1. THE I S S U E 2 August 2013
for
NSW Budget
slow & steady
UNAA YP Young
Professionals grow
A Reformed ALP?
Abbott’s first
100 days
Clickivist
Promises blowin’
in the wind
Turkey – a country
at the crossroads
The rise of human-
computer interaction
The brutal world of
TV is no place for a man
John Mangos
The value of brand
From crisis to HERO
and back again
Why do PR?
Election timing
Antony Green
year
2. Wells Haslem: One year on
John Wells, Chairman
Wells Haslem is now one year old… a wonderful
milestone. And we are celebrating with the
second edition of The Shell, the official
publication of Wells Haslem Strategic Public
Affairs.
We want to bring you regular updates on issues,
public affairs activity, trends in the industry, and
insights into client work across our portfolio of
activity.
The Shell brings a contemporary look and feel to
the Wells Haslem brand and is underpinned by
more than twenty years’ experience in the public
affairs industry.
First year of business
Wells Haslem Strategic Public Affairs’ first year in
operation has been a very successful one. We
have grown our client base, improved revenue
and cut costs.
The year has been marked by some interesting
and often difficult projects. Wind farms,
submarines, superannuation, construction,
religion, education, consumer products and many
others have all been part of a varied and
interesting first year in business.
One of our most recent projects involved
defending the beauty, tourism and farming on
King Island being overshadowed by 200 giant
wind turbines… taking up 20% of the island. While
the proponents, Hydro Tasmania, will conduct a
feasibility study into the project, it’s no certainty
to proceed. It has some way to travel yet.
Our team combines decades of experience in
public affairs, government relations, issues
management, journalism, politics, policy advice,
and foreign affairs.
It is made up of John Wells, Benjamin Haslem,
Alexandra Mayhew, Kerry Sibraa AO, Julie Sibraa,
Trevor Cook, and Michael Baume. Indeed they
were a key part of the old firm Jackson Wells – on
and off, over a 21-year history.
Wells Haslem is not just another PR company.
What we really try to do is quickly add value to
our clients’ projects. This is something we have
always been renowned for.
At the centre of our firm is the desire to help clients
communicate better and to resolve issues affecting
how they communicate.
Our work covers all key disciplines of communication:
strategy development, issues management,
government relations, media relations, crisis
management, digital media and FMCG promotion.
If you think we can help you, or you want to know
more about our services, please ring Ben, Alexandra or
me on +61 (0)2 9033 8667, or visit our website
wellshaslem.com.au.
John Wells
Chairman
3. Julie Sibraa
Slow & SteadyFinding new ways to fund infrastructure
NSW Budget Infastructure
NSW Budget
The recent NSW State
Government Budget, handed
down by arguably the world’s
nicest Treasurer, Mike Baird, was
described by some in the media as
“boring”. Mike Baird’s response
was to say that boring was the
new sexy. And for those in the
infrastructure sector it was a
pretty racy budget.
4. it did so on the promise of turning
around the flagging state economy
which included a significant
infrastructure backlog and no ready
source of funds to address it.
Short termism, vested interest, fear of
debt and an aversion to risk acquired
following intense media and public
criticism of privately financed projects
like the Cross City and Lane Cove
Tunnels left the State with a number of
much needed public infrastructure
projects sitting on the shelf. And thanks
to the increasing cost of building
material and wages and the complexity
of retrofitting infrastructure to an
already heavily built Sydney
environment, the projects were getting
more expensive every year.
Although Labor Premier Morris Iemma
understood that the lack of investment
in productivity enhancing infrastructure
over the previous decade was a long-
term problem for both the residents of
the State coping with congestion and
the economy’s ongoing competitiveness,
his attempts to find a way to fund new
infrastructure ultimately resulted in his
political demise.
The sale of the State’s electricity sector,
which had the potential to generate
around $15 billion, challenged one of
the Labor Party’s great shibboleths – the
notion of the necessity of government
ownership and operation of a range of
utilities and functions.
The O’Farrell Government has no such
constraints – apart from ones of its own
And whilst not overflowing with new
infrastructure spending commitments,
the Budget included funding and
delivery details for a range of major
transport projects including the $8.3
billion North West Rail Link – a single
deck metro-style train line linking the
North West Growth Centre just beyond
Rouse Hill to Chatswood, the South
West Rail link (an initiative of the
previous Government), the Northern
Sydney Freight Corridor program and
two light rail projects.
But the centrepiece of the infrastructure
budget was the announcement around
the long awaited WestConnex - a
monster of a road project in scale,
complexity and cost (estimated at
around $10-13 billion) that incorporates
the completion and widening of the M4
motorway, duplication of the M5 east
motorway and a link between them to
include Sydney Airport and Port Botany.
The sheer cost and scale of the 33 km
WestConnex project has presented a
major funding challenge to Government.
The most straightforward part of the
project – the duplication of the M5 east
– on its own would have required a
substantial up-front financial
contribution from Government even if it
were procured as a public private
partnership (PPP) with tolling. This is
despite the fact traffic revenues are
largely known, unlike previous
greenfield road projects such as the
tunnels mentioned earlier. The cost of
the project simply cannot be covered by
toll revenue.
The Budget allocated $1.8 billion over
four years (in addition to
Commonwealth commitments) to get
the project started, but more
importantly, the Government indicated
how the project would be financed. This
is the first indication as to how NSW
some much needed infrastructure
projects.
The 2013/14 Budget continues this
process with the proposed lease of the
Port of Newcastle – currently the
world’s largest coal export terminal –
expected to raise between $700 million
to $1 billion, in addition to the
continuation of savings measures aimed
at reducing the Government’s operating
expenses over the forward estimates,
thereby creating room in the balance
sheet to take on additional debt.
hen the
O’Farrell
Govern-
ment
was
elected
in NSW
in 2011
on
W
political choosing - and the 2013/14
budget has continued to make solid and
innovative headway towards funding
much needed infrastructure at the same
time as keeping the budget with in
credit rating agency imposed caps.
Making inroads into the backlog will not
happen quickly, particularly given the
challenges outlined above and the long
lead times associated with major
construction projects. But given the size
of the O’Farrell Government’s
parliamentary majority and the
likelihood of them being in Government
for three terms, a period of 12 years,
they have a unique opportunity to
actually see through the delivery of
The sheer
cost and scale of
WestConnex has
presented a major
funding challenge
to Government.
“
“
pg.4|NSWBudget–JulieSibraa
5. Treasury’s new Infrastructure Financing
Unit (IFU), tasked with “enhancing the
State’s financing capabilities for PPPs
and other infrastructure funding
models,” has been working since it was
established following last year’s budget.
A financing strategy has been designed
to “minimise impact on the State’s
balance sheet, encourage maximum
involvement of the superannuation
sector and provide the State the
capacity to recycle its investment to new
projects”.
Drawing from the San Francisco Bay
Area Transit Authority, the Government
will fund the first stage of the project,
but will do so as an equity investment
rather than a capital grant. It will then
leverage the value of the tolls to attract
private funding for the next part of the
project. Government is effectively
taking the risk for the traffic forecasting
which will make it a more attractive
investment for private equity. The
business case and financing model will
be tested with the private sector.
Make no mistake, the WestConnex
project on its own is colossal, not only in
terms of cost and scale, but because it
presents a major political challenge
which will use a great deal of the
O’Farrell Government’s political capital.
The degree of risk and difficulty is
extremely high as the Government, or
its delivery agency, will have to manage
the complexity and major inconvenience
the construction will generate on well-
mobilised inner-west local communities
not known for their tolerance in regard
to such matters.
However, as is often said in politics
these days when a government is doing
something relatively unpopular “it’s the
right thing to do”.
Some have claimed this new approach
represents the end of the PPP, so reviled
in recent years, but really it’s just the
fact that the projects sitting on the shelf
for so many years have simply gotten
too big for even the most optimistic
traffic forecasts and the post-GFC
financial sector simply won’t take on the
risk.
Government understanding of PPPs and
where they can best be applied to bring
forward projects has also matured
substantially since the days of the
Sydney Airport Rail Line and Cross City
Tunnel. The availability model PPP still
offers enormous benefits for bringing
forward infrastructure and the
Government is using this model for the
new Sydney Convention centre and the
Northern Beaches Hospital which will
also be operated by the private sector.
So while the progress on addressing
NSW’s huge infrastructure backlog may
not appear to be splashy or spectacular,
many other governments would have
baulked at the scale of the challenge.
Julie Sibraa is Wells Haslem’s
Special Counsel. She was Senior
Adviser, Infrastructure, to the Hon
Morris Iemma, Premier of NSW in
2008 and National Manager,
Policy, at Infrastructure
Partnerships Australia, 2009-11
6. Since its inception in October 2011, the United Nations Association of Australia
(UNAA) Young Professionals (YP) has achieved some excellent results, albeit with
some teething pains.
