OGBAJI UDOCHUKWU WROTE ON UDENGENE-NWANKWO-UMEH WHO HAILS FROM NDIKELIONWU.

1. PART 1
THE IGBOS OF EASTERN NIGERIA
The Igbos of Eastern Nigeria speaks dialects of Igbo, a Benue-Congo language of the
Niger-Congo family. Before European colonization the Igbo lived in autonomous local
communities, but by the mid 20th century they had developed a strong sense of ethnic identity.
Today they number some 20 million. Many are farmers, but trading, crafts, and wage labour are
also important, and many have become civil servants and business entrepreneurs.
Some Igbo still retain local traditional beliefs, while the remainders are Christians (chiefly
Catholics and Anglicans). The chief occupation of the igbo tribe is farming (yam, cassava, rice,
and vegetables). The fruits of the African oil palm are exported. New social relationships,
associated with the development of the capitalist mode of production, are taking shape among
this group.
Igbo, the language of the Igbo people of Eastern Nigeria, which belongs to the Kwa group
of the Congo-Kordofanian language family. The rich consonant system of Igbo includes the
bifocal obstruents kp and gb, palatalized, labialized, and aspirated consonants (voiced and
voiceless), and nasal fricatives. Vowel harmony, based on the openness and closeness of vowels,
operates within the word. Igbo has five phonologic tones. Case relations are signified by word
order, a single preposition of place, and partly by tones in the noun. In the verb, the person and
number of the subject are expressed in some forms by a pronominal prefix (―inseparable
pronoun‖) and in other forms by a pronoun (―separable pronoun‖). Verbs are marked for
aspectual-temporal forms, negation, and moods by prefixes and tones. Word formation is
primarily prefixal. Igbo is a written language and is taught in schools.
Subsistence farming characterizes agriculture among traditional Igbo people. The chief
agricultural products include yams and cassava. Other important subsidiary crops include
cocoyams, plantains, maize, melons, okra, pumpkins, peppers, gourds, and beans. Palm products
are the main cash crops. The principal exports include palm oil and, to a lesser extent, palm
kernels. Trading, local crafts, and wage labor are also important in the Igbo economy. High

2. literacy rates among the Igbo have helped them obtain jobs as civil servants and business
entrepreneurs since Nigeria gained independence in 1960.
There is a sexual division of labor in the traditional setting. Men are mainly responsible for
yam cultivation, and women for other crops. Usually, the men clear and prepare the land, plant
their own yams, cut stakes and train the yam vines, build the yam barns, and tie the harvest. The
women plant their own varieties of yam and "women's crops," which include cassava, cocoyams,
pumpkins, and peppers. They also weed and harvest the yams from the farm. With regard to
palm products, the men usually cut the palm fruit and tap and then sell the palm wine. They also
sell palm oil, which the women prepare. In general, women reserve and sell the kernels.
Most farmland is controlled by kinship groups. The groups cooperatively cultivate
farmland and make subsequent allocations according to seniority. To this end, rights over the use
of land for food cultivation or for building a house depend primarily on agnatic descent, and
secondarily on local residence. It is Igbo custom that a wife must be allocated a piece of land to
cultivate for feeding her household.
NDIKELIONWU
Ndikelionwu, from facts attained the status of a kingdom at the peak of its power in the
19th century, the influence of its kings stretching from Ndieniasaa in the present orumba north
Local Government Area to the banks of the River Niger at Onitsha, cutting across much of
Anambra State (Ike, 2000). The town Ndikelionwu is one of the autonomous communities in the
present Orumba North Local Government of Anambra State, Nigeria.
According to Ike, the town assumed a new relevance and significance by opening its gates
to an entirely new and foreign religion-christianity-and committing its human resources to the
propagation of the good news of Jesus Christ far and wide. The town was founded centuries ago
by King Ikelionwu Ufele, thus its name NDI-IKELIONWU means people of Ikelionwu.
Although at various times before 1908 it is called Umuchukwu or Aro-Ndikelionwu to highlight
the people‘s obedience to God and their linkage to Aro Kingdom respectively.
However, the date on which Ndikelionwu was established is not known. Some scholars
placed it at the second half of the 18th Century while some others placed it at the first half of the

3. 18th century (1701 and 1750). For detailed account of the origin of Ndikelionwu, see the book
titled Ndikelionwu and the Spread of Christianity, edited by Chukwuemeka Ike (2000) from
pages 18-96 .
THE LEGEND

4. PART 4
PRACTICES AND RITUALS IN ATR
Practices and rituals
There are more similarities than differences in all African Traditional Religions (Mbiti 1990,
100-101). Often, God is worshiped through consultation or communion with lesser deities and
ancestral spirits. The deities and spirits are honored through libation, sacrifice (of animals,
vegetables, or precious metals). The will of God is sought by the believer also through
consultation of oracular deities, or divination (Mbiti 1992, 68). In many African Traditional
religions, there is a belief in a cyclical nature of reality. The living stand between their ancestors
and the unborn. African Traditional religions embrace natural phenomena - ebb and tide, waxing

5. and waning moon, rain and drought - and the rhythmic pattern of agriculture. According to
Gottlieb and Mbiti:
"The environment and nature are infused in every aspect of African Traditional religions
and culture. This is largely because cosmology and beliefs are intricately intertwined
with the natural phenomena and environment. All aspects of weather, thunder,
lightening, rain, day, moon, sun, stars, and so on may become amenable to control
through the cosmology of African people. Natural phenomena are responsible for
providing people with their daily needs"(Gottlieb 2006, 261).
For example in the Serer religion, one of the most sacred star in the cosmos is called Yoonir the
(Star of Sirius) (Kalis, 1997). With a long farming tradition, the Serer high priests and priestesses
(Saltigue) deliver yearly sermons at the Xoy Ceremony (divination ceremony) in Fatick before
Yoonir's phase in order to predict winter months and enable farmers to start planting (Gravrand
1990, 21).
Divination
One of the most traditional methods of telling fortunes in Africa and Nigeria in particular is
called casting (or throwing) the bones. Because Africa is a large continent with many tribes and
cultures, there is not one single technique. Not all of the "bones" are actually bones; small
objects may include cowry shells, stones, strips of leather, or flat pieces of wood. Some castings
are done using sacred divination plates made of wood or performed on the ground (often within a
circle) and they fall into one of two categories:
Casting marked bones, flat pieces of wood, shells, or leather strips and numerically
counting up how they fall-either according to their markings or whether they do or do not
touch one another-with mathematically based readings delivered as memorized results
based on the chosen criteria.
Casting a special set of symbolic bones or an array of selected symbolic articles-as, for
instance, using a bird's wing bone to symbolize travel, a round stone to symbolize a
pregnant womb, and a bird foot to symbolize feeling.

6. In African society, many people seek out diviners on a regular basis. There are no prohibitions
against the practice. Those who tell fortunes for a living are also sought out for their wisdom as
counselors and for their knowledge of herbal medicine.
Duality of self and gods
Most indigenous African religions have a dualistic concept of the person. In the Igbo language, a
person is said to be composed of a body and a soul. In the Yoruba language, however, there
seems to be a tripartite concept: in addition to body and soul, there is said to exist a "spirit", an
independent entity that mediates or otherwise interacts between the body and the soul. Some
religious systems have a specific devil-like figure (for example, Ekwensu) who is believed to be
the opposite of God.
Virtue and vice
Virtue in African traditional religion is often connected with the communal aspect of life.
Examples include social behaviors such as the respect for parents and elders, appropriately
raising children, providing hospitality, and being honest, trustworthy and courageous.
In some ATRs, morality is associated with obedience or disobedience to God regarding the way
a person or a community lives. For the Kikuyu, according to Mbiti, God, acting through the
lesser deities, is believed to speak to and be capable of guiding the virtuous person as one's
"conscience." But so could the Devil and the messengers. In indigenous African religions, such
as the Azande religion, a person is said to have a good or bad conscience depending on whether
he does the bidding of the God or the Devil.
Religious offices and Priest
African indigenous religions, like most indigenous religions, do not have a named and known
founder. Many do not have a sacred scripture. Often, such religions are oral traditions.
In some societies, there are intermediaries between individuals or whole communities and
specific deities. Variously called Dibia, Babalawo, etc., the priest usually presides at the altar of
a particular deity like the chief priest of ―Ngene Eze Dike‖.

7. Healer
Practice of medicine is an important part of indigenous religion. Healers are reputed to have
professional knowledge of illness (pathology), surgery, and pharmacology (roots, barks, leaves
and herbs). Some of them are also reputed to diagnose and treat mental and psychological
problems.
The role of a traditional healer is broader in some respects than that of a contemporary medical
doctor. The healer advises in all aspects of life, including physical, psychological, spiritual,
moral, and legal matters. He also understands the significance of ancestral spirits and the reality
of witches.
Rainmaker
Rainmakers are believed to be capable of bringing about or stopping rain, by manipulating the
environment meteorologically (e.g., by burning particular kinds of woods, leaves, stems or
grasses or otherwise attempting to influence movement of clouds). They usually come from the
priestly class such as the Saltigues in Serer religion (Kalis 1997, 11-297 and Sarr 1986, 31). The
Saltigues are members of the old families that formed the priestly class, themselves descendants
of the ancient Lamanes, the old Serer kings and landed gentry as well as guardians of Serer
religion through the Pangool (the Serer saints and ancestral spirits) (Kalis, 1997 and Sarr, 1987).
The role of the Saltigue, which both men and women can join, was usually non-political but for
the betterment of the land and her people (Sarr, 1987). These high priests and priestesses are not
only responsible for predicting the future weather as in the Xoy ceremony , etc., but also to
organize their thoughts into a single cohesive unit and summon the deities and Pangool to bring
rain to the country (Sarr, 1986-1987, 31-38). This role was previously reserved for the ancient
Lamanes who were ritually killed if they could not bring rain to the country either through their
own powers or the accumulation of charms. It is from this heritage that the Saltigue class sprang
out of. They are the hereditary "rain priests". Rainmaking ceremonies takes place only when
there is drought in Serer country. Sacred ceremonies such as the Cadde and Khangere are
designed specifically for such events (Galvan 2004, 86-135). There are great hereditary queen
and king in south, south part of Niger Delta operating in witness to justice in return to every

