters have also been able to utilize a more micro scale element
which the author suggests allows participants to put aside their dominant cultural/ethnic
labels of black and white, and simply interact with each other as fellow members of a
neutral ‘skateboard culture’.
Skateistan has also utilized this characteristic of skateboarding on a micro scale; Afghan
youth have tapped into the basic subculture element of skateboarding in order to create
a neutral cultural space in which to interact whilst temporarily relaxing adherence to
dominant cultural norms. This is most evident in the girls only skate session example
where participants held hands and sang songs after skateboarding together. This
characteristic of skateboarding has specifically helped to counteract common hurdles A
and C.
focus on courage, persistence, personal challenges and goals
The Indigo Skate Camp has given disadvantaged youth in rural and urban areas the
opportunity to strive for goals and challenges they may otherwise never have considered,

41. 41
for some this has meant facilitating their growth out of destructive cycles of violence and
substance abuse. Indigo participants also have the chance to be employed in various
skilled roles related to the project and beyond. Skateistan has created ‘skateboard
teacher’ employment for Afghan youth which has allowed some to stop begging on the
street and return to school, whilst also building their self-esteem as tutors to younger
Afghan children.
These examples reinforce the arguments made by Kidd (2008), Giulianotti (2001a) and
Calloway (2004) which suggest that SDP initiatives can tackle key political, social and
cultural issues. These examples also provide evidence to counter Spaaij’s (2011)
criticism that too often those on the receiving end of development projects are portrayed
as, and treated as victims. Evidence suggests that both Indigo and Skateistan make
every effort to engage youth agency and facilitate their empowerment so youth can
become a ‘subject of respect’. This characteristic of skateboarding has specifically helped
to counteract common hurdles A and C.
gender neutral traits
Whilst both organizations have demonstrated how skateboarding’s gender neutral traits
allow for the mixed gender practice of the sport, and both have also specifically created
‘girls only skateboard sessions’ in an attempt to enable female empowerment, the author
suggests that the topic of gender equality is much more of an issue for Skateistan in
Afghanistan. It appears relatively clear following analysis of Chapters 1 and 2 that women
in modern day Afghanistan have severely restricted rights in comparison to their South
African counterparts. Strictly enforced religious law appears to be the ostensible reason
for this gender inequality.
The volatile situation in Afghanistan combined with widespread religious fundamentalism
supporting the restriction of women’s rights is an issue which requires Skateistan to
maintain appreciation of dominant cultural norms; it also requires that those associated
with the project exercise conscious cultural sensitivity at all times. Indigo has its own
unique intercultural barrier to tackle in this regard, their challenge is to facilitate gender
equality whilst simultaneously avoiding the pitfall of cultural hegemony. Whilst the socio-
cultural environment in South Africa may be relatively less hostile, a well-considered,

42. 42
culturally sensitive approach is still paramount. This characteristic of skateboarding has
specifically helped to counteract common hurdles A and C.
ability to act as a ‘physical therapy’ and provide quicker access to ‘flow states’
This characteristic of skateboarding is arguably the most universal of the seven. Chapters
1 and 2 both contain discernable examples of skateboarding allowing participants to ‘feel
free’ on an individual level. On a group level, professional skateboarder Tony Hawk
fittingly describes how the Indigo Skate Camp has facilitated impoverished South African
youth to experience a ‘synergy’ and a ‘common bond in doing something active’.
Similarly, when Skateistan founder Oliver Percovich relates his story of Afghan girls
holding hands and singing after skateboarding together, despite their vastly differing
social and ethnic backgrounds, the successful utilization of this characteristic of
skateboarding to enhance both SDP initiatives in facilitating intercultural communication
cannot be legitimately challenged.
Further to the above analysis, the author has identified the following contrasts between
the two social justice advocacy organizations:
 The Indigo Skate Camp is very much South African orientated; founded by a South
African in a peaceful area of rural South Africa with minimal funding, in an attempt to
‘heal apartheid scars’ which have plagued the country for decades. Oberholzer even
states in Appendix A that ‘[w]e are entirely made up of South Africans who we have
groomed and prepared for our journey’. The ‘flavour’ is one of a professional action
sports athlete trying to ‘give something back’, creating a sustainable grass roots
project where the goal is to ‘train up our staff from a young age to where they now run
our show’ (Appendix A).
Research suggests that the Indigo Skate Camp does not require donations to exist
and that the project has diversified to include ‘many income streams’. This is an
essential element of the Indigo story considering the well documented corruption of
the South African government and Oberholzer’s awareness that any development
project would need to be built on a ‘do-it-yourself’ ethos. This ethos and independence
from ‘big funding’ has meant that ultimately Indigo’s participants, along with
Oberholzer, have always maintained full control of their aims, objectives and overall