The UNAA YP involves young professionals throughout Australia in the work of the
United Nations and raises funds for its sister organisations and their vital
initiatives.
While there have been set-backs and hurdles - such as venues reneging support
last minute and sourcing on-going partnerships - there are definitely benefits to
being a young organisation. There are no bad habits to inherit. There is a vibrant,
energetic team. And there is an untapped audience the UNAA YP gets to make a
stellar first impression with.
The NSW Leadership Team - made up of dedicated volunteers who work across
various sectors including law, recruitment, sustainability, finance, and public
relations - has worked hard to bring events to life that have educated our
counterparts about the work of the United Nations. The UNAA YP has addressed
global issues at a local level to keep topics engaging, relatable, and ultimately
empowering our audiences into action.
The program has been so successful the UNAA YP has expanded into the ACT, with
that Chapter launching next month. The Queensland Chapter is next to be
established.
Engaging young professionals has proven to be a delicate balancing act.
The reason the program has been so successful is because the UNAA YP is run by
young professionals for young professionals. So if an idea does not interest the
Leadership Team, the Team knows it will not appeal to a wider audience.
This year, the Leadership Team has strategically designed events to cover
important issues, such as violence against women, refugees, and human rights,
while sourcing speakers that have genuinely interested young professionals. While
people may attend to show their support or interest in a cause, a major motivator
to attend is the opportunity to meet like-minded people. A poor choice of venue
or (lack of) alcohol can prove to be a deal-breaker with young professionals. A
great value-add to YP events has been inspiring speakers’ willingness to stay late
into the evening talking with guests. It’s been the YP Leadership Team’s smart
event planning that has achieved the right balance and seen every UNAA YP event
sell out.
Another tool the Leadership Team understands well is social media. Facebook has
proven to be invaluable, not only for event information, but for the ability to allow
guests to see photos soon after the event, which they share – therefore spreading
the UNAA YP brand and messages even further. As a result of rolling out a more
strategic social media approach, the number of UNAA YP Facebook followers has
quadrupled in the last six months alone.
2013 has seen the Leadership Team build on the UNAA YP’s work of 2012, with
more events undertaken and planned. The UNAA YP provide people the
opportunity to attend formal events, informal monthly drinks with the Leadership
Team, fun and unusual bespoke events, and partnered events. The Leadership
Team is continuously refining this formula to make the UN more interesting and
appealing to a wider audience.
We’ve already undertaken our planning day for 2014, and it’s going to be a big
year. A bigger team. More members. Extra events… All to achieve our ultimate,
idealistic Gen Y vision: Every young professional in Australia understands the role
the UN plays in our worldwide community.
2013 Events | February: International
Women’s Day: Violence Against Women…
What GenY Don’t Tweet About (Proceeds:
UN Women) | March: UNAA YP Trivia |
June: World Refugee Day: Headlines,
Deadlines, On the Immigration Frontline
(Proceeds: UNHCR) | August: World
Humanitarian Day | September: UN General
Assembly Leaders’ Week & International
Day of Peace: with the Australian Institution
of International Affairs: Public Debate |
October: World Food Day: UNAA YP Gala
Dinner (Proceeds: World Food Programme)
| November: UNAA YP End of Year
Celebration | Monthly: Meet-ups with the
UNAA YP Leadership Team
Alexandra Mayhew is the
UNAA Young Professionals
NSW Vice Convenor
INVOLVE
ENGAGE
INSPIRE
The next UNAA YP event on World
Humanitarian Day, Monday 19th August.
Tickets: facebook.com/UNAA.YPN
Association of Australia
I N S P I R E S a n d
E X P A N D S
2013 UNAA YP Speakers: NSW Minister for
Family and Community Services and
Minister for Women, The Hon. Pru Goward
MP | Leading columnist with The Daily
Telegraph and Herald Sun, Miranda Devine
|Renowned journalist and author, Gretel
Killeen | Cultural Architect and leading
Expert in Cultural change and impact, Brett
Murray | Lifestyle writer and Project
Futures campaigner, ‘Ms Darlinghurt’, Alex
Adams | Associate producer at SBS Insight
and refugee, Saber Baluch | Refugee
Campaign Coordinator at Amnesty
International Australia, Graeme McGregor
| Journalist and producer of SBS series ‘Go
back to where you came from’, Ronan
Sharkey | Former UN spokesman for Sri
Lanka and successful author, Gordon Weiss
7. A REFORMED
Dr Cook was Chief of Staff to Federal Employment, Education and Training Minister, John
Dawkins from 1987-90. Last year he completed a doctoral thesis UNIONS AND THE ALP –
Between dependence and independence at the University of Sydney
A REPORT BY WELLS HASLEM DIGITAL COUNSEL, DR TREVOR COOK
Newly reinstalled as Prime Minister, Kevin Rudd has party reform as one of his
top priorities.
So far he has announced measures to clean up the tainted NSW Branch and
to give branch members a say in electing the federal parliamentary leader.
Giving branch members 50 per cent of the vote in leadership contests will
greatly reduce the power of a handful of senior union officials and factional
leaders in the caucus.
It is the biggest change in 50 years, since Whitlam, and probably the biggest
change since federation when a national ALP was first put together from
various state branches.
pg.7|AreformedALP?–TrevorCook
8. [ ]
Yet Rudd’s current proposals lag behind
the changes being proposed for the ALP’s
sister party in Britain by its Opposition
Leader, Ed Miliband.
Miliband’s reforms would see non-party
members voting in pre-selections and
would end the guaranteed vote
percentage allocated to unions in party
ballots, currently in Australia this
amounts to 50 per cent of the votes at
state conferences.
Miliband, like Rudd, believes the reforms
are required to reconnect with the
party’s (changing) electoral base and to
re-invigorate the party’s membership.
During the 1990s union membership
declined dramatically in Australia and ALP
membership declined even faster, with
hundreds of local
branches across
the country
shutting up shop.
The problem for
the ALP is that
these changes
have
concentrated
power in the
hands of a few
dozen union officials and factional
heavies.
Put bluntly a party created in the 1890s
by unions, controlled by unions and for
the benefit of unions is just not relevant
to vast sections of the modern Australian
electorate.
Recent savage defeats in NSW and
Queensland, and the prospect of a defeat
federally, make the problem more urgent
than ever before.
During the past 50 years, the ALP has
comeback from electoral defeats before
by grafting an appealing leadership on
top of an anachronistic organisational
structure.
From Whitlam and Hawke to Dunstan,
Wran, Carr and Beattie, the ALP was
blessed with several generations of real
leadership talent.
That sort of talent, in those quantities,
now seems a distant dream.
The ALP’s pre-selection processes are just
not working anymore, they favour
officials from affiliated unions, political
advisers and party officials to the
exclusion of just about everyone else.
The ALP’s great leaders in the past few
decades have all had broader life
experience and an ability to connect with
people outside the unions-party bubble.
Paul Keating used to say that the best
political training was asking ordinary
branch members for a vote.
That’s how you used to learn how voters
think and what really motivates them.
Not anymore, most candidates are now
selected through complex factional deals,
often with help from the party’s state
and national executives.
Prime Minister Rudd has long been the
party’s outsider candidate.
Rudd has no deep factional or union
connections or backing.
Rudd’s claim to leadership has always
been centred on his popularity in the
broader electorate.
A successful outsider candidate for party
leadership is a novelty in Australia.
But for Democrat presidential candidates
in the USA, it has become the rule than
the exception.
Carter, Clinton and Obama, the last three
Democrat presidents, all ran against the
party establishment and won.
They could do so because of the USA’s
primary system, where ordinary voters
have a say in choosing the party’s
candidates.
Reflecting their popularity, primaries
have expanded in the USA to become
more inclusive over time,
Many US states are now moving to ‘open’
primaries where voters can participate in
the selection of candidates even if they
are not registered as supporters of that
party.
It may be that part of Rudd’s electoral
popularity is the sense many voters seem
to have that he is not beholden to unions
and factions.
Many voters seem to have a sense that
Rudd is their candidate, torn down in
June 2010 by the boys from old labour.
In Australia, primaries offer the ALP a
chance to engage with a changed
electorate.
Up to the 1970s, the Australian
workforce was predominantly unionised,
blue-collar and male.
Even the typical union member these
days is a female, university-educated
professional working in the community
services sector.
What’s more the
ALP has to appeal
to a large number
of young people
who don’t
understand
unions and don’t
find them
appealing.
Many of the
people who were
once attracted to the party of Whitlam
now vote for the Greens.
And today’s blue-collar worker is likely to
be self-employed tradie with concerns
about business conditions and small
business regulation.
The ALP’s problem today is similar to that
which faced Menzies in the 1940s.
Menzies created the modern Liberal
Party by reaching out beyond warring big
business factions to a whole raft of
middle class community-based
organisations.