8. unjust as also defend as visiting his tribe and there tribal warrior at every sentimental plan of war
against his very occupied named tribe call Igoni,or ogoni in today‘s Rivers State. As his shrine
may turn to be protection venue by every president of Nigeria during and after their tenure of
office as they all much notice him as god's of Rain and Air under the native umbrella this king
and queen is call Gbenebagha and Naakala as their bitterness may led to anger and war as
smallpox and hardship be spread against all their opponent, until spiritual appeal be made by
those enemies, without ceremonial event in place call (garaga) nothing will ever work out for
Twenty- five years.
Holy places and headquarters of religious activities
While there are human made places (altars, shrines, temples, tombs), very often sacred space is
located in nature (trees, groves, rocks, hills, mountains, caves, etc.). These are some of the
important centers of religious life: Nri-Igbo, the Point of Sangomar, Ile-Ife, Oyo, Dahomey,
Benin City, Ouidah, Nsukka, Akan, Kanem-Bornu, Mali, and Igbo-Ukwu.
Liturgy and rituals
Rituals often occur according to the life cycle of the year. There are herding and hunting rituals
as well as those marking the rhythm of agriculture and of human life. There are craft rituals, such
as in smithing. There are rituals on building new homes, on the assumption of leadership, etc.
Individuality
Each deity has an its own rituals, including choice objects of sacrifice; preference for male or
female priest-officer; time of day, week, month, or year to make required sacrifice; or specific
costumes for priest and supplicant on ritual occasions.
Patronage

9. Some deities are perpetual patrons of specific trades and guilds. For example, in Haitian Vodou,
Ogoun (Ogun among the Yorubas of Nigeria), the deity of metal, is patron of all professions that
use metals as primary material of craft.
Libation
The living often honor ancestors by pouring a libation (paying homage), and thus giving them
the first "taste" of a drink before the living consume it.
Magic, witchcraft, and sorcery
These are important, different but related, parts of beliefs about interactions between the natural
and the supernatural, seen and unseen, worlds. Magicians, witches, shamans and sorcerers are
said to have the skills to bring about or manipulate the relations between the two worlds. Abuse
of this ability is widely condemned. Magic, witchcraft, and sorcery are parts of many indigenous
religions. These are not extremely vital to the different deities but they are still necessary.
This is an Nsibidi script from Nigeria. It was originally a means of communication among the
initiates of the Secret Society (Diringer 1968, 107)
Secret societies
They are important part of indigenous religion. Among traditional secret societies are hunting
societies whose members are taught not only the physical methods, but also respect for the
spiritual aspect of the hunt and use of honorable magical means to obtain important co-operation
from the animal hunted.
Members are supposed to have been initiated into, and thus have access to, occultic powers
hidden to non-members. Well known secret societies are Egbo, Nsibidi, Ngbe, Mau Mau,
Ogboni, Sangbeto, etc.

10. Possession
Some spirits and deities are believed to "mount" some of their priests during special rituals. The
possessed goes into a trance-like state, sometimes accompanied by speaking in "tongues" (i.e.,
uttering messages from the spirit that need to be interpreted to the audience). In parts of Africa
possession is usually induced by drumming and dancing.
Mythology
Many indigenous religions, like most religions, have elaborate stories that explain how the world
was created, how culture and civilization came about, or what happens when a person dies, (e.g.
Kalunga Line). Other mythologies are meant to explain or enforce social conventions on issues
relating to age, gender, class, or religious rituals. Myths are popular methods of education: they
communicate religious knowledge and morality while amusing or frightening those who hear or
read them. Examples of religions with elaborate mythologies include the native religions of the
Yoruba (see Yoruba mythology) and Serer people (see Serer creation myth).
Religious persecution Adherents of African traditional religions had been persecuted, e.g.
practitioners of the Bwiti religion by Christian missionaries and French colonial authorities, as
well as some members of the present Gabon government.
Misleading Terms
In commending the effort of foreign commentators for their commitment regarding African
religious concepts, Dr Awolalu points out that a great number of writers use misleading terms in
describing the people's beliefs:
Primitive
Webster's Dictionary defines primitive as - Belonging to an early stage of technical development;
characterized by simplicity and (often) crudeness; "primitive movies of the 1890s"; "primitive
living conditions in the Appalachian mountains"

11. "It should be obvious from the dictionary meaning that this word cannot be appropriate in
describing the religions of Africa or those that practice this religion" (Awolalu, 1976).
Savage
The dictionary meaning is 'pertaining to the forerst or wilderness, wild uncultured, untamed
violent, brutal; uncivilized, untaught, rude, barbarous, and inhuman.
Again, Dr Awolalu points out that this word cannot be appropriate in describing the religions of
Africa or indeed those that practise this religion (Awolalu, 1976).
Paganism
The word pagan is from the Latin word paganus meaning peasant, village or country district, it
also means one who worships false gods, a heathen. But when the meaning is stretched further it
means one who is neither a Christian, a Jew nor a Muslim (Awolalu, 1976).
Traditions by region
North Africa
Berber mythology
Ancient Egyptian religion
West Africa
Akan mythology (Ghana)
Ashanti mythology (Ghana)
Dahomey (Fon) mythology
Efik mythology (Nigeria, Cameroon)
Odinani of the Igbo people (Nigeria, Cameroon)
Isoko mythology (Nigeria)
Serer religion (Senegal, Gambia)
Yoruba mythology (Nigeria, Benin)

12. Central Africa
Bushongo mythology (Congo)
Bambuti (Pygmy) mythology (Congo)
Lugbara mythology (Congo)
East Africa
Akamba mythology (East Kenya)
Dinka mythology (South Sudan)
Lotuko mythology (South Sudan)
Masai mythology (Kenya, Tanzania)
Malagasy mythology (Madagascar)
Southern Africa
Khoikhoi mythology
Lozi mythology (Zambia)
Tumbuka mythology (Malawi)
Zulu mythology (South Africa)
PART 5
African Traditional Religion
RELIGION is a fundamental, perhaps the most important, influence in the life of most
Africans; yet it‘s essential principles are too often unknown to foreigners who thus make
themselves constantly liable to misunderstand the African worldview and beliefs. Religion enters
into every aspect of the life of the Africans and it cannot be studied in isolation. Its study has to
go hand in hand with the study of the people who practice the religion. When we speak of
African Traditional Religion, we mean the indigenous religious beliefs and practices of the

13. Africans. It is the religion which resulted from the sustaining faith held by the forebears of the
present Africans, and which is being practiced today in various forms and various shades and
intensities by a very large number of Africans, including individuals who claim to be Muslims or
Christians. We need to explain the word ‗traditional‘. This word means indigenous, that which is
aboriginal or foundational, handed down from generation to generation, upheld and practiced by
Africans today. This is a heritage from the past, but treated not as a thing of the past but as that
which connects the past with the present and the present with eternity. This is not a ―fossil‖
religion, a thing of the past or a dead religion. It is a religion that is practiced by living men and
women.
Through modern changes, the traditional religion cannot remain intact but it is by no
means extinct. The declared adherents of the indigenous religion are very conservative, resisting
the influence of modernism heralded by the colonial era, including the introduction of Islam,
Christianity, Western education and improved medical facilities. They cherish their tradition;
they worship with sincerity because their worship is quite meaningful to them; they hold
tenaciously to their covenant that binds them together. We speak of religion in the singular. This
is deliberate. We are not unconscious of the fact that Africa is a large continent with multitudes
of nations who have complex cultures, innumerable languages and myriads of dialects. But in
spite of all these differences, there are many basic similarities in the religious systems—
everywhere there is the concept of God (called by different names); there is also the concept of
divinities and/or spirits as well as beliefs in the ancestral cult. Every locality may and does have
its own local deities, its own festivals, its own name or names for the Supreme Being, but in
essence the pattern is the same. There is that noticeable ―Africanness‖ in the whole pattern. Here
we disagree with John Mbiti who chooses to speak of the religion in the plural ―because there are
about one thousand African peoples (tribes), and each has its own religious system..(Mbiti,
1969).
Peculiarities of the Religion
This is a religion that is based mainly on oral transmission. It is not written on paper but in
people‘s hearts, minds, oral history, rituals, shrines and religious functions. It has no founders or
reformers like Gautama the Buddha, Asoka, Christ, or Muhammad. It is not the religion of one
hero. It has no missionaries, or even the desire to propagate the religion, or to proselytize.

14. However, the adherents are loyal worshippers and, probably because of this, Africans who have
their roots in the indigenous religion, find it difficult to sever connection with it.
Foreign Theorists and Investigators
Before we had foreign investigators to give the world an idea of what the religious beliefs
of the Africans looked like, there were theorists who have never been in Africa but who regarded
it as the ―Dark Continent‖ where people had no idea of God and where the Devil in all his
abysmal, grotesque and forbidden features, armed to the teeth and with horns complete, held
sway (Idowu, 1973). These theorists had fantastic tales to tell about Africa. And one such tale
was recorded in a Berlin journal which Leo Frobenius read before he ever visited Africa to see
things for himself. Among other things it said:
Before the introduction of genuine faith and higher standards of culture by the Arabs, the
natives had neither political organization nor strictly speaking any religion ....Therefore, in
examining the pre-Muhammadan conditions of the negro races, to confine ourselves to the
description of their crude fetishism, their brutal and often cannibal customs, their vulgar and
repulsive idols and their squalid homes ( Frobenius1913, X11).
And similar to this was the dialogue that took place between Edwin Smith, who had gone out as
a missionary to Africa, and Emil Ludwig, an eminent biographer. When Ludwig got to know that
Edwin Smith was in Africa as a missionary he was surprised; and in his surprise he asked, ―How
can the untutored Africans comprehend God? Deity is a philosophical concept which savages are
incapable of framing‖ (Smith 1966, 1).
These two quotations show the ignorance, prejudice and pride of these theorists. They did
not know, and they never confessed their ignorance about, Africa and the Africans. Hence
Professor Idowu aptly describes this period as the ―period of ignorance and false certainty‖ in the
study of African Traditional Religion (Idowu 1973, 88). But, as a contrast to these theorists, we
have genuine seekers after truth that showed their doubts as to whether there could be any people
anywhere in the world who were totally devoid of culture and religion, especially with particular
reference to the knowledge of the living God. Prominent among such people were Andrew Lang,
Archbishop N. Soderblom (Oman 1931, 485), and Father Schmidt of Vienna (Pritchard 1965,
103ff). Father Schmidt, for example, maintains:

15. …the belief in, and worship of, one supreme deity
is universal among all really primitive
peoples-the high God is found among them all,
not indeed everywhere in the same form or
with the same vigour, but still everywhere prominently
enough to make his dominant position indubitable.
He is by no means a late development or traceable to Christian missionary influences. Father
Schmidt had earlier been working among the Pigmies of the Congo in Central Africa. Such
revelations and declarations succeeded in changing the attitude of the Western world concerning
the religious beliefs of the so-called pre-literate peoples of the world. At least, they raised doubts
in the minds of those who might earlier have accepted the statements of the stay at home
investigators and curio collectors. Thus, while there were some Western scholars attempting to
write off Africa as a spiritual desert, ―there were, undoubtedly, a few who had the uneasy feeling
that the story of a spiritual vacuum for a whole continent of peoples could not be entirely true
((Idowu 1973, 92).‖ While some scholars admitted that the whole of Africa could not be a
spiritual vacuum, they raised doubt as to whether the God that the Africans believed in was the
―real God‖ or their own God. They started coining expressions like ―a high god‖, or ―a Supreme
God‖.
A. C. Bouquet, for example, seemed to be expressing the Western mind when he said,
―Such a High God hardly differs from the Supreme Being of the 18th century Deists and it is
absurd to equate him with the Deity of the Lord‘s Prayer‖(Bouquet 1933, 106). Here we see that
Bouquet is propounding a theory of many Supreme Beings in order to place the African God at a
lower level than the Deity that he (Bouquet) met in Jesus Christ. This is an intellectual attitude
complete with racial pride and prejudice.
But, thank God, there came on the scene a number of investigators who were interested in
finding out the truth about religion in Africa. Even here, we should remark that not all of them
took the trouble to make thorough investigations—some of them did their research part-time, e.g.
the Colonial Civil Servants, the missionaries, the explorers and so on. Others were
anthropologists and sociologists who examined religion just by the way. And yet others were

16. theologians and trained researchers. Several of them did their investigations as best as they could
among the peoples whose languages most of them did not understand. Even when interpreters
were used, one could not be sure that the interpretation would be accurate. Among the
missionaries could be mentioned T. B. Freeman, T. J. Bowen, R. H. Stone (Stone, 1899) and N.
Baudin (Baudin, 1885) and of the explorers, R. F. Burton (Burton, 1863) and T. J. Hutchinson
(Hutchinso, 1858).
The noticeable fault among the missionaries was that they were particularly subjective,
and they could not see anything good in African Traditional Religion. The impression they had
of it was that it was not worth knowing at all and they expected that the religion would soon
perish. But they were proved wrong. The anthropologists were much less inhibited by the
dogmas of Christianity than the missionaries. By and large they had a much better perception of
African Traditional Religion and they saw the relevance of the system of beliefs for African
traditional society. The most prominent were R. S. Rattray (Rattray, 1927), P. A. Talbot (Talbot,
1926), A. B. Ellis (Ellis, 1894), and S. S. Farrow (Farrow, 1926). The most successful of them
all, perhaps, was R. S. Rattray whose extensive study of the Ashanti in present Ghana was based
on informed knowledge of their language and the willingness to learn from the people by
actually participating in some festivals. One might also give credit to Farrow and Frobenius who
did thorough research among the Yoruba of South West Nigeria.
Leo Frobenius refutes the statement made in the journal that he read in Berlin in 1891
(cited above) and said: I have gone to the Atlantic again and again ....I traversed the regions
south of the Sahara, that barrier to the outside world…. But I have failed to find it governed by
the insensible fetish. I failed to find power expressed in degenerate bestiality alone….I
discovered the souls of these peoples, and found that they were more than humanity‟ s burnt-out
husks…( Frobenius, op. cit., xiv). In addition to these eminent men who have attempted a
systematic study of African religion should be mentioned the most recent ones like S. F. Nagel
who did pioneering work on the Nupe Religion (Nadel, 1954) and E. G. Parrinder who has
produced several works on African Traditional Religion ( Parrinder, 1954).
Whatever weaknesses and faults may be noticeable in the works of these foreign
investigators and writers, Africans have to give credit to them for their ability to work under hard
conditions and to express their thoughts in writings which the present generation of Africans can

17. read, examine and improve upon. In actual fact, some of these early investigators were more
careful than some modern ones who appear to know too much theoretical off-the-spot
anthropology and sociology, and who just pick from the researches of other people or rush to
Africa during the summer flight, interview one or two people and then rush back to produce
volumes.
Misleading Terms
While we commend the effort of the foreign investigators for committing to writing their
investigations about African Traditional Religion, we need to point out that a great number of
them used misleading term in describing the people‟ s beliefs. Among such terms can be
mentioned; primitive, savage, fetishism, juju, heathenism, paganism, animism, idolatry, and
polytheism. We need to examine some of these words and bring out their connotations.
(i) Primitive: The New Webster Encylopedic Dictionary defines primitive as pertaining to the
beginning or origin; original; first; old fashioned; characterized by the simplicity of old times.‟ It
should be obvious from the dictionary meaning that this word cannot be appropriate in
describing the religion of Africa or those who practise that religion. In what sense can we
describe the people as old fashioned or describe their religion as simple? The idea behind the use
of such an expression is engendered by racial pride. The Western scholar making the
investigation wanted to distinguish between his society (which is regarded as civilized) and the
other society which is not civilized but old-fashioned-just because such a society does not have
or adopt the same norm as that of the investigator. Anthropologists and sociologists like to justify
their use of the word on the ground that the culture is adjudged to be that which is original in the
history of the human race. African Traditional Religion has been evolving; there is in it the
element of continuity as well as discontinuity. Since it is a religion practised by living persons
today, changes are to be expected. Thus, strictly speaking, religion in its pristine form is no
longer in existence. Every aspect of it cannot be described as original. Whatever happens, the use
of the word primitive by Western scholars is derogatory and, therefore, obnoxious.
(ii) Savage: The dictionary meaning is: „pertaining to the forest or wilderness; wild; uncultured;
untamed violent; brutal; uncivilized; untaught; rude; barbarous; inhuman.‟ In one word,
savagery is the opposite of civilization. Our remarks are the same as we indicated under

18. primitive. We should also add that there is an element of savagery in every one of us and it
should not be made the exclusive trait of a particular people.
(iii) Fetishism: Earlier in this paper, we came across Frobenius who claimed to have read a
Berlin journal where it was stated that Africa was a place dominated by crude fetishism. What
does fetish mean? Linguists claim that the word is of Portuguese origin. The early Portuguese
who came to Africa saw that the Africans used to wear charms and amulets and so they gave the
name feitico to such things. This is the same word as the French fetiche. The dictionary meaning
of fetish is any „object, animate or inanimate, natural or artificial, regarded by some uncivilized
races with a feeling of awe, as having mysterious power residing in it or as being the
representative or habitation of a deity‟ ; hence fetishism is the worship of, or emotional
attachment to, inanimate objects.
But Rattray corrected this wrong notion of the early investigators when he said: Fetishes
may form part of an emblem of god, but fetish and god are in themselves distinct, and are so
regarded by the Ashanti; the main power, or the most important spirit in a god comes directly or
indirectly from Nyame, the Supreme God, whereas the power or spirit in a fetish comes from
plants or trees, and sometimes directly or indirectly from fairies, forest monsters, witches, or
from some sort of unholy contact with death; a god is the god of the many, the family the clan, or
the nation. A fetish is generally personal to its owner (Rattray 1923, 24ff). We see, then, that it
would be quite wrong to describe the religion of Africa as fetishism. There may be an element of
this in the day-to-day life of the Africans, but it is incorrect to describe it all as fetishism.
Many writers used the word indiscriminately. Prayers said during worship by Africans
have been described as fetish prayers; the functionaries of a cult have been described as fetish
priests; herbs prepared by African priests have been labelled fetish herbs, and not medical
preparations, however efficacious such herbs may be; and taking an oath has been described as
undergoing fetish. This is ludicrous. Parrinder has remarked that the word fetish is a most
ambiguous word, and the time has come for all serious writers and speakers to abandon it
completely and finally (Parrinder 1954, 16).
(iv) Juju: The word juju is French in origin and it means a little doll or toy. Its application to
African deities has been perpetuated by English writers. For example, P. A. Talbot in his Life in
Southern Nigera devoted three chapters to Juju among the Ibibio people and discussed the

19. various divinities among them. How can divinities, however minor, be described as toys?
Africans are not so low in intelligence as to be incapable of distinguishing between an emblem or
symbol of worship and a doll or toy. Juju is, therefore, one of the misleading and derogatory
terms used by investigators out of either sheer prejudice or ignorance.
(v) Paganism and Heathenism: We choose to treat paganism and heathenism together because
the meanings applied to them are similar, if not identical. The word pagan is from the Latin word
paganus meaning peasant, village or country district; it also means one who worships false gods;
a heathen. But when the meaning is stretched further it means one who is neither a Christian, a
Jew nor a Muslim. Heath, on the other hand, is a vast track of land; and a heathen is one who
inhabits a heath or possesses the characteristics of a heath dweller. A heathen, according to the
New Webster Encyclopedic Dictionary, is a pagan; one who worships idols or does not
acknowledge the true God; a rude, barbarous and irreligious person.‟ These words are not
correct in describing the indigenous religion of Africa because the people are religious and they
do believe in the Supreme Being. If the only religious people are the adherents of Christianity,
Judaism and Islam, then the other entire world religions become either heathen or pagan, and so,
uncivilized! Presumably these terms are used in an attempt to distinguish between enlightenment
and barbarity. What has this to do with religion? We think such terms are more sociological than
religious.
(vi) Animism: The great advocate of the theory of animism was E. Tylor in his Primitive
Culture. Many writers still describe the African Traditional Religion as animistic. This means
attributing a living soul to inanimate objects and natural phenomena. From our own study of the
African Traditional Religion, we find there are unmistakably elements of animism. For example,
the Iroko tree is not an ordinary tree; it is believed to be inhabited by a spirit; the Oshun River (in
Western Nigeria) is believed to be more than an ordinary river because the spirit (Oshun) dwells
in it and this makes the river efficacious in many respects, especially during barrenness.
Lightning and thunder are manifestations of the thunder god. But when we have said this, we
also need to add that it would be wrong to categorize the whole religion as animism. Every
religion has some belief in the existence of the spirit. Even Christianity sees ―God as Spirit, and
they that worship are to worship in spirit and truth‖. In other words, animism is a part definition
of every religion. But to say that the African Traditional Religion is animistic would not be
correct.