43. 43
direction. It can be argued that Indigo has legitimately achieved its aims and
objectives in addition to providing impoverished youth with a sustainable future not
dependent on the charity of others.
 Skateistan in contrast is much more international; founded by an Australian in the war
torn capital of Kabul in Afghanistan, in an attempt to offer education to Afghan youth
and promote intercultural harmony via a positive and creative physical medium.
Percovich however is educated to a Masters degree level and his original reason for
travelling to Afghanistan was to apply for research based employment. The founding
of Skateistan was a completely organic process following Percovich’s experiences;
witnessing the joy that skateboarding brought to Afghan youth caught in a situation
where there is often precious little to be joyous about.
The striking contrast to Indigo Skate Camp however is related to funding; whereas
Indigo had barely any government involvement and relied on no one for their funding,
Skateistan receives regular funding from various governmental embassies, including
the Embassy of the United States. Thorpe and Rinehart (2012) provide excellent
analysis of the relationship between NGOs and government funding in a neo-liberal
context, highlighting Percovich’s frustration at having to ‘spend our time writing reports
to somebody’ (p125) in order to secure continued funding. Percovich demonstrates
astute awareness of the hidden agendas often tied to such funding however, and as
such Skateistan is making continuous efforts to migrate to other streams of income
which will allow for greater autonomy (Thorpe and Rinehart, 2012).
This chapter has provided a comparative analysis of the Indigo Skate Camp and
Skateistan where the author has articulated that whilst both organizations faced different
scenarios, they shared three similar hurdles to success. This chapter has also outlined
how, in order to overcome these hurdles, both organizations utilized the seven
characteristics of skateboarding to enhance the effectiveness of their SDP projects in
facilitating intercultural communication and breaking down intercultural barriers.

44. 44
Conclusion
Concluding Comments
In sum, this discussion has interrogated the background, funding and successful
strategies utilized by two skateboard based social justice advocacy organizations known
as the Indigo Skate Camp and Skateistan. This has been achieved via a semi-structured
interview with the founder of the Indigo Skate Camp in addition to critical analysis of
myriad scholarly articles, digital media and print written by key members of action sport
based SDP initiatives. Building on previous research and policy recommendations for the
SDP sector by Kidd (2008), Giulianotti (2011a, 2011b), Thorpe (2014) and Thorpe and
Ahmad (2015), the author concludes by making ten recommendations to future SDP
initiatives who wish to utilize skateboarding to enhance the effectiveness of their
development projects in facilitating intercultural communication and breaking down
intercultural barriers. The ten recommendations incorporate all seven characteristics of
skateboarding whilst simultaneously raising awareness of the three main criticisms of
SDP projects highlighted in the Literature Review.
Ten recommendations for future skateboard based SDP initiatives3
1. Initial funding of the project may come in any form but in the long term aim to develop
multiple revenue streams and ultimately maintain financial independence from any
entity which may use funding as leverage to promote their own agenda.
2. Avoid ethnocentricity and unintentionally promoting a neo-colonial discourse;
participants of the project should be given agency to use skateboarding’s newness
and progressive nature to focus on courage, persistence, personal challenges and
goals to become ‘subjects of respect’ (not pity/charity).
3. Avoid top-down, paternalistic approaches and involve local communities from the
earliest concept design stage whilst enabling local cultures to thrive and ‘creolize’
3 These recommendations have also been sent to the Indigo Skate Camp and Skateistan to assistthem with self-
reflexivity

45. 45
skateboarding in their own image. Aim for long term sustainability and local project
ownership where outside input is no longer required.
4. Avoid ‘negative’ competition with other development programs operating in the same
geo-political area. ‘Healthy’ competition can be achieved via open communication
with other SDP programs to advance both simultaneously. Be cognizant of
macroscopic national and international development strategies.
5. Utilize technology and social media to ensure local participants can connect to youth
around the world and access skateboarding’s global subculture. Aim to connect with
globally recognized skateboard companies and professionals to raise awareness of
the project.
6. Act without bias when working to facilitate intercultural communication between
communities divided by lack of trust and social contact; utilize skateboarding’s core
values of diversity and multiculturalism to create a culturally neutral space for peaceful
interaction to occur.
7. Utilize skateboarding’s innate gender neutral traits to create a gender neutral space
where both males and females can experience respectful interaction and gender
equality. However, be mindful of assigned gender roles in the target culture and
maintain acute intercultural sensitivity in relation to the aspect of gender.
8. Practice critical reflexivity; maintain close connection with the target
demographic/community/culture to ensure realistic achievement of the project’s aims
and objectives. Assess and review these on a regular basis.
9. Balance the physical therapy aspect of skateboarding with classroom based
educational activities such as reading, writing, mathematics, art, photography, theatre,
sculpture, woodwork and textiles.
10.Learn to recognize when the physical act of skateboarding has facilitated a ‘flow state’
(evident in the participant’s increased levels of empathy, self-determination and
creativity) and use these situations to encourage focused intercultural communication
between individuals who have been divided by an interpersonal issue.

46. 46
Further Research
Further research would benefit from direct contact with Oliver Percovich in order to gain
greater subjective responses concerning how the characteristics of skateboarding have
facilitated intercultural communication in Skateistan’s Johannesburg project in South
Africa. This could then be compared to the Indigo Skate Camp in the national and cultural
context of South Africa.
Further research could also consider Skateistan across its three projects in Afghanistan,
Cambodia and South Africa, comparing and contrasting the use of skateboarding to
enhance development projects across three different cultural contexts.
Further research into the Indigo Skate Camp would involve sending more detailed follow
up questions to Dallas Oberholzer to enrich the quality of his original answers, allow for
greater subjectivity and to interrogate further his views on: urban versus rural South
African intercultural barriers, gender equality versus cultural imperialism, and the potential
for any possible collaboration with Skateistan in Johannesburg.
It is also serendipitous that during the drafting of this dissertation it was announced that
skateboarding will make its Olympic debut in Tokyo 2020; from ancient Greece to
futuristic Japan, sport continues to play its part in fostering peace and promoting
development across the globe.

47. 47
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