Science, Abstinence, and Nonsense: Ideological Threats to Public Health
1. Science, Abstinence, and
Nonsense:
Ideological Threats to Public Health
John S Santelli, MD, MPH
Chair, Heilbrunn Dept of Population and Family Health
Columbia University
Bixby Center, UCLA
January 5, 2010
2. Stephan Colbert:
On Accuracy and The Truth
“In order to maintain an untenable position, you have to be
actively ignorant, ... One motto on the show is, Keep your
facts, I'm going with the truth.”
3. Newly Released:
CDC STI Report, 2008
John Douglas, Director of Division of STI, CDC:
"Chlamydia and gonorrhea are stable at unacceptably high levels and
syphilis is resurgent after almost being eliminated. . . . We have among
the highest rates of STDs of any developed country in the world."
"Better sex education can help. We are not honestly and openly
dealing with this issue and it's the larger issue of sexual health. . .
We haven't been promoting the full battery of messages. We have
been sending people out with one seatbelt in the whole car.”
4. Looking Backward, Moving
Forward: The End of Abstinence
• Critiques of abstinence-only
• Lessons learned from the fight
against ab-only
– Role of research
– National advocacy groups
– State pubic health establishment
• Can we marshal these insights
moving forward?
5. Federal Abstinence-Only,
Until Marriage
Primary U.S. government strategy for dealing with
adolescent sexuality over past 10 years
• By 2005, more than 800 programs and $1.5 billion
• “Exclusive purpose” is the promotion of abstinence
outside of marriage
• May not in any way advocate contraceptive use or
discuss contraceptive methods except to emphasize
their failure rates
6. Federal Abstinence-Only,
Until Marriage Funding
• Increasing rejection of state funding since 2005
• Program slated for termination by Congress in
– 2007
– 2008
– 2009
• President Obama proposes to zero out
funding (6/09)
• Revived in health reform bill from
Senate Finance Committee (10/09)!
7. Science-Based Critiques of
Abstinence-Only Policies
• Poorly designed, lack program
efficacy, considerable costs
• Not medically accurate, promote
misinformation
• Harm to CSE, public health and
foreign aid programs
• Inconsistent with sexual realities
of young people
• Inconsistent with parent
preferences
8. Rights-Based Critiques of
Abstinence-Only Policies
• A “moral” agenda, not a public
health policy
• Promote sexist and racist
stereotypes
• Insensitive/unresponsive to
LGBTQ & other youth
• Withhold life-saving information
from youth
• Counter to international human
rights thinking
9. Efficacy of Comprehensive Sex Ed:
UNESCO (Kirby) 2009
Among the 87 comprehensive sex ed programs
(Developed and developing countries)
• 31% ↓ frequency of sex (10/32), 3% ↑ frequency
• 44% ↓ number of sexual partners (16/36), 0% ↑
• 40% ↑ condom use, 0% ↓ use
• 40% ↑ contraceptive use (6/15), 1 ↓ use
• 53% ↓ sexual risk ∆ in multiple behaviors (16/30)
10. Efficacy of Abstinence Promotion:
UNESCO (Kirby) 2009
6 rigorous evaluated studies of abstinence-only
• 0/6 showed ↓ initiation of sex, recent sex, # of
partners, or condom use
5 weak evaluations
• 2/5 showed delay in initiation
Recent CDC review
• Best evaluated programs (e.g., RCTs) = no impact
• Weaker evaluations more likely to find an impact
11. Harm to Sexuality Education and
Other Public Health Programs
• Censorship of textbooks and teachers
• Abstinence-only replaced comprehensive sexuality
education
• Undermining public health goals in Title X & HIV
• Harm to foreign aid efforts
– PEPFAR prevention
12. Key Themes from the
Language of the Federal Program
• Moral language: “chaste,” “virgin,” and “promiscuous”
– “a mutually faithful monogamous relationship in context
of marriage is the expected standard of human sexual
activity”
• Frames abstinence as attitude or commitment
• Assertions of medical “facts”
• Certainty about the efficacy of abstinence
• Denigration of condoms and contraception
– Fear of the mixed message
– Concern that contraception causes sex
• “Genesis” story, creation of a post-sex syndrome
13. Underlying Assumptions
• Sex education and access to
contraception cause
teenagers to have sex
• Teaching about abstinence
and protection is a mixed
message
• Describing the limitations of
contraceptive methods will
stop teenagers from having
sex
14. Abstinence Only Education:
Inconsistent with Scientific Theory?