20. (vii) Idolatry: Idol means false god; and so idolatry is the worshipping of false gods or that
which is not real. The word idol is used to describe the object which is an emblem of that which
is worshipped by the Africans. The object may be a piece of wood or of iron or a stone. These
objects are symbolic. Each of them has a meaning beyond itself, and therefore is not an end in
itself. It is only a means to an end. If, for example, a piece of wood representing Obatala (a
Yoruba deity) is eaten by termites, the worshippers of Obatala will not feel that their god has
been destroyed by the termites, because the piece of wood is only a symbol, serving as a visible
or concrete embodiment of that which is symbolized.
Symbolic representation is not peculiar to African Traditional Religion. It is found in most
religions. It is used principally to aid man‘s perception and concentration and to remind the
worshipper of the divine presence. If this is the object of the symbol, it must be wrong to
describe it as an idol. But experience shows that material representation often becomes a danger
in religion when the worshippers make the emblems an end in themselves. In this way, the
difference between the material object and the reality represented by it becomes obscured.
African Traditional Religion is not essentially idolatrous, but it has a tendency to become so if
the cult and the symbols of the divinities are so emphasized as to exclude the Supreme Being.
The various divinities that are represented are in fact technically representatives or
servants of the Supreme Being. It needs to be emphasized that the Supreme Being cannot be
represented like the divinities. We must also point out that, to the Africans, the material has
meaning only in terms of the spiritual. It is the spiritual that gives meaning and importance to the
visible material object. The symbols or emblems may fall into disuse or crumble or be replaced,
but the spiritual entity represented never changes.
(viii) Polytheism: ―In West Africa,‖ said Parrinder, ―men believe in great pantheons of gods
which are as diverse as the gods of the Greeks or the Hindus. Many of these gods are the
expression of the forces of nature, which men fear or try to propitiate: These gods generally have
their own temples and priests, and their worshippers cannot justly be called animists, but
polytheists, since they worship a variety of gods.‖ Here, while Parrinder was trying to discourage
the use of the term animism in connection with the religion of Africa, he created another problem
by suggesting the term polytheism. We can understand what the problems are. In a proper
polytheism, the gods are all of the same rank and file. The difference between that type of
polytheism and the structure of African Traditional Religion is that in Africa the Supreme Being

21. is not of the rank and file of the divinities. The origin of the divinities can be traced; the
divinities can be represented; they are limited in their power; they came into being by the power
of the Supreme Being who is unique, wholly other and faultless and who owes His existence to
no one. The Africans do not and cannot represent Him in the form of an image as they can do
with the divinities. Parrinder made this mistake because in his West African Religion he claimed
that the Supreme God or Creator is ―sometimes above the gods, sometimes first among equals
(Parrinder 1949, 26, 1969 edition, 12)‖. This is not correct. The Yoruba, for example, never rank
the Supreme Being, Olodimave with the divinities (orisa), neither do the Edo confuse
Osanobuwa with the divinities (ebo). The truth of the matter is that Africans hold the Supreme
Being as a venerable majesty who has several servants (the divinities) under Him to carry out His
desires. He is in a class by Himself. This is why it is not appropriate to describe the religion as
polytheistic.
Modified Monotheism
Can we find a precise term for this religion which believes in the Supreme Being under
whom subordinate divinities serve His will? Present eminent African scholars, like Professor E.
Bolaji Idown and Professor John Mbiti, have emphasized the fact that the world of the Africans
is a theocratic one, ruled and governed by the decree of the Supreme Being. In order to
administer the world, however, the Deity has brought into being divinities who are His ministers
or functionaries. These divinities act like intermediaries between men and God. The Supreme
Being is given different names by different groups of people. When we examine the names, we
gain a greater insight into the peoples‟ concept of God, as they are descriptive of His character
and attributes. For example, among the Yoruba, He is called Olodumare. By meaning and
connotation, this name signifies that the Supreme Being is unique, that His majesty is
superlative, that He is unchanging and ever reliable. He is also called Olorun (the owner of
Heaven) and Eleda (the Creator) by the same people. The Edo call Him Osanobuwa, and this
means ―God who is the ―Source and Sustainer of the World‖. The Ibo call Him Chükwu, that is
the Great Chi or the Great Source of life and of being. The Nupe call Him Soko, the Great One;
He who dwells in Heaven; and they also designate him Tso-Ci meaning the Owner of us, the One
to whom we belong. The Ewe-speaking people speak of Him as Nana Buluku (Ancient of Days),
and this suggests His eternity. In Ghana, He is called Onyame, the Great and Shining One who is
high and above all. ―In very precise language‖ says Professor Mbiti ―The Bacongo describe the

22. self-existence of God when they say, that „He is made by no other, no one beyond Him is (Mbiti,
170)‖. We see, then, that the greatest emphasis is on the Supreme Being. The ultimacy, wherever
you go in Africa, is accorded to God. This is why we are convinced that the religion is
monotheistic. But the monotheism may need some modification; hence Professor Bolaji Idowu
has suggested diffused monotheism because ―here we have a monotheism in which there exist
other powers which derive from Deity such being and authority that they can be treated, for
practical purposes, almost as ends in themselves‖27
Summary
African Traditional Religion cannot easily be studied by non-Africans. The best interpreter
of African Religion is the African with a disciplined mind and the requisite technical tools. And
we agree with Professor Idowu that the purpose of the study should be: … to discover what
Africans actually know, actually believe, and actually think about Deity and the supersensible
world. There s a whole world of difference between this and what any investigators, at home or
from abroad, prescribe through preconceived notions that Africans should know, believe and
think. It is also to find out how their beliefs have inspired their worldviews and moulded cultures
in general.
PART 111
A REFLECTION ON THE INSTRUMENTS
THE OJA (FLUTE)
The Oja flute is often used with Igbo drums such as the (log drum) Ekwe, (vessel drum)
Udu and/or the Igba. This unique whistle 'talks' while the drummers are playing. During
masquerade dances in Igboland, the Oja flutist leads the drumming and praise music and dance.
An Oja master (OKWU-OJA) like Udengene Nwankwo-Ume can produce several sounds
directly analogous with spoken or sung words. Dancers also move to the tune of the Oja flute as
if it were a drum or other rhythmic instrument. If an important person enters the performance
space, the Oja flutist may use this instrument to announce the name of such person. The Oja flute
is also played at home without other instruments, or in the evening as a serenade accompaniment

23. while strolling with a friend or life partner. This is one of the major qualities of Udengene
Nwankwo-Ume which he was known for all over Anambra State and beyond. He can use his
flute to command any masquerade no matter the size or technicality in dancing step. He is a
gifted fellow. He uses his OJA to command young men in ceremonies during IDA-IYA,
masquerades, both big and small and even uses it to maintain peace and keep occasion moving
with the bluez type of whistling (ICE-WATER).
Ekwe (ordinary ekwe)
Ekwe (ikoro)
IKORO

24. A sacred, big wooden drum that is kept within the community square. It is only beaten in
situations of extreme emergency such as death of an elder (Ndi-Ichie) or war. The sound of the
Ikoro is unique, very deafening and resonates very far. When the Ikoro sounds, every adult male
of the community abandons whatever he is doing and heads straight to the community square.
Every male is taught to discern the sound of the Ikoro from other sounds. Udengene‘s Ikoro
sounds on selected days of worship.
The EKWE (Silt-drum) is a tree trunk, hollowed throughout its length from two
rectangular cavities at its ends and a horizontal slit that connects the cavities. The size of the slit-
drum depends on its use and significance. Its significance includes use as musical instrument at
coronation, cultural events and rituals. The different sounds of the drum summon the citizens at
the monarch's palaces, or town squares. The strong rhythm of the slit-drum, gave special signals
for inundation, meetings, announcements of fire, theft and other emergencies.
There are two types of hardwood (yellow or red). Played with either a plain straight wood
stick or a rubber-tipped short beater similar to a large balafon or Alo (long gong-bell) mallet.
Larger Ekwes are usually played with two sticks, while smaller ones are usually played with only
one stick. The Ube wood that is used for carving Yellow Ekwe log drums is also called "white
wood," but not because the yellow outer part of the drum is the wood's natural color... instead,
the drum's shell is painted with a yellow powder (that prior to being applied to the drum shell is
diluted in water). The Red Ekwe is carved from a naturally-red wood called "Orji" in the Igbo
language. This wood is more expensive than the "white" wood used in the Yellow Ekwe both
because of its beautiful intense (and very natural) red color and its ability to resist insect
(termite/worm) damage.
Udengene uses his Ekwe most of the time to call his gods. Whenever he visited his shrine,
it is believed that the gods were sleeping; he hits his Ekwe in a given style, calling them by
names for some minutes before pouring libations or feeding them. Ekwe is a musical instrument
too in Ndikelionwu. The masquerades use it during performances.

25. Igba (drum)
These drums often accompany many other instruments. Traditionally, the deeper shelled
Igba are played with the hand, while the shorter drums are played with a curved stick. In an
ensemble these drums often lead, and are used to "talk" by the talking drummers. To tune the
drum, the player will use a strong object to whack the pegs around the drum in order to restore its
best tone. The Agbogho Mmonwu masquerade, oji-onu masquerade and some other dancing and
masquerade groups uses IGBA. Its was this igba that changes the dancing steps while the Okwu-
Oja (Fluitist) dictates the tune and gives sign with the sound of the fluit when the steps will
change.
Certain trees/timber of this region was noted for unique properties, and drum carvers know
which varieties make the best drums. Some varieties (e.g. Orji, used in Ekwe log drums) are
unique to the forests of this area; we do not have exactly the same species elsewhere, hence the
names of some of these mixed-color drum woods are known only to Igbos who harvest them.