Famously, he used the term ‘the
forgotten people’ to characterise this re-
building and re-connecting exercise.
The ALP needs a leader that can do a
Menzies and reconnect the labor party
with its own forgotten people.
Rudd would like to be that leader.
If Rudd fails, the ALP will have to find
someone else to re-create the ALP as a
modern centre-left party.
The ALP’s pre-selection processes are just not working
anymore, they favour officials from affiliated unions,
political advisers and party officials to the exclusion of
just about everyone else.
9. In Australian federal elections the electorate generally gets it right.
Until very recently the Coalition Opposition, led by Tony Abbott, was clearly going to win the next election.
That’s of course if the Government stuck with Prime Minister Julia Gillard.
Labor was never going to do that because it did not want to be decimated at the election on September 14 - the
date chosen by Ms Gillard as Election Day.
Now all of that has changed.
Kevin Rudd is back as Prime Minister and the latest Newspoll has Labor and the Coalition level on 50 per cent
two-party preferred.
So will the electorate get it right this time? That remains to be seen.
If the electorate decides to endorse an Abbott led government, what will the first 100 days look like under Prime Minister Tony Abbott?
If you listen to Mr Rudd, Mr Abbott and the Coalition have no policies. The Coalition has in fact developed a comprehensive suite of
policies in over 50 areas.
At least 55 policy announcements, including the outlining of substantive plans for a strong and prosperous economy, aim to drive
productivity and to support the creation of up to one million jobs over five years.
And what of the first 100 days:
Tax reform will begin immediately with
the removal of the carbon and mining
taxes, which the Coalition says are
undermining growth and investment,
damaging the country’s reputation and
making Australia less competitive.
Mr Abbott says these taxes are driving
up the cost of living. Treasury's own
modelling shows the carbon tax will
erode GDP with a cumulative loss of
output of $32 billion by 2020, rising to a
staggering $1 trillion by 2050 (in 2010
dollars).
The Coalition will move swiftly to
change the border protection legislation
in order to stem the flow of
unauthorised boat arrivals, reinstituting
policies similar to those of former
coalition Prime Minister John Howard.
The Coalition has only recently unveiled
what they say is the most ambitious
deregulation agenda seen in this
country, including the streamlining of
environmental approval processes to
provide greater investment certainty as
well as a commitment to restore the
Australian Building and Construction
Commission to tackle union abuses in
the building industry.
There will also be a substantive
commitment on critical infrastructure
spending and reform, including the
development of a rolling 15-year
national infrastructure plan.
A full-scale commission of audit we will
be conducted, the first since 1996, and
will identify areas of waste and other
poor quality Government spending and
will be fundamental to restoring the
structural integrity of the budget.
All these policy positions will, in one
form or another, start in Abbott’s first
100 days if the Coalition is elected.
In outlining his policy agenda, and his
likely first 100 days, Mr Abbott has
continued to weather a relentless attack
on the basis he has no policies.
What Mr Abbott has to continue to do is
go out and educate the electorate that
his policies are better than those that
have put the country into the position
he says it is in – lacking in confidence, a
substantial reduction in retail spending,
rising unemployment, and rising costs.
What Mr Rudd will attempt to do is
recast himself and his policies in order
to demonstrate that he is a new leader
with a new agenda.
And while the polls have now narrowed
substantially, the Coalition retains a
slight advantage. The outcome of the
often looks like a beauty contest but in
the end it will come down to policies…
Who is offering what the people want?
10. Clicktivist
Will the next major societal upheaval be sparked by a hash tag? Benjamin Haslem reports
A number of recent on-line grassroots community
campaigns, here and abroad, have brought the
issue of clicktivism into the spotlight.
But how effective are web-based campaigns at
delivering real change?
Are they all heat and light with nothing to show
once the # has been consigned to yesterday’s
Twitter trends?
Or could the US Civil Rights movement been
Tweeted?
pg.10|Clicktivist–BenjaminHaslem
11. In late August last year, Sydney radio
broadcaster Alan Jones told listeners:
“[Prime Minister Julia Gillard] said that
we know societies only reach their full
potential if women are politically
participating. Women are destroying the
joint – Christine Nixon in Melbourne,
Clover Moore here. Honestly”.
It was the spark that ignited the highest-
profile case in Australia of what is
referred to (often pejoratively) as
clicktivism or slacktivism: where activists
can participate in social movements
through their laptops or smartphones.
Within hours of Jones’ remarks, Sydney
social commentator, Jane Caro, created
the Twitter hashtag #destroythejoint and
the Twitter-verse was ablaze with angry
condemnations of Jones’ remarks.
Soon after, University of Technology
Sydney (UTS) lecturer, Jenna Price
created the Destroy The Joint Facebook
community page. Within months its
membership had swelled to 20,000
helped along by the Sunday Telegraph’s
report of Jones’ now notorious 23
September speech at a Sydney University
Liberal Club function in which he said the
then PM’s recently deceased father had
likely died of shame. (Jones later
apologised).
The Destroy the Joint social media
campaign was instrumental in applying
public pressure – through threat of
boycott – on companies advertising on
Jones’ 2GB breakfast program to
withdraw their ads.
Dozens did, including Mercedes Benz,
Woolworths, Freedom Furniture, Coles,
Bing Lee and Mazda.
An online petition at change.org calling
on 2GB to sack Jones attracted more than
115,000 supporters.
On 7 October, 2GB owner, the Macquarie
Radio Network, suspended all advertising
on the show to protect its advertisers
from pressure being applied by the
#destroythejoint campaign, which
Macquarie’s Chairman, Russell Tate,
slammed as “cyber bullying”.
Macquarie Radio estimated the boycott
cost the station between $1 million and
$1.5 million. Most advertisers returned to
the program within weeks.
In the lead up to and during the
controversy Jones’ program enjoyed an
increase in ratings of 0.5 per cent to 17.3
per cent. This fell away to 15.4 per cent
by February 2013. By late May Jones
audience share was back at 17 per cent,
pretty much where it was before the
controversy erupted, dropping to 15.8
per cent last month.
The #destroythejoint movement is an
interesting study in the effectiveness of
on-line activism.
Slacktivist sceptic, Evgeny Morozov
argues “‘Slacktivism’ is an apt term to
describe feel-good online activism that
has zero political or social impact. It gives
those who participate in ‘slacktivist’
campaigns an illusion of having a
meaningful impact on the world without
demanding anything more than joining a
Facebook group”.
In the case of #destroythejoint, Caro,
Price and their many thousands of
supporters did have an effect. But was it
long-term?
True, there was a short-term drop off in
revenue for 2GB and Jones’ ratings fell in
the months following but have now
recovered.
What is certain, #destroythejoint put
advertisers on notice that their brand and
bottom line can be damaged if they
associate themselves with remarks that
offend a significant and easily mobilised
proportion of the population.
Broadcasters and more importantly their
masters will be more focussed on
avoiding content which, while not in
breach of any regulatory framework,
offends public sensibilities. This probably
would not have occurred 10 years ago.
Fans of on-line activism have been
criticised for over eulogising its impact.
Beyond #destroythejoint clicktivism is
seen most starkly in Australian political
life through organisations such as
GetUp!, inspired by the United States’
MoveOn.org and the global Avaaz.org.
Communications professional, James
Norman, who works for the Australian
Conservation Foundation, recalled a
recent email from GetUp! which
proclaimed: ''We did it! The ABC and SBS
are safe, for now'.
GetUp! claimed newspaper
advertisements it ran stopped plans by
the Federal Coalition to privatise the ABC
and SBS after a motion to that effect was
placed on the agenda at a Liberal Party
Victoria State Conference.
As Norman wrote in the Sydney Morning
Herald: “The only problem was that
“[Opposition Leader] Tony Abbott had
already ruled out the policy a week
before”.
Norman questions the effectiveness of
clicktivism, describing it as “activism
bound to news cycles, data gathering and
emotive taglines - far removed from the
urgency and camaraderie of traditional
protest movements”.
“By embracing tried and tested methods
of delivery of marketing, this kind of
activism can have the effect of merely
stroking people's desire to ‘do the right
thing’, rather than engaging them in
meaningful political struggle,” Norman
argues.
“Slacktivism’ is an apt term
to describe feel-good online
activism that has zero
political or social impact. It
gives those who participate
in ‘slacktivist’ campaigns an
illusion of having a
meaningful impact on the
world without demanding
anything more than joining a
Facebook group”
12. US Author, Malcolm Gladwell (The
Tipping Point; Blink), agrees, arguing the
activists who spawned the great (and
importantly high-risk) campaigns for
social change – the US Civil Rights
Movement; the collapse of the Iron
Curtain – share a crucial feature: they
were recruited to the struggle by a close
friend.