• Does not build upon scientific findings or create an
encompassing paradigm grounded in science
• Builds on an ideological belief system which is
internally consistent but often not logical
• Many separate “facts” are incorrect
• Refuses to accept scientific consensus or follow the
rules of scientific review (e.g., does not publish)
• Creates a veneer of science by using medical
professionals and the creating its own
communication streams
15. Abstinence-Only Policies:
Symptom of a Broader Problem
A Broader Problem of
• Science and politics
• Data and ideology
• Denial of global warming
• Opposition to
– Stem cell research
– Emergency contraception
– HPV vaccine
16. Bad Wine in New Bottles
(An Historical Perspective)
• Opposition to sex education in the late 1960s
– Christian Crusade: “Is the School House the Proper Place to
Teach Raw Sex?”
• Historical roots in the Victorian era
(Anthony Comstock)
– Contraception and information
as pornographic
• A conservative movement about social
mores and political power reached its
ascendance in the 1990s-2000s
• Opposition to sexuality education, reproductive rights,
women’s rights, rights for adolescents, gays and lesbians
17. Looking Backward:
What Worked?
• Multiple science-based and rights-based critiques
• Sustained advocacy
• Partnership between advocates and scientists
• Effective use of wedge issues:
– Program efficacy
– Medical accuracy
• Rejection by the state public health establishment
18. Sustained Advocacy
• SEICUS, Guttmacher I., Advocates for Youth
• Human Rights Watch
• Organizations of health professionals
– AAP-2008, SAM - 2006, ACOG - 2008, APHA - 2007
19. Use of Wedge Issues:
Program Efficacy
• Multiple evaluations of ab-only and CSE programs
• 7 abstinence-only programs (Kirby 2007):
– 0% strong evidence of ↓ sexual initiation, 1 program weak evidence
– No impact: condom or contraceptive use, sexual risk-taking
• 87 comprehensive sex ed programs (UNESCO 2009)
– 38% ↓ initiation of sex, 0% ↑ initiation
– 40% ↑ condom use
– 40% ↑ contraceptive use
20. Use of Wedge Issues:
Medical Accuracy
• By spring 2007, 21 states have required scientific or
medical accuracy in sexuality or HIV/AIDS education
• Key features of legal definition:
– Based on generally-recognized scientific methods
– Publication in peer-reviewed journals
– Weight of the evidence
– Accurate, objective, complete by leading professional
organizations: CDC, AMA, ACOG, AAP
• Clarify distinctions between science and ideology
• Medical accuracy: a useful rhetorical device (hard to
oppose!)
21. Public Health Rejection:
State Refusal of Federal Funding
• 4 states as of December 2006
– CA (1998), ME (2005), PA, NJ
• 17 states as of March 2008
• 25 states as of August 2008 (SEICUS)
Key concerns:
• Accuracy and efficacy (Raymond et al 2008)
22. Moving Forward:
Reframing the Policy Debate
• Goals: CSE or public health outcomes?
• Time for some healthy cohabitation between
CSE and contraception
• Human rights and medical ethics
• Questioning abstinence
23. Time for Some Healthy Cohabitation:
Comprehensive Sex Ed and Contraception
Not always a steady relationship. . . .