26. Udu
The Udu
UDU drum is a pot drum made of clay and played with either the hand or a foam paddle. The
smaller and medium sized Udu drums have a hole on the side of the drum that is cupped with the
hand allowing control over the drum's pitch as the other hand strikes the mouth of the pot to
create the tone. The larger Udu drums do not have holes on the side and are, instead, played by
striking the mouth of the pot with a large foam paddle. These larger Udu sometimes serve as bass
for other instruments, while the smaller Udu back the larger, deeper Udu up with more melodic
tones. These drums are sometimes played in churches in Igboland. These musical tools are used
primarily by masquerade, dance, and musical groups in special human activities like; rituals,
spiritual and cultural events as well as births of new born and funerals. Today, they are also used
to accompany church choirs.
OGENE - "Gong"
The OGENE (Gong) is the most important metal instrument among the Igbo people. They were
made originally in bronze but, in modern time, are mainly made of common metal as a bulging
surface in elliptical shaped rim, and tapering like a frustum to its handle. It is hit about its rim
by a stick to produce different tunes. The Ogene (gong) accompanies dances, songs, religious
and secular ceremonies, and its tunes have been developed to transmit messages by a sort of

27. lyric prose.
Alusi, also known as Arusi or Arushi, are deities that are worshiped and served in the religion
of the Igbo people. There are lists of many different Alusi and each has its own purpose. When
there is no longer need for the deity it is discarded.
Ancestors
The Igbo world is divided into several interconnected realms, principal among them being the
realm of the living, the realm of the dead or of the ancestors, and the realm of the unborn.
Individuals who led an honorable life and received a proper burial proceeded to the ancestral
realm to take their place among the ancestors or Ndichie, who are not the same as the Alusi.
From there they kept a watchful eye on the clan and visited their loved ones among the living
with blessings such as fertility, good health, longevity and prosperity. In gratitude the living
offered sacrifices to them at the family hearth, and sought their counsel.
Alusi worship
Each major deity had a priest in every town that honored it, and the priest was assisted by a
group of acolytes and devotees.
Children and Alusi
Children are still considered the greatest blessing of all and this is reflected in popular names
such as Nwakaego; a child is worth more than money or Akuakanwa; no wealth is worthier than
a child, or Nwabuugwu; a child is the greatest honor. In a small part of Igboland (Imo and Abia
states- Mba-area), women who successfully deliver ten children are rewarded with special
celebrations and rites that honor their hips. Infertility is considered a particularly harsh
misfortune. The Igbo believe that it is children who perpetuate the race, and in order to do so
children are expected to continue Igbo tradition and ways.
List of Alusi

28. Deities or Alusi include Ahia Njoku, the goddess of yams, and Amadioha (or Amadiora) the god
of thunder and lightning. In addition to them there are:
Igwekaala: sky god,
Ala: earth goddess and goddess of fertility.
Ikenga: god of fortune and industry,
Anyanwu: (literally:"eye of the sun" sun goddess)
Idemmili: mother goddess of villages through which the Idemili river flows (Oba, Obosi,
Ogidi, Oraifite, Ojoto etc.)
Agwu: god of medicine men, god of divination and healing
Arobinagu: forest god,
Aro (Aro-chukwu): god of judgment (also seen as the Supreme god's "Chukwu's" agent
of judgment.)
Njoku Ji: god of Yam
Ogbunabali (literally: [he who] kills by/at night): an Igbo god of death
Agbala: goddess of the hills and caves or the holy/perfect spirit in Nri
Eke: god/governor of the eastern sky (Heaven). Also the patron of Eke Markets and days.
Oye: god/governor of the western sky (Heaven). Also the patron of Oye Markets and
days.
Afo: god/governor of the northern sky (Heaven). Also the patron of Afo Markets and
days.
AFRICAN TRADITIONAL RELIGION AND THE SIGNIFICANCE OF SOME
ITEMS

29. The Palm Frond (Omu Nkwu)
Omu Nkwu is a sacred leaf in Igbo societies. It is a yellowish green and tender. It conveys a
message of sacredness and secrecy. This medium is symbolic and used mostly for adjudication
purposes and sanctions. For instance, it is placed on a disputed spot in which the elders have not
passed judgement. The placing of the frond warns those concerned as well as everybody to keep
off the spot until a decision regarding its ownership is reached. It can also be used to indicate a
sacred and secret place such as a shrine or cult house. In Ndikelionwu, we use Omu Nkwu
during Ikeji Festival. It denotes a sacred area for non members of the masquerade group.
Udengene uses it during his usual worship for some other functions.

30. A TYPICAL LOOK OF OBODO NGENE IN THE EARLY DAYS (Guarded with
OGIRISI)
The Ogirisi is a sacred tree found in groves or shrines. Its wood is used for the production
of the Ofo Staff. The leaf signifies Royalty, Unity, and Strength. The tree is planted on
borders of farm lands as demarcation as well as on the end of a grave to indicate the position of
the coffin head. Women use Ogirisi to mobilize for a cause. The Aba Women‘s War epitomized
the effective use of this medium for mobilization. The success of the war/revolt can be traced to
the unique method of mobilization across boundary. Since the leaf in traditional Igbo societies
has intrinsic symbolic interpretation, it is difficult for an outsider to understand what such

31. "ordinary" leaf means when extended, although the message is easily understood by the
recipient.

32. THE NEW YAM FESTIVAL
UDENGENE been a farmer, he is always amongst the first indigenous farmers who
harvests his yam from his farm. He celebrates the new-yam festival with other indigenes of
Ndikelionwu immediately the Eze finishes with the royal ceremony. The New Yam festival of
the people of Ndikelionwu (Igbo: Iwa ji) is an annual harvest festival by the people held at the
end of the rainy season in early September. The Iri ji festival (literally ―new yam eating") is
practiced throughout West Africa (especially in Nigeria and Ghana) and other African countries
and beyond symbolizing, the conclusion of a harvest and the beginning of the next work cycle.
The celebration is a very culturally based occasion, tying individual Igbo communities together
as essentially agrarian and dependent on yam.
Yams are the first crop to be harvested, and are the most important crop of the region. The
evening prior to the day of the festival, all old yams (from the previous year's crop) are
consumed or discarded. The next day, only dishes of yam are served, as the festival is symbolic
of the abundance of the produce.
Traditionally, the role of eating the first yam is performed by the oldest man in the
community or the king (eze). This man also offers the yams to god, deities and ancestors. It is
believed that their position bestows the privilege of being intermediaries between their
communities and the gods of the land. The rituals are meant to express the gratitude of the
community to the gods for making the harvest possible, and they are widely followed despite
more modern changes due to the influence of Christianity in the area.
The day is symbolic of enjoyment after the cultivation season, and the plenty is shared
with friends and well-wishers. A variety of festivities mark the eating of new yam. Folk dances,
masquerades, parades, and parties create an experience that some participants characterize as
"art"; the colorful festival is a spectacle of exhibited joy, thanks, and community display.
Palm oil (mmanu nri) is used to eat the yam. Iri ji also shares some similarities with the
Asian Mid-Autumn Festival, as both are based on the cycles of the moon and are essentially
community harvest festival.

33. SIGNIFICANCE OF THE NEW YAM IN NDIKELIONWU
The New Yam Festival.
Across Igboland and among the Igbo of Nigeria in the diaspora, the month of August and
or September, as it is now, is gladdened with the celebration of New Yam called iwa ji and iri ji
ohuru. This is best pictured in the framing of the ceremony by Chinua Achebe‘s work as far back
as in the 1950s. As Chinua Achebe‘s Things Fall Apart (1958) describes: ―The pounded yam
dish placed in front of the partakers of the festival was as big as a mountain. People had to eat
their way through it all night and it was only during the following day when the pounded yam
―mountain‖ had gone down that people on one side recognized and greeted their family members
on the other side of the dish for the first time."
This brief submission explains the significance of the celebration of new yam festival in
Igbo society and among the Igbo wherever they may live outside of Igboland. It answers the
question, what is new yam festival and why is new yam such an important ceremony and identity
of the Igbo of Nigeria? Why are Igbo children particularly ritually cleansed before partaking in
the eating of new yam? The essay adopts a straightforward approach drawing from experience
and participation in new yam festivities at home and in diaspora.
New yam festival in Igboland of Nigeria or among the Igbo and their friends in Diaspora is
always marked with pomp and pageantry. The occasion of ―Otite, Iwa Ji or Iri-ji Ohuru‖ or new
yam eating festival is a cultural feast with its deep significance. The individual agrarian
communities or subsistence agricultural population groups, have their days for this august
occasion during which a range of festivities mark the eating of new yam. To the Igbo, therefore,
the day is symbolic of enjoyment after the cultivation season. Yam culture is momentous with
hoe-knife life to manage the planting and tending of tuberous requirements. Yam farmers in
Ndikelionwu town of Igboland know this well.
The ―IWA JI‖ (to break new yam) is observed as a public function on certain appointed
days of the year. It is the feast of new yam; the breaking of the yam; and harvest is followed by
thanksgiving. An offering is put forward and the people pray for renewed life as they eat the new
yam. An offering is made to the spirits of the field with special reference to the presiding deity of
the yam crop. In the olden days, fowls offered as sacrifice must be carried to the farm and slain

34. there, with the blood being sprinkled on the farm. Yam is cut into some sizes and thrown to the
gods and earth with prayers for protection and benevolence. When the ceremony is completed,
everything is taken home; the yams are laid up before the ―Alusi‖ (deity) together with all the
farming implements, while the fowls boiled and prepared with yam for soup (ji awii, ji mmiri
oku) are eaten at the subsequent feast. Everyone is allowed to partake in this and those who are
not immediately around are kept portions of the commensal meal.
Another significant aspect of the ritual not discussed by writers in this field is the
preparation of children to partake in the eating and celebrating of the new yam - called ritual
body wash, imacha ahu iri ji mmiri (consequently, ji mmiri, connotes fresh yam, new yam). The
belief is that to take in a new thing into the body, it is important to cleanse the body and in this
case a new yam deserves a clean body achieved through dedication and purification ritual. As a
child, my own grandfather, a ritual expert and healer, never allowed all the children in our
village to mark new yam festival without first of all gathering us together and counselling us on
the importance of Ahiajoku, yam productivity and its diverse gender sensitivity, social and
cultural miracle. He would lay on the ground some fresh grass and some leaves of ogirishi
(newbouldia laevis) and other requirements such as omu (young palm tendril). These are
employed to create a ritual space and contact with the earth and Ahiajoku to wash and protect the
body. One at a time, each child is made to stand in front of this ritual ground and the ritual expert
would render a powerful incantation or prayer while passing around the head and throat a bunch
of the materials asking the child to spit out saliva on the ground. Across the body the expert also
softly brushes materials as he prays for the good health of the chap to be fit to eat the new yam
and celebrate the occasion peacefully. Parents took it upon themselves to present their children to
the therapist to undergo the cleaning of the body and enacting accord of order and health in the
enduring Igbo new yam festival setting.