Each of these social upheavals had what
Stanford sociologist Doug McAdam,
called “a ‘strong-tie’ phenomenon”.
“The kind of activism associated with
social media isn’t like this at all,”
Gladwell writes in his New Yorker piece,
‘Small Change: Why the revolution will
not be tweeted’.
“The platforms of social media are built
around weak ties. Twitter is a way of
following (or being followed by) people
you may never have met. Facebook is a
tool for efficiently managing your
acquaintances, for keeping up with the
people you would not otherwise be able
to stay in touch with. That’s why you can
have a thousand “friends” on Facebook,
as you never could in real life.”
The journalist who first coined the term
clicktivism, Micah White, argues a
fundamental problem with clicktivism is
that metrics value only what is
measurable (follows, likes, re-tweets
etc).
“Clicktivism neglects the vital,
immeasurable inner events and personal
epiphanies that great social ruptures are
actually made of.
“The history of revolutions attests that
upheaval is always improbable,
unpredictable and risky. A few banal
pronouncements about 'democracy in
action' coupled with an online petition
will not usher in social transformation.”
Others disagree.
Mumbai journalist, Leo Mirani, argues
that Gladwell wrongly defines activism as
“as sit-ins, taking direct action, and
confrontations on the streets”.
“However, if activism is about
arousing awareness of people,
changing people's minds, and influencing
opinions across the world, then 'the
revolution will be indeed be tweeted',
'hashtagged', and 'YouTubed',”
Mirani writes in The Guardian in
response to Gladwell.
Cindy Leonard, from Robert Morris
University’s Bayer Centre for Non-profit
Management, believes there is nothing
different about gathering to protest in a
public square or gathering in a Facebook
group to support an opinion.
“If anything, the online gathering is safer,
more cost effective, more
environmentally friendly, and has the
ability to draw more people,” Leonard
writes.
“In either case, the objective is getting
the attention of the people who have the
ability to create the desired change.”
A 2010 study by Georgetown University’s
Centre for Social Impact Communication
- The Dynamics of Cause Engagement – is
cited by defenders of slacktivism.
The US national survey concludes that
people who frequently engaged in
promotional social activity were:
§ As likely as non-social
media promoters to
donate
§ Twice as likely to
volunteer their time
§ Twice as likely to take
part in events like charity
walks
§ More than twice as likely
to buy products or
services from companies
that supported the cause
§ Three times as likely to
solicit donations on
behalf of their cause
§ More than four times as
likely to encourage others
to sign a petition or
contact political
representatives
If #destroythejoint teaches us anything,
it is that one communication faux pas has
the potential to unleash a mass
campaign against your organisation,
damaging your brand and those of your
customers and suppliers.
It may be short-lived but the damage
wrought during the maelstrom can be
significant.
#destroythejoint#protest#volunteer
pg.12|Clickivist–BenjaminHaslem
13. Promises Blowin’ In The Wind
Benjamin Haslem
A common reaction from people when
told about plans to build 200 giant wind
turbines on King Island off north-west
Tasmania is: “What will happen to the
cheese?”
That says a lot about people’s
perceptions of the wind-swept island,
home to the world-famous King Island
Dairy.
Think of King Island and images of brie
and clotted cream spring to mind.
Friesian cows grazing on green grass,
watered by clouds delivered across
thousands of miles of pristine ocean.
It’s this image and the island’s location
at the bottom of the world that is being
used by developers to market two
luxury golf courses planned for King
Island.
Courses that will tap into a growing
global golf-tourism market, dominated
by cashed-up retirees and empty-
nesters hungry to experience links-golf
on exotic and rugged dunes courses.
What the developers had not counted
on was this image being tarnished by
200 wind turbines towering more than
150 metres into the air at blade tip,
dotted across nearly 20 per cent of King
Island’s 1100 square km.
Last November, the State Government-
owned Hydro Tasmania announced it
wanted to conduct a feasibility study
into the construction of a wind farm on
King Island, which it branded TasWind.
All the electricity generated by TasWind
will be transmitted via a yet-to-be-built
undersea cable to Victoria.
Hydro Tasmania was big on community
consultation, promising:
“It’s important to know what the King
Island community thinks about the
concept because Hydro Tasmania will
not proceed with the project if it does
not have their support”.
The utilities giant promised a
community survey (or vote) to see if
King Islanders were happy to proceed to
a feasibility study into the project.
The TasWind website, set up by Hydro
Tasmania, promised:
“We believe 60 per cent support for the
project moving to the feasibility stage
is a very fair measure. We continue to
work with the community on the best
way to measure support and have
proposed an independent survey of all
island residents.” [Emphasis added]
If locals agreed to feasibility, that would
not necessarily lead to construction,
with Hydro Tasmania promising further
testing of community support before
erecting the first turbine. Interestingly,
there was no promise of another survey.
For many locals, TasWind promised a
lifeline for King Island’s economy,
reeling at the closure of the local
abattoir in September 2012, which costs
70 jobs.
Artist’s impression
14. The island had been suffering economic
and population decline for years and
Hydro Tasmania was promising up to $1
million a year would be paid into a
community fund to pay for whatever
Islanders wanted.
Hydro Tasmania spruiked that the
“forecast economic benefit to the
community is in the order of $7m-$8.9
million a year”; up to 60 long-term full-
time jobs would result.
Land owners who agreed to place
turbines on their properties would
receive generous annual lease payments;
payments would be made to neighbours.
For many locals it seemed manna from
heaven.
But for a group of locals, many whose
families had lived on the island for
generations, it spelt disaster.
It would ruin the Island’s unique lifestyle
and some feared it could compromise
their health. The fact much of the area
mooted as turbine sites was on property
owned by off-island superannuation
funds and a large Japanese agribusiness
meant most of TasWind’s money would
flow off shore.
Opponents, quick to emphasise they are
not against renewable energy per se,
rallied around and formed the No
TasWind Farm Group (NTWFG) to
encourage locals to vote no to a
feasibility study.
With the assistance of a local land owner
who has family living on the island, the
NTWFG engaged Wells Haslem Strategic
Public Affairs to help promote a no vote.
During a two-day visit to King Island and
extensive discussions with locals, it
became apparent to the author and the
NTWFG that the only way to defeat
Hydro Tasmania was to convince locals
there was a bright future for the Isle
without a giant wind energy factory.
What was needed was a positive
campaign that tapped into the pride
many islanders felt for their home and
for their resilience.
Citing the planned golf courses and the
25,000 extra tourists they would
generate each year (based on the hugely
successful Barnbougle golf course
development in north-east Tasmania)
the NTWFG argued that King Island could
position itself as major global tourism
destination.
It wasn’t all about golf. By leveraging its
image for clean food and its relative
global isolation, King Island would be
home to the best restaurants and
cooking schools, a magnet to bird
watchers (the island is home to the rare
Orange-bellied parrot and six endemic
bird sub species), bush walkers, scuba
divers and surfers.
The NTWFG argued the wind farm would
destroy King Island’s image and with it
any hope of growing the Island’s
economy through tourism.
When locals argued they were only being
asked to support a feasibility study, the
NTWFG argued that would place an
already fragile economy in suspended
animation for more than two years. No-
one would be able to sell property and at
least one of the golf developers would
struggle to attract investors.
Wells Haslem designed pamphlets that
were either posted to locals or inserted
in the King Island Courier newspaper. A
local car dealer donated his advertising
space on the paper’s front page, where
we placed a different ad each week.
Wells Haslem Partner, Alexandra
Mayhew, designed and administered a
NTWFG website, to communicate the no
vote message.
Hydro Tasmania appeared rattled by the
NTWFG campaign and just days before
the vote promised to invest $500,000 in
a new abattoir for the island.
The utility provider also echoed the
NTWFG message promising “we will
work with local industries and
community groups such as tourism, golf,
accommodation, the cider brewery,
abattoir, beef, dairy and the Scheelite
Mine to ensure TasWind supports future
development”.
The magic 60 per cent support figure
vanished; in the final TasWind
community bulletin, Hydro Tas CEO Roy
Adair wrote:
“As we have said many times, this
project will only proceed with the
majority support of the King Island
community”. (It was bolded for
emphasis).
On the morning of Monday 24 June
Hydro Tasmania announced 58.77 per
cent of voters supported going to
feasibility.
The NTWFG immediately called on Hydro
Tasmania to abandon its plans as the
magic 60 per cent figure had not been
reached. A Hydro Tasmania Board
meeting was brought forward two days
to effectively decide whether to break its
promise to King Island.
At 2pm, Hydro Tasmania said 58.77 per
cent was close enough and the study
would proceed.
Its spokesman Andrew Catchpole made
the remarkable comment: “I know some
have implied that the figure of 60 is a
number that will determine if the project
goes ahead or not, however, we have
always said that 60 per cent would be a
good indication of broad community
support. We got 59 per cent and that is a
very good result”.