Recent history:
• Importance of HIV education in
improving condom and contraceptive
use and decreasing teen fertility
• Role of Abstinence-only in
undermining condom and
contraceptive use and rising teen birth
rates
24. Reproductive Rights as Human Rights
• Access to accurate health information
as a basic human right
• Withholding information or supplying
misinformation is inherently coercive
• Patients have rights to accurate and complete
information from health care providers
• Governments obligated to provided accurate
information to their citizens
• Adolescents are people with rights as well
25. Is Abstinence a Public Health Goal?
• A goal for government(s)?
– Healthy People 2010, 2020
• A healthy choice for individuals?
• Abstinent until when?
Considerations
• Universality of sexual initiation
in mid to late teens
• Changing age at marriage
• Marriage not an option for GLBTQ youth
• Non-importance in teen fertility
26. Age of First Intercourse & First
Marriage in Women: 1970, 2002
20.8
19.2
10 15 20 25 30 35
First intercourse
First m
arriage
First intercourse
First m
arriage
AGE
1970
2002
25.3
17.4
27. • National YRBS trends – 1991-2007
• Falling and rising pregnancy risk among
teens
• Changing use of condoms and
contraception primarily responsible for
– ↓ in teen pregnancy/births 1991-2005
– ↑ in teen births in 2006 and 2007
• HIV education and abstinence only
Journal Adolescent Health 2009
Changing Behavioral Risk for Pregnancy Among High
School Students in the U.S., 1991-2007
John S Santelli, Mark Orr, Laura D Lindberg, Daniela Diaz
30. 1995 teen fertility rates. Age at first sex for cohort born in 1970s.
Teen Fertility and Sexual Initiation
0
20
40
60
Netherlands
Denm
ark
Belgium
France
Greece
NorwayGreatBritain
US
Teen fertilty rate Median age 1st sex
31. What Can We Learn from Europe?
• European teens not more
likely to initiate sex
• Europeans more likely
to use contraception and to use
more effective methods
• Dutch parents are more likely to accept teen sex and to
expect teens to be responsible/ use contraception
• The Netherlands went through a specific period of
national dialogue and consensus building in the 1970s
32. Looking Backward, Moving Forward
Implications for the future
• Partnerships between advocates and scientists
• Partnerships between CSE and health providers
• Focus on public health and human rights
33. Science, Abstinence, and
Nonsense:
Ideological Threats to Public Health
John S. Santelli, MD, MPH
Chair, Heilbrunn Dept of Population and Family Health
Columbia University
UCLA
January 5, 2010
35. Reframing and Rethinking
• U.S. needs to return to
science-based policies
• Importance of political
leadership
• Promoting healthy sexuality
36.
37. Looking Backward, Moving Forward
The basic facts:
We were right
They were wrong
They lost
We won!
Or did we????
Notas del editor
A pic or two?
While the federal government has supported abstinence or abstinence only programs since 1981 via the Adolescent Family Life Act of 1981 (part of Title XX of the Public Health Service Act), since 1997 there have been major expansions in federal support for abstinence programming and an increasing emphasis on funding programs that are abstinence-only. These expansions include Section 510 of the Social Security Act, which in 1996 was part of welfare reform, and Community-Based Abstinence Education projects, funded through an earmark in the maternal child health block grant for Special Projects of Regional and National Significance (SPRANS) program in 2000. These programs prohibit disseminating information on contraceptive services, sexual identity, and other aspects of human sexuality [Dailard 2002]. The Adolescent Family Life Act stressed premarital abstinence to the exclusion of information about contraception [Thomas 2000]. Section 510 programs must have as their “exclusive purpose” the promotion of abstinence outside of marriage [for people of any age] and may not in any way advocate contraceptive use or discuss contraceptive methods except to emphasize their failure rates [Dailard 2002] .