35. PART V
DEBATING IGBO CONVERSION TO CHRISTIANITY: A CRITICAL INDIGENOUS VIEW
Introduction
Since the 1970s the dynamics of conversion have been a focal point of research with regard to the
impact of Christianity on traditional African societies. Much of the scholarly debate about the matter has
concentrated on West Africa. Such academic authorities as Elizabeth Isichei, Robin Horton, and Caroline
Ifeka-Moller provided different theories about the relative importance of various factors. Within the
genre of the novel, West African writers like the Igbos Chinua Achebe, John Munonye, and T. Obinkaram
added their voices to the debate through their fictional reconstructions of the confrontation of
missionary Christianity and traditional cultures. That of Onuora Nzekwu is explored in this chapter.
DISPUTING THE FACTORS UNDERLYING THE IGBO RELIGIOUS METAMORPHOSIS
The conversion of much of the expansive and internally diverse Igbo tribe
in southern and south-eastern Nigeria to Christianity during the first
few decades of the twentieth century after stiffly resisting the intrusion
of missionaries before 1900 is one of many dramatic chapters in the
history of the church in Africa. Indeed, the rate of conversion during a
thirty-year period after 1900 is especially remarkable. As one historian
of Christianity in Igboland has pointed out, fewer than 1 000 Igbos may
have converted during the latter half of the nineteenth century, but the
census of 1931 indicated that in a total population of 3 172 789 Igbos
no fewer than 347 427 (ca. 11 per cent) identified themselves as Christians.
Of the latter, the 94 049 Catholics constituted a plurality of 27 per cent.2
To be sure, some critics have contended that little depth of commit-

36. ment to Christian doctrines accompanied this breadth of nominal change
and membership in various mission-sponsored churches. They have also
underscored their perception that traditional Igbo religious beliefs and
practices remained strong in the ranks of the converted. Perhaps no
observer put it more succinctly than Onuora Nzekwu (b. 1928), whose
novels of the 1960s made him one of the principal founders of post-
colonial Nigerian literature. In his debut work of 1961, Wand of noble
wood, Nzekwu voices his perceptions of the survival of traditional
religion through an urbanised Igbo:
Go among the grown-ups who profess Christianity. The moment they
can afford it they become polygamists and take ozo and other tradi-
tional titles. When they think it will do them good they consult
fortune-tellers, make charms and wear them, and do a thousand and
one other things which to their tens of African priests, who them-
selves mimic their white brother clerics, are purely “idolatrous and
un-Christian”.3
Other internal observers of Igbo life have dissented. Catholic novelist
T. Obinkaram Echewa (b. 1940) has not veiled the fact that traditional
beliefs and practices remained strong among rural converts to Christi-
anity, but he has also pointed out that if measured by such indexes as

37. attendance at Mass during the 1940s, large numbers of Igbos in his
home area evinced great loyalty to the church. Reflecting on the en-
trenchment of Catholicism while he was growing up during the 1940s
and 1950s, he has declared that “Catholic missions around Aba were
generally very successful”. Echewa’s memory of the popularity of worship
seems particularly acute:
I can remember that at Christ the King Church in Aba Sunday Mass
was every hour on the hour from 5 a.m. until noon, and if you didn’t
arrive half an hour ahead of time to stand in line, you probably would
not get in!4
In any case, missiologists, historians, and other scholars have long
debated the relative importance of various factors which brought about
the acceptance of Christianity. They have variously attributed it to inter
alia a general desire on the part of the Igbos to cope with rapidly cul-
tural change by appropriating at least some of the ways of their co-
lonisers and capitulation to the material inveiglements of missionaries.
Such explanations tend to beg the question of why missions were more
successful amongst the Igbos than elsewhere.
Onuora Nzekwu, Wand of noble wood (London: Heinemann Educational Books, 1961),

38. p. 76.
Frederick Hale private archives, T. Obinkaram Echewa files, T. Obinkaram Echewa
(West Chester, Pennsylvania) to Professor F.A. Hale, 5 January 1996.
One of the first scholars in Nigeria to attempt an explanation of the
rapid conversion of so many of her ethnic fellows after 1900 was the
historian Elizabeth Isichei. In her analysis of “The Growth of Christi-
anity in Igboland” in her magisterial A history of the Igbo people, this New
Zealander who was married to an Igbo took a multicausal approach
to the general phenomenon. Isichei found in educational endeavours “the
key factor” which brought about this change and placed this into the
context of British imperial expansion into Igbo country. The literacy
gained through attendance at mission schools gave participants a great
social and economic advantage, because both the colonial administration
and the schools themselves provided opportunities for remunerative
employment. She explained,
The same emphasis on competitive achievement which had led the
Igbo to struggle to accumulate the wealth to take a title, or to grow
sufficiently numerous and excellent yams for a yam title, was easily
transposed to education.
Apart from mission schools, she pointed in general terms to the

39. work of medical missions, the improvement of communications, and
urbanisation in loosening individuals’ bonds to local religious practices
as significant catalysts in easing the transition from tribal religion to
Christianity.5
During the 1970s both Isichei and other scholars of religion debated
the reasons why some Igbos converted to Christianity while others did
not. Isichei asserted cautiously that “Igbo responses were largely con-
ditioned by sociological factors”. She did not deny that religious con-
version was also an “emotional or spiritual reality” but assumed that
as an historian she was empirically equipped to deal only with external
determinants in analysing it. Isichei pointed out inter alia that the nine-
teenth and early twentieth centuries were an “age of anxiety” in Igbo-
land owing to the intrusion of British culture and eventual conquest and
asserted that in the resulting cauldron of social and cultural instability
very few men considered becoming Christians who were happily inte-
grated in their society unless they felt that society to be threatened.
Consequently, missionaries
2006:2

40. Isichei, A history of the Igbo people, pp. 167-169.
118
Hale
drew their converts mainly from the rejects of Igbo society — those
like slaves, or accused witches, who had no prospect of happiness in
Igbo society and therefore nothing to lose by attaching themselves to
another one.6
Isichei did not take upon herself the unenviable task of adducing
evidence to substantiate these generalisations.
Professor Robin Horton, a philosopher at the University of Ife, coun-
tered Isichei with weapons from the arsenal of his own discipline.
Decrying the domination of anthropological methodology in the field
of religious studies, he declared that
a number of philosophers and philosophically minded social scientists
have recently been calling for a return to the intellectualist approach
which takes systems of traditional religious belief at their face value
– i.e. as theoretical systems intended for the explanation, prediction,

41. and control of space-time events.
Venturing a step further, Horton insisted provocatively that “intel-
lectualism is in fact the only real starter in this field,” particularly
with regard to “studies of religious variation and change”. He did not
directly address the mass conversion of Igbos, choosing instead to
rely heavily on J.D.Y. Peel’s recent study of Aladura: a religious move-
ment among the Yoruba of western Nigeria for his principal example of
an African group who supposedly demonstrated his theory.7 In brief,
Horton believed that all people are “shaken and discomfited when
confronted with the bearers of alien belief-systems”, a generalisation
he thought particularly operative in colonised Africa. Christian mis-
sionaries, despite what Horton questionably regarded as a profound
trend towards otherworldliness as opposed to a dual this- and other-
worldliness during the past three centuries, brought to African peoples
a religion which was both transcendent in its understanding of ulti-
mate realities and concerned with the here and now. This struck a chord
with the cosmology of Africans before the onset of evangelism, as “most
African traditional religion does in fact have a dual nature”; i.e. its
gods are “theoretical entities” and, in tandem with religious rituals, to
venerate them is “to apply theory to the control of the world”, but at

42. Elizabeth Isichei, “Seven varieties of ambiguity: some patterns of Igbo response
to Christian Missions”, Journal of Religion in Africa (1970), p. 209.
London: Oxford University Press for International African Institute, 1968.
Debating Igbo conversion to Christianity
119
Acta Theologica
the same time “the gods are people, and their rituals an extension to
the field of purely human social relationships”. Horton argued that
if the missionaries had come in with a straight other-worldly creed,
the Yoruba and many other African peoples would have rejected them.
Instead, they proclaimed to colonised nations “the promise of a new
source of strength which would enable people to live in and cope with
a new world”.8
Caroline Ifeka-Moller, an Africanist at the University of Birmingham,
challenged Horton’s theory as inoperable with regard to the Igbo during
the years 1921-1966. She pointed out that he had postulated a uni-

43. tary concept of African belief in divinity. This, however, hardly fitted
Igbos’ perceptions of the gods, which, as ethnographers and others had
pointed out since early in the twentieth century, varied widely from
one region to another with some Igbos not recognising a supreme god
while others believed in one that they variously regarded as male or
female. Ifeka-Moller also thought the intellectualist approach was sus-
pect because it failed to take into consideration the geographical vari-
ation in rates of conversion to Christianity. The census of 1953, taken
after two generations of ambitious missionary endeavours amongst
the Igbos, indicated that in the province of Onitsha only 26 per cent of
the population was classified as Christian, whereas in southerly Calabar
province, where there was much greater imperialist economic activity,
this figure had climbed to 77 per cent. Ifeka-Moller argued cogently that
conversion to mission Christianity in eastern Nigeria was most in
evidence throughout our period in and around certain communities
of the oil-palm belt. Villages which experienced intensive change
went over rapidly, and in large numbers, to the mission churches and
then to the Aladuras. Mass conversion was a consequence of these social
changes: incorporation into the new world economy, the imposition
of new political roles under the colonial system, and a growing real-
ization among the inhabitants of these communities that they had