Asked by reporters is there would be a
second survey to test support for
construction, Mr Catchpole was
equivocal, saying: "This is one of the
things we want to talk to the community
about".
The NTWFG condemned the decision as
a broken promise and warned Hydro
Tasmania could never be trusted again.
Interestingly, and ominously for Hydro
Tasmania, supporters of the feasibility
study expressed anger at the power
utility’s actions.
On a Facebook page set up to discuss the
project a yes supporter wrote: “I am
happy we are going ahead to find out
best options, yet upset that trust is
already broken. I ask that only honesty
comes from Hydro instead of half-truths
to keep investment we can find
elsewhere”.
At the time of writing the NTWFG was
considering its options.
15. The city of Istanbul, famed for its strategic and
geographic significance as the crossroad between
Europe and Asia, is almost a metaphor for the
precarious position the country now finds itself in.
The outcome of the citizen-led protests will
determine whether it will continue in its development
as a modern European democracy or remain the
country of its past, dominated by a single strongman.
A recent and first visit to the city of Istanbul coincided
with the beginning of riots inflamed by a brutal and
unprovoked government response to a small and
peaceful protest against plans to turn the Gezi Park
on Taksim Square, one of the cities few green spaces,
into a shopping complex. Since then, the protests
have continued and escalated, widening in cause and
spreading to other Turkish cities. The global media
coverage has put Turkey and its Government led by
Recep Tayyip Erdogan, the country’s most successful
politician since Ataturk, under intense scrutiny and
has already led to the freezing of negotiations
on its entry into the European Union.
There is a lot at stake for a country seeking not only
entry to the European Union (EU), but also the right
to host the 2020 Olympics and Paralympics in
Istanbul.
From a first-time tourist point of view, Istanbul is a
wondrous metropolis spread along each side of the
Bospherus and Golden Horn, teeming with energy
and vibrancy - not to mention tens of thousands of
other tourists. While not the official capital, Istanbul
is the epicentre of the nation’s history, culture,
finance and business. With a growing population of
around 13.5 million people, it is the largest city in
Europe and the third largest city proper in the world.
Remarkably it is also one of the world’s safest cities.
It has much to recommend it.
Demographically speaking, Turkey is a young country
with 43 per cent of its 80 million population under
the age of 25 and 14.1 per cent over 55, compared to
31 per cent of Australia’s 23 million under 25 and
26.2 per cent over 55. The median age is 29.2
compared to Australia’s 38.1
ro
s
uTacountryatthe
C s
rkey
By Special Counsel | | Julie Sibraa | |
s
road
16. “...Turkey had one of the fastest growing and
most diverse economies in Europe, comprised of
services, agriculture, manufacturing, shipbuilding,
construction, and electronics.
Turkey has had one of the fastest growing and most
diverse economies in Europe, comprised of services,
agriculture, manufacturing - including the production of
motor vehicles for just about every company you could
think of - shipbuilding, construction, and electronics. Its
strategic geographical position links the oil and gas rich
nations bordering the Caspian Sea to Western Europe
and the Middle East via the world’s second longest
pipeline. Reforms undertaken in the 80s largely
transformed the economy from a statist model to a more
free market one. Many previously Government-owned
enterprises have been privatised.
Tourism is a major and growing source of income,
estimated at around $23 billion and as such, becoming
increasingly important to the financing of the country’s
current account deficit.
Twenty seven per cent of all visitors to Turkey visit
Istanbul, which in April this year was voted Europe’s best
destination. At the same time the city’s tourist officials
announced a 23.8 per cent increase in tourism numbers
for the same quarter last year, with a total of 10 million
visitors expected for the year. The 2013 MasterCard
Global Destination Cities Index survey found that Istanbul
was the sixth most visited city in the world, and with 9.5
per cent growth, one of the fastest growing cities in
terms of visitor numbers. The report states that if all top
10 destination cities maintain their current rates of
growth in the next few years, then by 2016 Istanbul will
surpass Singapore, New York and Paris in terms of
international visitor arrivals.
What these facts and figures demonstrate is what should
be a very bright future for Turkey and its beating heart,
Istanbul. Its accession to the EU would complete a
process begun after the First World War when Mustafa
Kemel Ataturk inherited an empire in collapse and defeat
and took some extraordinary steps to drag his nation into
the 20th
century as a modern secular state.
Turkey has been trying to gain acceptance into the EU for
26 years. Talks on its potential membership had been
stalled for three years and were supposed to resume in
early July, but following the Prime Minister’s heavy-
handed response to the protests and aggressive reaction
to criticism from the international media and other
nations, Germany (and the Netherlands) voted to block
further negotiations for the time being.
Germany is Turkey’s biggest export and second
biggest import trading partner, and largest source of
tourist numbers. Its President, Angela Merkel, faces her
own election this year on 22 September and has already
demonstrated she won’t be inclined to take a soft stand
on Prime Minister Erdogan’s intransigence towards his
citizens.
While Turkey would easily meet many of the EU’s
economic and social requirements for membership, it
must also demonstrate respect for civil rights, freedom
of the press and other democratic values. Based on
recent events, it will fail. In terms of its Olympic
aspirations and the recent riots in Brazil (due to host the
2016 Olympics) it may also fail.
Despite the seemingly large groundswell of citizens
turning against him, Prime Minister Erdogan is
undoubtedly a popular politician and one of the modern
nation’s most successful. He has never lost an election
and in each of his last three elections for Prime Minister
he increased his vote. In 2011 he received close to 50 per
cent of the popular vote giving him a considerable
mandate to enact his campaign promises. Throughout his
political career he has challenged the boundaries of the
secular state. In his early political days he was a key
member of the Islamist Welfare Party which was
outlawed by the constitutional court as a threat to the
nation’s secular laws and he was subsequently jailed and
banned from politics for inciting religious hatred. His
election promises, including the curbing of the
availability of alcohol recently pushed through the
Parliament, have divided the country, and led many to
speculate on the future of the secular state.
His recent utterances in response to the riots have been
troubling and strongly suggest a return to former less
democratic times. The role of the military, which has
historically acted as the guardian of secularism but
largely sidelined under Erdogan, is yet to be seen.
Turkey therefore stands at a crossroad with feet on
either side of the past and the future. Whether the
Prime Minister will heed the call of citizens wanting more
transparency democracy and free speech or continue the
drive towards an Islamist state is yet to
be determined, but there is much to lose.
pg.16|Turkey–JulieSibraa
17. TECH.
BRAND OPPORTUNITIES
INTHE RISEOFHUMAN-
COMPUTER
INTERACTION
THE PAST DECADE HASSEEN AN EVOLUTION IN THE PR REALM
We have witnessed the shortening of the news cycle from 24 hours to
instant, the rise of instant messaging – sometimes to millions of people,
and the headaches this has created for the ever important brand
controller – and the ultimate decline (to near death) of the printed
publication, just to name a few.
The technological innovations of the naughties have left some catching
their breath, and others – who have embraced it - striding forward.
Digital media, social media, and new media platforms – like tablets and
smart phones - have changed the PR world indefinitely.
And we’re in for another big shift.
The desktop model has peaked. Fewer people line up around the block
for the latest Apple release. Apps aren’t news anymore. Consumers are
becoming bored with new laptop and tablet releases.
People are not reading physical newspapers anymore, they are heading
online via laptops and smartphones - and even that will become
redundant. Into the future people will not be reaching for laptops but
products many have confined to the world of sci-fi.
THE NEXT TECHNOLOGICAL REVOLUTION IS COMING.
BRANDS THAT STAY AHEAD OF THE CURVE WILL BENEFIT.
18. C O N N E C T E D C A M E R A S
Cameras are everywhere. In hotels, staring up from the
palm of a hand (in the smartphone) and recently, in
shop mannequins.
A shopper admiring an outfit on a mannequin will be
unaware that mannequin will be starring right back.
Algorithms will match faces to databases and soon the
mannequin will be asking the shopper, by name, if they
want to try on that new outfit in that brand they love,
and yes, they have it in the right size.
Brands will need to utilise this recognition delicately, as
to not encroach on people’s privacy, while offering
personalised services.
W E A R I N G D E V I C E S
By the time Google Glasses become a relic of the 10s
and voice commands become commonplace, people will
be comfortable, and consider it normal, to be covered in
inconspicuous devices.
These cameras, sensors, and displays will respond to the
wearer’s will via gesture, touch and voice. They will feed
back information to the wearer via displays and
whispers.
A good reputation will be vital for brands, as shoppers
will simply point to a product on the shelf and ask, is
that brand ethical?
Here are some of the technological innovations that will change the face of brands into the future.
V E R Y S M A R T S P E C S
Eventually replacing smart phones will be space-age
spectacles.
They will interact with the internet through voice
commands. Google Glasses, for example, will let users
message friends, read maps, and take photos.