While the federal government has supported abstinence or abstinence only programs since 1981 via the Adolescent Family Life Act of 1981 (part of Title XX of the Public Health Service Act), since 1997 there have been major expansions in federal support for abstinence programming and an increasing emphasis on funding programs that are abstinence-only. These expansions include Section 510 of the Social Security Act, which in 1996 was part of welfare reform, and Community-Based Abstinence Education projects, funded through an earmark in the maternal child health block grant for Special Projects of Regional and National Significance (SPRANS) program in 2000. These programs prohibit disseminating information on contraceptive services, sexual identity, and other aspects of human sexuality [Dailard 2002]. The Adolescent Family Life Act stressed premarital abstinence to the exclusion of information about contraception [Thomas 2000]. Section 510 programs must have as their “exclusive purpose” the promotion of abstinence outside of marriage [for people of any age] and may not in any way advocate contraceptive use or discuss contraceptive methods except to emphasize their failure rates [Dailard 2002] .
Today, I will primarily focus on abstinence as a public health issue put also touch on the human rights aspects at the end. In doing so I will treat abstinence as health professionals treat other behaviors that influence health: examining the epidemiology of the behavior, health consequences, current federal programs to promote abstinence, the efficacy of programs to promote abstinence, secondary effects of AOE, special concerns for sexually active and GLBTQ youth and describing some human rights concerns that have been raised about abstinence.
Today, I will primarily focus on abstinence as a public health issue put also touch on the human rights aspects at the end. In doing so I will treat abstinence as health professionals treat other behaviors that influence health: examining the epidemiology of the behavior, health consequences, current federal programs to promote abstinence, the efficacy of programs to promote abstinence, secondary effects of AOE, special concerns for sexually active and GLBTQ youth and describing some human rights concerns that have been raised about abstinence.
While federal funding is provided to support supplemental programs that promote abstinence as the only goal, increasingly abstinence-only education is replacing more comprehensive forms of sexuality education. Evidence from a variety of sources suggests an increasing emphasis on abstinence-only approaches to sexuality education with a corresponding diminution of more comprehensive approaches. For example, in 2003, the Texas Board of Education decided to remove most information about contraception from new health education textbooks. [ http://www.kaisernetwork.org/daily_reports/rep_index.cfm?hint=2&DR_ID=26615 , accessed 11/10/2004 ] . Recent reports also describe teachers and students being censured for responding to questions or discussing sexuality topics that are not approved by the school administrators [Joint statement from the National Coalition Against Censorhip2002.] The cancellation of Programs that Work from the Division of Adolescent and School Health at the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, presumably because the only effective programs listed were comprehensive programs with no abstinence-only programs included, provides a final, ominous example. [ www.memoryhole.org ] .
Today, I will primarily focus on abstinence as a public health issue put also touch on the human rights aspects at the end. In doing so I will treat abstinence as health professionals treat other behaviors that influence health: examining the epidemiology of the behavior, health consequences, current federal programs to promote abstinence, the efficacy of programs to promote abstinence, secondary effects of AOE, special concerns for sexually active and GLBTQ youth and describing some human rights concerns that have been raised about abstinence.
It would be great if we could get pictures or logos from these various groups. Key individuals were Bill (William) Smith at SEICUS, Cynthia Dailard at Guttmacher, James Wagoner at Advocates.
Paradoxically, while abstinence appears to be the moral choice for teenagers, the current federal approach to abstinence-only funding raises serious questions about this approach as a violation of human rights. Abstinence-only education has personal and public implications. Access to accurate health information as a human right has been included in a variety of international statements on reproductive rights. Governments have an obligation to provided accurate information to their citizens and eschew the provision of misinformation. Such obligations extend to state-supported health education and clinical counseling.
While abstinence until marriage is the goal of many abstinence policies and programs, few Americans wait until marriage to initiate sexual intercourse. For women the median age at first intercourse in 2003 was 17.4 years, while the median age at first marriage was 25.3 years, a difference of 8 years. In comparison, in 1970, the median age at first sex was 19.2 years and the median age of marriage was 20.8 years for women, a difference of only 2 years.