44. failed to obtain the rewards promised by acceptance of these radical
changes. Christianity promised a new kind of power, the power of
the white man, which people could use to discover the secret of his
technological superiority.9
Robin Horton, “African conversion”, Africa, 41(2) (April 1971), pp. 94-97, 107.
Caroline Ifeka-Moller, “White power: social-structural factors in conversion to
Christianity, Eastern Nigeria, 1921-1966”, Canadian Journal of African Studies,
8(1) (1974), pp. 56-61.
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Other scholars, both in Nigeria and overseas, added their voices
to the debate during the next two decades. E.A. Ayandele, a Baptist
historian at the University of Ibadan, for example, wrote in 1973 that
after the expansion of British imperialism at the turn of the century
the “blissful insularity” of Igbo culture ended abruptly. The might of
colonialism was immeasurably more apparent than were means of stop-

45. ping either it or the waves of Anglican, Roman Catholic, and other
missionaries who followed it its wake. Ayandele did not compromise
his metaphors in describing the religio-cultural impact of missionary
Christianity:
With the systematic destruction of the Long Juju by the British in-
vaders between 1900 and 1902[,] the Bible rolled through Igboland
like a Juggernaut, crushing the gods to atoms.
Indigenous means seemed entirely ineffective in checking this
assault, so
the Igboman in the first decade [of the twentieth century] was in no
way disposed to invoke the already discredited traditional religion to
halt the white man’s religious intrusion into his world and invasion
of his being.
Instead, Ayandele asserted,
he anxiously sought the aid of the missionary whom he looked to for
enactment of expected miracles — the establishment of the school
and transformation of his children away from the indigenous world

46. into “book” people, the emerging new élite leaders who in the colo-
nial setting were to share authority in Church and State.
The desire for education naturally played a key rôle in this accultu-
ration, which Ayandele saw as a vital component of Igbo self-initiative.
He also regarded medical missions as particularly significant in effect-
ing conversions.10
The eminent Igbo church historian Ogbu U. Kalu swam against a
swift current of what he termed “nationalist historiography” in 1990
by stressing the primacy of the white missionary factor in the conver-
sion of the Igbos. Bemoaning a perceived tendency of African historians
to “suppress awkward facts”, Kalu argued that, beginning in the
10 E.A. Ayandele, “The collapse of ‘pagandom’ in Igboland”, Journal of the Historical
Society of Nigeria, 7(1) (December 1973), pp. 125-139.
Debating Igbo conversion to Christianity
121
Acta Theologica

47. 1950s and especially in the wake of independence in the 1960s, Nigerian
and other scholars elsewhere on the continent had overplayed their hands
in seeking to reverse the previous domination of “missionary historio-
graphy” (i.e. that written by missionaries and their sponsors) with its
emphasis on the importance of foreign, and usually European, agents
in the successful evangelisation of Igboland early in the twentieth cen-
tury. Essential pillars of this new nationalist school were, first, an em-
phasis on the rôle of indigenous evangelists and catechists, and, se-
condly, a depiction of foreign missionaries as agents of imperialism
whose versions of Christianity had pernicious effects on African culture.
As a corollary to the second emphasis, some African historians had glo-
rified indigenes who had resisted the intrusion of missionary Christi-
anity. Kalu contended that, in general, those missions which had the
largest number of and best equipped white missionaries had been the
most effective in converting Igbos to the Christian faith. He enumer-
ated such factors as fascination with the exotic (i.e. white people and
their ways), the inveiglements of material goods, missionary ties to
colonial governments, popular Igbo demands for mission schools at
which they could learn English, and local distrust of black missionary
personnel as particularly significant dimensions of this.11
In his novel Blade among the boys (1962), Nzekwu incorporates and
amalgamates themes on which he had touched in Wand of noble wood

48. with others in a more detailed study of the turbulent confluence of
Roman Catholicism and Igbo traditional religion. Here the meeting
of the two streams becomes a maelstrom in which the central character,
a young Igbo named Patrick Ikenga, nearly drowns spiritually and
morally when both social pressures and attractions of the two faiths
place him into the dilemma of training for the Catholic priesthood and
the position of okpala, or traditional family priest, after the death of
his father. In exploring this personal enigma, which is a microcosmic
representation of the larger clash of two religions in a rapidly trans-
forming colonial society, Nzekwu again takes to task foreign mis-
sionaries for failing to accommodate indigenous beliefs and practices.
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11 Ogbu U. Kalu, “Color and conversion: the white missionary factor in the Christi-
anization of Igboland, 1857-1967”, Missiology: An International Review, 18(1)
(January 1990), pp. 61-74.
122
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49. The protagonist has much in common with the author, although the
extent to which Blade among the boys is autobiographical is not readily
ascertained. Like Nzekwu, Ikenga is an Igbo born away from the tribal
stronghold in south-eastern Nigeria, namely at Kafanchan in the Hausa-
dominated north. This fictional character enters the world at that rail-
way junction in 1927, a year before Nzekwu’s own birth. The fact that
the place is a crossroads of tribes and civilisations is in itself symbolic
and pertinent to the larger theme of religious conflict. Nzekwu empha-
sises that at Kafanchan
there were Fulani, Hausa, Ibo, Yoruba, Tiv, Itsekiri, Efik, Ibibio and
their sub-tribes. Religious groups already established there included
the Church Missionary Society, the Roman Catholic, the Sudan Inte-
rior Mission, the St Paul’s African Church, the Faith Tabernacle, the
Jehovah [sic] Witness[es], and, of course, Islam (p. 10).
In terms of both tribal and religious pluralism, in other words,
Kafanchan, is nearly Nigeria in miniature — at least on the surface.
Through the eyes of the young Patrick, social harmony nevertheless
prevails amongst these religious and ethnic factions that employment
on the railway has temporarily thrown together:

50. He was yet to learn that the membership of each of these groups
lived peacefully together because the distance from their home towns
had developed in them a sense of oneness (p. 10).
Beneath the veneer of tranquillity in polyglot Kafanchan, however,
intrusive discord prevails and even pits child against child, not least
in terms of Protestant and Roman Catholic youths unwittingly con-
tinuing centuries-old religious battles imported from Europe. Their
mutual recriminations and taunting are childish reflections of their
parents’ clashes:
Roman Catholics would not, for example, patronize bazaars organized
by other churches, nor would they enter Protestant church buildings
under any circumstances, not even when their friends died and a
funeral was on (p. 13).
Meanwhile, Nzekwu insists, Christians in Kafanchan from the Southern
Provinces “lived very peacefully with the hill tribe ‘pagans’, and the
Hausas and Fulani Moslems”, while maintaining religious tensions
in their own ranks (p. 13). This foresages the pivotal theme of mis-
sionary Christianity as a disruptive element that runs like a scarlet thread

51. Debating Igbo conversion to Christianity
123
Acta Theologica
through the plot of Blade among the boys as Patrick strives for spiritual
maturity despite pressures that compel him to run the gauntlet between
the disharmonious demands of Roman Catholicism on the one hand
and those of his ancestral religion on the other.
The cast of central characters neatly embodies much of the spec-
trum of responses to missionary Catholicism that has brought the gospel
to the Igbos since late in the nineteenth century. On the surface, at least,
Patrick’s parents, John and Veronica Ikenga, are devout Catholics, par-
ticularly the latter, who is
chairman of the St. Mary’s Women’s Society to which every married
woman belonged; a member of the Legion of Mary; and President
of the Christian Women’s Association (p. 8).
Given this explicitly religious factor in his family of origin, Patrick
becomes an altar boy at seven and finds himself fascinated by the Latin

52. Mass and other trappings of Roman Catholic worship and piety. Upon
witnessing a confirmation when apparently not yet ten years of age,
the lad expresses to his parents his desire to become a priest and takes
confidence in their affirmation of his pre-pubescent sense of vocation
(p. 10). A fissure soon emerges in the foundation of familial solidarity,
however. In December 1937, only a fortnight before his unexpected
death, John Ikenga begins to express misgivings about his son’s priestly
ambitions. His opposition springs from his conviction of the necessity
of maintaining the family line. In a tense conversation with his wife,
he insists that he should not allow the devil to instil in him opposition
to clerical vocations but adds,
It is unwise to let our only son become a celibate. You should be
desirous of having grandchildren to ensure that our names live after
we are gone (p. 16).
Shortly after the death of his father, the bereaved Patrick and his
mother move to the village of Ado near the important Igbo town of
Enugu, a rural locale where decades of Catholic missionary endeavours
have failed to uproot tribal spiritual traditions. Emblematic of these,
mother and son are immediately thrust into eight days of funeral rituals.
The second seed in Patrick’s dicotyledonous religious makeup thereby

53. begins to germinate. “He enjoyed every minute of the funeral as long
as it lasted”, reveals Nzekwu of the bereaved youth’s tractable mind.
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While the funeral according to Christian rites forced him to concen-
trate his mind on the hopelessness of the future without his father,
the traditional system took his mind away from his loss, diverted it
to other interesting things and made him forget his predicament
(pp. 18-19).
At this critical early juncture of his narrative, Nzekwu introduces
Patrick’s uncle, Ononye, to represent intransigent adherence to tra-
ditional Igbo religion. When Patrick falls ill with malaria, his local
kinsmen attempt to cure him through sacrifices to their ancestors, ta-
lismans, and the services of an herbalist. His mother, with the endorse-
ment of a few like-minded villagers, appeals to her brother-in-law for
permission to take the youth to a hospital. Ononye, who has been elected

54. to serve as a sort of regent okpala until Patrick attains his majority, and
other members of the old guard refuse, however. Nzekwu uses this in-
cident to juxtapose two fundamentally different emergent mindsets
amongst the Igbos during the 1930s:
It was significant that all those who suggested taking Patrick to the
hospital had had education at mission schools where they learnt (who
cared very much about practice?) the rudiments of Christianity and
had been baptized (p. 23).
Rather than using this opportunity to argue in favour of the secular
benefits of missions, however, Nzekwu exploits it to illustrate how many
Igbos have taken advantage of missionary endeavours to advance their
own worldly agendas. He frames his perception of their responses to
Christian proclamation in terms of a categorical indictment:
But while the mission authorities looked upon education as a useful
guide to baptism, synonymous with conversion, the converts regarded
attendance at church services and catechism classes and baptism as
conditions they must fulfil if the mission authorities were to teach
them the three R’s, their primary objective. In other words, the quest
for education had made necessary their accepting the Christian faith.