Brands’ involvements with smartphones have been
mixed, many being unsure of how to utilise the space
effectively. Having an ‘app friendly’ website will not
suffice.
Brands will need to abandon the box, innovate and
create something users will genuinely find useful in this
fresh and different medium.
V O I C E C O M M A N D S
The next few years will see natural language commands
become commonplace. Instead of punching letters into
a desktop, tablet, or phone, people will simply speak
aloud and computers, integrated into houses, cars, and
workplaces, will respond, sending off messages,
accessing house appliances, readying the car.
Opportunities here for brands will be diverse; however
with the time between decision making and action
becoming instantaneous, those brands that can
ingeniously tap into their consumers at the right time of
day or experience will be rewarded with impulse
purchases.
D R I V E R L E S S C A R S
Google’s Sergey Brin claimed that by 2017 “Google’s
self-driving cars will be available for everyone.”
As cars become ever more automated they are getting
smarter and more self-sufficient.
Occupants will be left without a road to concentrate on.
This presents a prime opportunity for brands to reach an
audience seeking to fill their time. Abandon the
billboard and start thinking along the lines of in-flight
entertainment.
S T R A T E G I S E , I N N O V A T E A N D S U C C E E D
These innovations will come to fruition, in this decade or
the next, and will form the foundation stones of another
technological evolution. They will present branding
challenges, but more excitingly, huge opportunities.
Those who seek out innovations can ‘own’ the spaces.
Importantly, while the contact methods may once again
revolutionise, strategic thinking should remain.
Companies should avoid getting caught up in ‘getting on
the platform’ and instead optimise new platforms to
complement their broader strategies.
pg.18|Tech–AlexandraMayhew
19. I recently did a double act with Lisa
Wilkinson at a fundraiser and the
conversation turned to how women over
the age of 40, and even 50 for that
matter, are now dominating the television
airwaves.
Ten years ago such women were doomed.
According to former 60 Minutes executive
producer John Westacott they had lost
the "f ... ability factor".
So I posed the obvious question to the
vivacious, and over-50, star of morning
television: "What about blokes like me
over 50?"
"You're stuffed," came the humorous
reply, which amused the 600 women in
the room - and myself. As true as it is, in
retrospect I found the answer not to be
so funny.
In recent times we've seen Ten's Bill
Woods and Ron Wilson get the chop.
Leigh Hatcher has left Sky News, as has
Terry Willesee, and the very capable Chris
Roe was let go last week after nine years
of dedicated service.
Even as recently as last week we saw the
highly competent Melissa Doyle
reportedly take a $150,000 haircut from a
$700,000-a-year salary.
Our airwaves are now dominated by the
highly intelligent and attractive types of
Leigh Sales, Liz Hayes, Lisa Wilkinson,
Jennifer Keyte, Kylie Gillies, Natalie Barr,
Juanita Phillips, Sandra Sully, Tracy
Grimshaw, Jenny Brockie, Ellen Fanning,
Helen Dalley, Chris Bath, Samantha
Armytage and Today Tonight's Helen
Kapalos.
What's going on?
In the US and Europe media organisations
would be beating a path to the doors of
us 50-something blokes with generations
of experience, grey hair, worldliness and
wisdom. Such men are revered.
Not here it seems.
Has television misogyny done a backflip?
In the words of the immortal Professor
Julius Sumner Miller: "Why is this so?"
Thirty-four years ago, when I began in
broadcast news, the ratio was about eight
men to two women on the road - the
anchors were all men.
It now seems the opposite.
Newsrooms attract far more female
journalists. Young male graduates appear
to be gravitating to higher pressure,
shorter lifespan occupations like
investment banking.
The late, great Brian Naylor of GTV Nine
News (who died in the Kinglake bushfires)
used to say to me that good news anchors
were like old slippers - the scruffier and
older we got the more the demographic
loved us.
Brian Henderson was living proof of this.
He could have read the phone book in the
end and people would've tuned in, they
loved him so much. Same for James
Dibble, Roger Climpson and Eric Walters.
Walter Cronkite anchored CBS news until
he was 66, a year after the mandatory
retirement age of 65 at that network. Dan
Rather retired, aged 75, after 44 years on
the same network.
Tom Brokaw retired from the NBC
anchor's job at age 64, and is still actively
on the network.
ABC's top-rating Peter Jennings was
struck down by cancer aged 67, but was
still going strong and had at least another
10 years in him.
THERE'S NO DOUBT THE
CURRENT CROP OF FEMALE
PRESENTERS ARE
PROBABLY THE BEST WE'VE
EVER HAD, BUT WHAT'S
WRONG WITH US BLOKES?
Are we too experienced, too grey or,
more likely, too expensive? (Let's face it;
few of us ever passed the Westacott "f ...
ability" test).
My dear friend and mentor, thespian
Stuart Wagstaff, read the news for Seven
in the '60s. His advice was always that
warmth was key.
They must want to mother you or f ...
you", he continues to say at age 88. If he
is right, ipso facto, we blokes have gone
cold. Could that be it? I don't think so.
Our years wearing out shoe leather,
working the phone, catching planes at
short notice, giving blood for our foreign
bureaus 24/7 simply just don't count
anymore.
Instead the lure of the "dark art" of public
relations, not so much for the big bucks
but for a living, has begun to magnetise
males in journalism.
Hence this from Claire Wolfe and Dr
Barbara Mitra of the UK's Worcester
University last year when they wrote a
thesis called "Newsreaders as Eye Candy".
I quote from their conclusion: "There is
still discrimination against older women
in the industry. The lack of women with
grey hair, compared with men, is
worrying as it supports the trend that
women are not allowed to age, but have
to remain young and physically attractive.
"The pressure on female newsreaders to
look physically attractive and young is
part of the wider patriarchal power
structures that dominate our society, as
well as media organisations. We wonder,
therefore, whether we will ever see a
woman with grey hair reading the news."
Of course, at the University of Worcester
they would refer to us Australians as
"antipodeans", ie "from a point on the
Earth's surface which is diametrically
opposed to it".
Obviously they would be correct on two
counts: geographically, and from the
perspective of a freelance (read
unemployed) news anchor who admits to
tinting his grey hair.
John Mangos is a veteran TV presenter
who has worked for Seven, Nine, Ten and
Sky News. @johnmangos
THE BRUTAL WORLD OF TV
IS NO PLACE FOR A MAN
By JOHN MANGOS
20. PR is considered by some as frills and not
a necessary arm of a business.
This has been quite evident in the past
few years as companies faced slimmer
margins in Australia’s slowing economy,
with consumer trepidation affecting
sectors from FMCGs to property.
BrandZ, the world's largest brand equity
database, released its Top 100 most
valuable global brands 2013 in May, and
valued the 100 brands at $2.6 trillion.
With Google increasing 5% in brand
value, while Apple only increasing 1%,
reputation is vital to survival in this highly
competitive marketplace.
Public relations practitioners work to not
only promote brands, but to protect
them. PRs are the first line of defence
on messaging, not only what a company
is saying, but how it is saying it.
What is quietly threaded through every
company in the BrandZ Report is an
effective public relations component. Not
one of the top ten brands, or any listed in
the report, would be included if the
brands were not both promoted and
continually protected.
Even the most gifted PR practitioner
cannot stop all issues arising, but they
can often circumvent crises, minimising
brand damage. This is a result of firstly
skills in a crisis, but also ongoing
stakeholder relationship building.
If an unwise executive cuts PR from the
budget, stakeholder relationships will
suffer, and eventually so will the brand.
THE TOP TEN MOST
VALUABLE GLOBAL
BRANDS 2013*
Apple | 1
Google | 2
IBM | 3
McDonald’s | 4
Coca-Cola | 5
AT&T | 6
Microsoft | 7
Marlboro | 8
Visa | 9
China Mobile | 10
*BrandZ, May 2013, Top 100 most
valuable global brands 2013
The VALUE of
BRAND PROTECTION
By Alexandra Mayhew
pg.20|Brandprotection–AlexandraMayhew
21. arely has a crisis with the potential to seriously
damage a brand unfolded so rapidly, in front of so
many people, and been dealt with so proactively
and expeditiously.
And rarely has all that fine work unravelled so
spectacularly a few days later.
It was early in the final quarter of the Australian Football
League match between the country’s most popular club
side, Collingwood and the reigning premiers, Sydney. The
evening of Friday 24 May.
The opening match of the AFL’s much lauded Indigenous
Round, which celebrates the contribution of Aboriginal
and Torres Strait Islanders to Australia’s most popular
winter sport.
The game was played at the Melbourne Cricket Ground in
front of 65,306 spectators; the national TV audience was
1.06 million.
The game had added potency. It marked 20 years since an
incident at Collingwood’s old suburban ground, Victoria
Park, celebrated as the watershed moment when racism
in the AFL was exposed in all its ugliness.
In 1993, at the conclusion of a match at Victoria Park,
Indigenous St Kilda player Nicky Winmar turned to the
Collingwood cheer-squad, lifted his jumper and pointed at
his skin. A number among the Collingwood faithful had
earlier taunted him with racist comments about petrol
sniffing.
A photograph of Winmar staring down the ’pies fans is an
iconic image in the history of Australian sport (see next
page), and featured heavily in media reports ahead of the
24 May clash.
It was against this historic backdrop that a teenage girl,
sitting in the front row of the MCG’s Southern Stand,
shouted at Sydney star and Indigenous player, Adam
Goodes, who was no more than 10 metres away.
Goodes immediately pointed at the girl and asked security
guards to remove her from the ground. TV cameras
showed a clearly distressed Goodes leaving the playing
field and entering the change rooms unable to complete
an historic win for the Swans, its first over Collingwood at
the MCG since 2000.
The girl was seen being marched to the back of the stands
by officials.
Twitter and Facebook were instantly ablaze with
condemnation, anger and disbelief.
No one knew what the girl had said but from Goodes’
reaction it was obvious.
Not again. Collingwood faced a crisis.
Watching on from the stands was Collingwood President
and high-profile media figure, Eddie McGuire, a man
credited with modernising the club. He acted swiftly,
dealing with the crisis with aplomb.
As soon as the game finished he rushed to the Sydney
rooms, sought out Goodes and apologised. All was
captured on live TV.
McGuire then held a press conference, condemning the
girl’s remarks as “despicable”.
“Everyone knows the rules at Collingwood: if you racially
vilify anybody, it's zero tolerance; you're out,” McGuire
said.
.
R
FROMCRISIS
TO HERO
ANDBACKAGAIN
How Eddie McGuire delivered a million TV viewers a lesson in crisis
management only to blow it all a few days later. By Benjamin Haslem*
*Benjamin Haslem is a member of the Collingwood Football Club.
23. WHEREEDDIEGOTITRIGHT
A BRIEF GUIDE TO CRISIS COMMUNICATIONS *
1
Candour: The outward recognition through the
prompt, spoken public acknowledgement that a
problem exists.
McGuire spoke to media at the MCG
immediately but preceded this by going straight
to the Sydney dressing rooms, knowing this
would be captured on live TV.
2
Explanation: 1. Promptly and briefly explain why the problem occurred and the known underlying
reasons or behaviours that led to the situation. 2. Talk about what was learned from the situation
and how it will influence the organisation's future behaviour. 3. Unconditionally commit to
regularly report all additional information, or until no public interest remains.
McGuire obviously couldn’t explain the girl’s behaviour but could emphasise that Collingwood had a
zero tolerance to such incidents, thereby taking responsibility for tackling racism amongst its own
players, staff and supporters.
3
Declaration: A public commitment and discussion of specific,
positive steps to be taken conclusively address the issues and
resolve the situation.
This commitment was demonstrated simply by McGuire seeking
out Goodes and then apologising to him in person and later at the
media conference. Then declaring: "We'll go and tell her parents or
whatever the case may be, we're not having this rubbish.”
4
Contrition: The continuing verbalization of regret, empathy, sympathy, even
embarrassment. Take appropriate responsibility for having allowed the situation to
occur in the first place, whether by omission, commission, accident, or negligence.
McGuire told reporters after the game: "I wanted to apologise to Adam on behalf of
football in general and ask that he would accept our apologies. "I said 'we won't
stand for this, we have a zero tolerance'. He's been such a wonderful leader in this
great week in our football code.
5
Consultation & Commitment: Promptly ask for help and counsel from victims, government, and the
community of origin - even from opponents. Directly involve and request the participation of those most
directly affected to help develop more permanent solutions, more acceptable behaviours, and to design
principles and approaches that will preclude similar problems from occurring.
Speaking after the game, McGuire said: “I said that we would find out what the hell has gone on,” he said.
“They're saying it was a 14-year-old girl or whatever, I don't care. We'll go and tell her parents or whatever
the case may be, we're not having this rubbish.”
6
Restitution: Find a way to quickly
pay the price. Adverse situations
remediated quickly cost far less
and are controversial for much
shorter periods of time.
McGuire sought out Goodes as
soon as the match concluded.
* James E. Lukaszewski (1999) Seven Dimensions Of Crisis Communication Management: A Strategic Analysis
And Planning Mode, Ragan's Communications Journal, January/February 1999
24. Many Australian companies and not-for-profit organisations have highly
structured and well managed issues management and public relations
functions within their organisations.
Those who do not, or who are having difficulty with their communications,
should seriously consider a properly structured and strategically focussed
program that will have a notable positive impact on their stakeholder
engagement.
Well planned public relations - with properly defined objectives that are tied
to a business or marketing plan - can provide additional reinforcement to a
company’s position in the market place.
Strategic issues management and consistent roll-out of public relations
activity can provide a number of benefits:
Support overall marketing efforts;
Raise profile and spruce image;
Protect and enhance reputation;
Bestow leadership – over time;
Provide a competitive edge; and
Help manage stakeholder relationships.
An effective public relations plan (including stakeholder and issues
management planning) identifies the strategic position and rolls out
continuing and consistent information to achieve a company’s
communications objectives.
This may include stories based on tangible matters, such as current events
and issues, into which an industry may have an input (based on professional
expertise and specialisations).
It also involves properly managing and interacting with key stakeholders
including government, opposition, media, customers, community, and
retailers.
The first steps in this process are:
Work with companies to develop a strategic communications plan to drive
appropriate stakeholder, issues management, media and other public relations
activity; and
Talk with a company’s executives to identify events, activities, milestones and
developments that can be conveyed as information through the media, social
media, to government and so on.
While media relations on an ad hoc basis will often deliver some variable
success, it is unlikely to drive through in full measure, the benefits identified
above.
Because the benefits are great writes John Wells
1
2
3
4
5
6
1
2
pg.24|WhydoPR?–JohnWells
25. For the past 21
Years John was a
founding partner
and senior
consultant in one
of Australia’s
leading public
relations
companies,
Jackson Wells.
Prior to that
John’s career
embraced
journalism at the
most senior
levels in Australia
and overseas. He
has extensive
experience in
media
management in
both television
and radio, has
provided policy
advice to Federal
political leaders
and offers public
affairs
consulting.
Benjamin has 20
years’ experience
in the media.
Ben worked at
Jackson Wells for
nine years, where
he managed and
worked on
complex projects
and became a
Director and CEO.
Ben possesses an
acute
understanding of
mainstream media,
having spent the
best part of a
decade working for
The Australian
newspaper in
Sydney, Canberra
and Melbourne.
Ben has lectured
students from the
City University of
Hong Kong on
public relations
and government
affairs.
Immediately
before joining
Jackson Wells, Ben
was The Australian
newspaper’s High
Court
correspondent and
regularly acted as
Chief-of-Staff at
the Sydney Bureau.
From 1999-2002,
he was based in
the Parliamentary
press gallery in
Canberra.
Alexandra has over
five years’
experience in the
public relations
industry and a
communications
degree from
Charles Sturt
University.
Alexandra
previously: was an
Account Manager
at Jackson Wells;
headed up
marketing and
media at an
extreme sports
publishing
company; and
worked with a
consumer public
relations
consultancy.
Kerry’s career has
embraced the
highest levels of
Australian political
life and the cutting
edge of business
development. He
was an ALP
Senator for NSW
for 19 years,
including President
of the Australian
Senate from 1987
until retiring from
Parliament in 1994
to become
Australia’s High
Commissioner to
Zimbabwe and six
other southern
African nations.
He is a former
director of
Zimbabwe
Platinum Mines
and World IT.
From 2003 to 2010
he served the
Government of the
Republic of
Mozambique as
their Honorary
Consul-General in
Australia.
In 1996, he was
awarded an Order
of Australia.
Kerry Sibraa AO
Special Counsel
Julie has 20 years’
experience in
public policy in
both the
government and
private sectors.
She began her
roles in
government during
the Hawke/Keating
era, working with
Federal
parliamentarians
including the
Health Minister
where she had
responsibility for
drug policy, mental
health and
women’s health.
She later worked
for NSW Minister
John Della Bosca,
for nine years, the
office of the
Premier of NSW,
and was COS to the
NSW Treasurer.
In 2009 was the
Deputy Chief of
Staff to the Federal
Minister for
Employment
Participation.
Julie spent nearly
two years as
National Policy
Manager for
Infrastructure
Partnerships
Australia.
Julie Sibraa
Special Counsel
The Wells Haslem Team
John Wells
Chairman
Benjamin Haslem
CEO
Alexandra
Mayhew
Partner
26. Ron is one of WA’s
most respected
government
relations
specialists,
enjoying an
excellent working
relationship with
all sides of politics.