55. Their desire to demonstrate that they belonged to the new genera-
tion of literate gentlemen had made them attend the hospitals, a by-
product of Christianity, and speak to Ononye words of wisdom in
which they themselves had little faith, for the old order still had a
firm grip on them (p. 23).
The young Patrick is already cognizant that the perception of the
Catholic priests at Kafanchan of his pious parents as model Christians
differed from what he knew of his father. Again, Nzekwu casts aside all
subtlety in describing the limits of popular orthodoxy and orthopraxis:
Debating Igbo conversion to Christianity
125
Acta Theologica
Had the priests gone behind the scenes[,] they would have discovered
that neither John Ikenga’s brand of Christianity, nor those of many
others he knew, was the model they preached each Sunday from the
altar. They could have discovered for themselves the numerous charms
John Ikenga hid behind photographs hanging on the walls of their

56. parlour. His was quite a different brand of Christianity — a Christi-
anity that allowed for the limitations of his upbringing in tradition-
al surroundings, a Christianity that accommodated some principles
and practices of his tribal religion. For one thing, he never could
drop the primary aim of tribal worship: to reinforce life by means of
prayers, sacrifices and sympathetic magic (p. 29).
Only much later in the narrative, as we shall see, does Nzekwu re-
veal unambiguously that Veronica Ikenga, despite much initial evidence
to the contrary, is also ultimately captive to a pivotal Igbo belief.
After his recovery in March 1938, Patrick is placed in the custody
of an uncle, Andrew Ikenga, a lapsed Roman Catholic in Zaria. This
relative’s concubine makes life miserable for the youth whose presence
she clearly resents, both before and after the three move to Kano, and
even physically abuses him to the point that he must be briefly hos-
pitalised. His uncle proves to be authoritarian, insisting that he unne-
cessarily repeat standards at school. Patrick nevertheless presses ahead
in his faith, and on his own initiative he receives the sacrament of con-
firmation. His daily piety and continuing desire to enter the Catholic
priesthood earns him the derision of his uncle’s mistress, who mocks him
and convinces the neighbours in their compound to call him “Father
Patrick”. His spiritual mettle having passed this early test, the pious

57. youth returns to Ado to complete his primary education in the hope of
being admitted to Holy Trinity College after standard six. Nzekwu’s
authorial intrusion as Patrick boards a train en route to Ado again em-
phasises the relative poverty of a morally debased missionary Christi-
anity when confronted by a deeply entrenched Igbo religion:
Had he known it he was coming home to a situation that was going to
test his Christian faith severely. He was returning to become another
target over which indigenous traditional religion, which time alone
had equipped with a powerful influence in all spheres of life, battled
with Christianity, imported only less than a century before, with its
army of missionaries whose weapons — philanthropism and entreaty
— had been discarded for compulsion and indifference (p. 42).
Patrick’s entry into adolescence and his return to Ado herald a period
in which his introduction to the ways of his forefathers is accelerated.
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58. His uncle Ononye stresses the gravity of such religio-cultural main-
tenance in the face of what he perceives as a dangerous incursion of
foreign religion and expresses his determination to resist the latter as
a threat to Igbo identity:
“These children,” Ononye commented, turning round on his seat, “are
the links that will carry our traditions, which distinguish us from all
other peoples, to future generations. If, because the school authorities
‘put the water of God’ on them, they fail to take part in our rituals,
time will come when when we can no longer identify one man from
another. And if, as we do believe, the dead do see and have power, I
will be one of those who will rise from the dead to take revenge on
those who let our traditions die away” (pp. 52-53).
At the feet of this determined uncle, Patrick is taught “a litany of
the ancestral spirits of the Ikenga lineage” (p. 49) and also learns about
iyi, or cultic emblems of various gods, and aja, or sacrifices made to ward
off evil spirits. Such customs as the pouring of libations and breaking of
cola nut also come to the fore. Adhering to a prevalent custom of early
postcolonial Nigerian fiction, Nzekwu dwells on these and other ele-
ments of the youth’s education to insert relatively detailed didactic

59. sections into his text, presumably with non-Igbo readers in mind. Within
the context of the plot, they serve to underscore the depth of abiding
devotion to tribal tradition still prevalent amongst the Igbo during the
1940s, notwithstanding decades of Roman Catholic and other mis-
sionary endeavours. Still faithful to his vision of becoming a Catholic
priest, Patrick hears a student from Holy Trinity College seek to bridge
the cleft by voicing the commonly heard argument that beneath a veneer
of religious differences the two faiths in question are quite similar, not
least with regard to mutual emphasis on monotheism. “He is the one
we all worship”, asserts this student.
The only difference is that in the Church our prayers are directed to
Him through foreign saints but here we approach Him through our
ancestors who are our own saints (p. 51).
Yet nothing evolves on this arguably infirm foundation of religious
commonality.
Patrick’s preparation to become the family okpala places his devout
Catholic mother Veronica into an awkward dilemma. On the one hand,
she accepts the tribal practice of having such a titular head of the family
and understands that it is her son’s lot to accede to that position. Ve-

60. Debating Igbo conversion to Christianity
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Acta Theologica
ronica wishes that the position could somehow be divided, an impos-
sibility given the pervasive nature of tribal religion in traditional life
generally. Nzekwu spells out her stance explicitly:
In Mrs Veronica Ikenga’s opinion there was nothing wrong with the
political, social and judicial functions attached to the headship …
What she hated were the religious duties that lineage heads were
called upon to perform.
Her hostility to them proceeds directly from Biblical teaching: “These
functions were anti-Christian; they went against the first command-
ment. That was why she hated the office” (p. 81). Yet she holds her
peace and never expresses to Patrick her opposition to what she appa-
rently perceives as his inexorable progress towards permanent ensnare-
ment in tradition.
Having set his protagonist on this path, Nzekwu proceeds to lambast

61. the educational endeavours of Catholic missionaries by exploring Patrick’s
encounter with it. Indeed, much of the last 100 pages of Blade among
the boys is given to this critique. Nzekwu first returns to the theme of
sectarian narrow-mindedness by sending Patrick to the Catholic Mission
Central School, where the young pupil encounters a stock character in
the headmaster, Father O’Brien. This divine exploits the relative dearth
of educational institutions in the area to inveigle children to convert.
Mounting a table outdoors after a large number of prospective pupils
gather in the hope of enrolling, he segregates the children according
to their religious affiliation and announces,
You non-Catholics … you’ll go and try other schools in town. We have
a very limited number of places, so I am not going to consider any of
you for admission. If however you are keen on coming to this school,
then become a Catholic and come back for admission next year (p. 84).
Patrick clears the denominational bar, but his ongoing de facto de-
tachment to the folkways of the Igbos continue to create tension for
him. Only a fortnight after his admission to Catholic Mission Central
School, he performs with other young musicians at a traditional funeral,
thus arousing the ire of Father O’Brien, who warns his charges against
participation in “idolatrous” rituals. To Patrick, such criticism seems

62. exaggerated. He argues in vain to the headmaster that the only idola-
trous rituals involved had been performed before he and his colleagues
arrived to play. His presentation of his case only earns him a beating.
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This incident sets up a pivotal if implausible dialogue in which
Ononye lectures his chastised nephew on the incompatibility of Igbo
traditional religion and Catholicism before haranguing him on the
shortcomings of missionary strategy. The alien purveyors of the gospel,
he laments, have been condescending and ignorant. Consequently, Ononye
complains,
Christianity and our traditional way of life have been in conflict right
from the very first day her missionaries stepped on our soil. The
Christian missionaries hve always criticized our customs and called
us “bush men.” They have called us “pagans” and “heathens”, words
which I am told mean people without a religion.

63. Such appellations were patently ridiculous, he tells his nephew:
Yet in the few months you have been home you have seen and heard
enough to realize that we do have a religion.
He allows that the first missionaries in the area were “very nice
people” but insists that the Igbos actually “found them and their ser-
mons unattractive and boring”. Whether Ononye is here relating his
own experience or conveying oral tradition is unclear. In any case, he
declares categorically that the Igbos attended Mass or other mission-
ary functions only because
at the end of each religious service or lecture, they distributed dresses,
bottles of kerosene, heads of tobacco and items of household use to
us (p. 86).
What particularly irks Ononye, given his concern about the future
viability of Igbo traditions, is the missionary practice of focusing on
African children as a means of gaining a bridgehead for the church.
He accuses foreign missionaries of subterfuge in this regard. Unable
to win the older generation to Christianity,

64. [T]hey decided to turn their attention to our children, who were yet
unformed and pliable, and who would be the fathers of tomorrow.
They introduced schools and made them a cover under which
Christianity would operate.
No less seriously, the missionaries had exploited health ministry
as a means of propagating their “foreign faith”:
As soon as the mission hospitals were built[,] even those institutions
became a means of spreading the faith. Patients, as long as they could
Debating Igbo conversion to Christianity
129
Acta Theologica
walk, were made to attend religious services morning and evening
(pp. 86-87).
Apparently believing that Christianity and traditional Igbo religion

65. and culture generally were nevertheless to some extent compatible, Ononye
regrets that no via media was found between wholesale indictment of
the latter on the one hand and full embracing of it on the other. Without
specifying which elements he believes missionaries ultimately could
have found acceptable, he laments that
they sought to change our whole way of living and in its place to cre-
ate such conditions as existed in their own country and conducive
to the spread of their faith.
Nzekwu then offers general missiological advice through Ononye:
I must say it was noble of those who initiated such humanitarian
policies and institutions as are those of the Christians! But I main-
tain that unless their agents have common sense enough to realize
that Christianity has to be modified to make it acceptable to us they
will make no true converts (p. 87).
In this diatribe Ononye does not specify how such contextualisation
should proceed. Before the end of the same chapter, however, Nzekwu
suggests that it could begin on the liturgical front. When an indigenous
teacher named Ndibe teaches a Christmas carol in Latin, Patrick, who