From 1983-1993,
he was Federal MP
for the Perth
electorate of
Stirling. Prior to
leaving parliament,
Ron was Deputy
Speaker.
In 2006 he was
awarded a PhD in
Education from the
University of WA,
which investigated
factors that
promote social
inclusion.
Ron is a keen AFL
fan and in 1994
helped established
The Graham (Polly)
Farmer
Foundation. He has
been a Board
member since its
inception.
Ron, who has
extensive
experience in the
fisheries and
mining sectors,
assists Wells
Haslem clients
communicate with
the WA State
Government and
Federal MPs and
Senators based in
WA.
Wells Haslem Affiliates and Counsel
Ron Edwards
WesternAustralia
Trevor has 25
years’ experience
across PR and
government.
A pioneer in digital
media, Trevor Co-
authored one of
the first Australian
monographs for
corporates on
social media.
Prior to being an
independent
consultant (2008 –
2012), Trevor was
Principal
Consultant and
Partner at Jackson
Wells for 11 years.
Trevor began his
career as a
ministerial adviser
to John Dawkins
and as a senior
executive in the
Australian Public
Service,
Department of
Industrial
Relations.
Trevor holds a
Bachelor of
Economics
(Honours) (1981)
and a PhD (2012)
from the University
of Sydney. Trevor
is a casual lecturer
in Australian
politics at
University of
Sydney.
Michael is a former
diplomat, front-
bench federal
politician,
consultant,
journalist, public
company director,
stockbroker, TV
panellist and
commentator,
author and public
speaker.
He is Deputy
Chairman of the
American
Australian
Association Ltd, a
member of the
Sydney Symphony
Orchestra Council
and a former
board-member of
the United States
Studies Centre at
Sydney University.
He is a contributor
to the Spectator
Magazine and a
former regular
columnist in the
Australian
Financial Review.
Michael
Baume AO
Special Counsel
(Emeritus)
Dr Trevor Cook
Digital Counsel
Rob Masters
Melbourne
Robert Masters &
Associates (RMA) is
a strategic
communication
and stakeholder
engagement
consultancy.
Since its inception,
its approach to
strategic
communication
programs,
community
consultation and
stakeholder
engagement
processes have
earned it a
reputation of being
at the leading edge
of communication
management for
over 30 years.
Rob’s services and
clients cover the
energy sector (oil,
gas, coal),
electricity,
forestry,
government
(federal, state,
local) water,
finance,
automotive, health
and health
research,
pharmaceutical,
education,
transport (road
and rail),
information
technology,
primary industry,
environment and
retail.
pg.26
27. 7
Originally elected as a National Party MP, Katter
resigned to become an Independent in July 2001
and in 2011 formed his own party, Katter's
Australian Party.
8
As New England is currently held by Windsor,
the seat is shown with his two-candidate
preferred margin versus the National Party. As
Windsor is retiring, the more relevant margin
would be the National Party's 16.8% TPP margin
versus Labor.
1
Livermore is retiring at 2013
election
Antony Green is an ABC
Election Analyst, providing
analysis of all aspects of
elections and electoral systems
in Australia
Read more at:
blogs.abc.net.au/antonygreen
Follow Antony on twitter:
@AntonyGreenABC
Election Timing and the Issues of Election Writs
Boothby (SA) 0.6% Andrew Southcott
Hasluck (WA) 0.6% Ken Wyatt
Aston (VIC) 0.7% Alan Tudge
Dunkley (VIC) 1.0% Bruce Billson
Brisbane (QLD) 1.1% Teresa Gambaro
Macquarie (NSW) 1.3% Louise Markus
Forde (QLD) 1.6% Bert Van Manen
Solomon (NT) 1.8% Natasha Griggs
Casey (VIC) 1.9% Tony Smith
Longman (QLD) 1.9% Wyatt Roy
Canning (WA) 2.2% Don Randall
Herbert (QLD) 2.2% Ewen Jones
Dawson (QLD) 2.4% George Christensen
Swan (WA) 2.5% Steve Irons
Bonner (QLD) 2.8% Ross Vasta
Macarthur (NSW) 3.0% Russell Matheson
Bennelong (NSW) 3.1% John Alexander
Flynn (QLD) 3.6% Ken O'Dowd
Sturt (SA) 3.6% Christopher Pyne
Fisher (QLD) 4.1% Peter Slipper4
McMillan (VIC) 4.2% Russell Broadbent
Leichhardt (QLD) 4.6% Warren Entsch
Dickson (QLD) 5.1% Peter Dutton
Australian Labor Party Liberal-National Coalition
Corangamite (VIC) 0.3% Darren Cheeseman
Deakin (VIC) 0.6% Mike Symon
Greenway (NSW) 0.9% Michelle Rowland
Robertson (NSW) 1.0% Deborah O'Neill
Lindsay (NSW) 1.1% David Bradbury
Moreton (QLD) 1.1% Graham Perrett
Banks (NSW) 1.5% Daryl Melham
La Trobe (VIC) 1.7% Laura Smyth
Petrie (QLD) 2.5% Yvette D'Ath
Reid (NSW) 2.7% John Murphy
Lilley (QLD) 3.2% Wayne Swan
Brand (WA) 3.3% Gary Gray
Capricornia (QLD) 3.7% Kirsten Livermore1
Lingiari (NT) 3.7% Warren Snowdon
Blair (QLD) 4.2% Shayne Neumann
Eden-Monaro(NSW) 4.2% Mike Kelly
Grayndler (NSW) 4.2%vGRN Anthony Albanese
2
Page (NSW) 4.2% Janelle Saffin
Parramatta (NSW) 4.4% Julie Owens
Dobell (NSW) 5.1% Craig Thomson3
Others
Denison (TAS) IND 1.2% v ALP Andrew Wilkie
Melbourne (VIC) GRN 5.9% v ALP Adam Bandt
5
Lyne (NSW) IND 12.7% v NAT Rob Oakeshott6
Kennedy (QLD) KAP 18.3% v LNP Bob Katter7
NewEngland(NSW) IND 21.5% v NAT Tony Windsor
8
Notes
2
The Liberals are likely to finish
third on the primary vote.
3
Thomson was elected as the Labor
candidate in 2010 but excluded
from the Labor Party in 2012 over
his involvement in the on-going
Health Services Union affair. He is
completing his term as an
Independent but Dobell is still
classed as a Labor-held electorate.
4
In 2010 Slipper was elected for the
first time representing the LNP, but
parted company with the party and
became an Independent in late
2011 after accepting Labor's offer to
become Speaker of the House of
Representatives. Former Howard
Government Minister Mal Brough is
the LNP candidate for this seat.
6
Independent MP Rob Oakeshott is
retiring at the 2013 election - As
Lyne is currently held by
Independent Robe Oakeshott, the
seat is shown with his two-
candidate preferred margin versus
the National Party. As Oakeshott is
retiring, the more relevant margin
would be the National Party's 12.5%
TPP margin versus Labor.
Twice recently I’ve been told of a scenario that sees Australia going to the polls on 24
August.
The scenario sees the Labor caucus meeting on Monday 22 July to approve Kevin Rudd's
proposed rules for electing the Labor Party Leader. Kevin Rudd would then visit the Governor
General on Tuesday 23 July to call an election for 24 August.
Nice theory, but a Tuesday visit to the Governor General would require the election to be
held on 31 August, not 24 August.
The writs for a 24 August election have to be issued on Monday 22 July, and there are
several complications that make announcing an election and issuing writs the same day
difficult.
Electoral Pendulum
The electoral pendulum orders seats from the most marginal to safest based on results of
the last election.
Included below are marginal seats, that is, seats with a 5% or less (5.1% also included).
5
The first Green to win a seat in the
House of Representatives at a
general election.
28. CLIENTS
Asia Society Australia
Australian Constructors Association
Australian Water Holdings
Balmain Leagues Club
Boehringer Ingelheim
British American Tobacco
Church of Scientology
Insurance Council of Australia
James Hardie
CONTACT
Wells Haslem Strategic Public Affairs
+61 2 9033 8667
mail@wellshaslem.com.au
wellshaslem.com.au
Suite 32 Level 1, 50 Yeo St
(PO Box 223)
Neutral Bay NSW 2089
Designed and produced by Wells Haslem
Strategic Public Affairs PTY LTD July 2013
Manly Warringah Sea Eagles
Mercer
Minerals Council of NSW
Mission Australia
NRMA
The Plymouth Brethren Christian Church
Sonartech Atlas
The Whitlam Institute
University of Western Sydney
Zurich Financial Services Australia
L-R: Wells Haslem’s Alexandra Mayhew; Alex Sanchez (Insurance Council of Australia); Tony Mobbs
(Allianz) and Benjamin Haslem at the Insurance Council of Australia’s annual dinner in Sydney in May
