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IS THERE A DEMOCRATIC LEGACY OF THE MEXICAN REVOLUTION? Francisco Valdés Ugalde November 2005
CONTENTS 1 - DEMOCRACY AND THE MEXICAN REVOLUTION 2- DEMISE OF REVOLUTIONARY NATIONALISM 3- SOCIAL LIBERALISM 4- INCOMPLETE DEMOCRACY 5- FINAL REMARKS
Introduction ,[object Object],[object Object],[object Object],[object Object]
Introduction ,[object Object],[object Object]
1- Democracy and the Mexican Revolution ,[object Object],[object Object],[object Object],[object Object],[object Object],[object Object]
1- Democracy and the Mexican Revolution ,[object Object],[object Object],[object Object],[object Object],[object Object],[object Object],[object Object],[object Object]
1- Democracy and the Mexican Revolution: Revolutionary Nationalism ,[object Object],[object Object],[object Object],[object Object],[object Object],[object Object],[object Object]
2-  Demise of Revolutionary Nationalism - The same mechanisms meant to provide for the strengthening of sovereignty and the leveling of social classes worked against that very end. In the absence of checks and balances, the more advantaged groups bent government decisions in their favor, leaving behind them groups with lower bargaining capacity. -  A powerful Presidency served businesslike groups interests better rather than the lower classes that were supposed to benefit from it. -  PRI political monopoly worked against social rights and favored political control, worsening the  condition of the majority of the population.  Loyalty to social rights included in the constitutional pact became in time an ideological exercise rather than a policy commitment.
2- Demise of Revolutionary Nationalism: a balance Changes in economic policies coexisted for a significant period in which economic growth coexisted with improvement of social conditions. Poverty diminished from  1963-1981:  ‑2.8% annually,  Decreasing from 75% of the population to less than 50%.  In contrast, from 1981 onwards private consumption fell at a rate of 1.2% annually between 1984 and 1989, recovering slightly from 1989-92, but within a continuous trend to fall
2- Demise of Revolutionary Nationalism: the impasse From 1970 to 1982 the tendency toward economic liberalization was resisted. The government tried to protect the economy from external shocks, strengthening intervention.  -Results : GDP growth was sustained during those years, but on the other, external debt and fiscal deficit grew to the extent that adjustment policies became inevitable in the context of increasing international constraints.
2- Demise of Revolutionary Nationalism: the end   -  From  1982 to 1988 a process of sharp economic adjustments began. It was a contradictory process for it was based on the strengthening of the role of the state and on a program of privatization and trade liberalization. - Two of the most important features of revolutionary nationalism were at stake: presidential (or “state”) authority on economic policy making and constitutional limits to private property. - Measures taken in this process finally worked against the predominance of revolutionary nationalism and in favor of its substitution by some version of liberalism.
2- Demise of Revolutionary Nationalism: economic indicators - Wages reached a peak in the period from 1972-75, and entered a cyclical tendency within an overall decline afterwards. In 1995 wages had the same level they had reached in 1983, and 1990.
2- Demise of Revolutionary Nationalism: economic indicators ,[object Object]
2- Demise of Revolutionary Nationalism: economic indicators Relevant problems of economic organization  - In 1996 43.6% of total urban working population was occupied in low productivity sectors. - In 1998 it grew to 44.3% - Informal jobs growth: - 2000: 39.2% of total jobs The organizational insufficiency of the Mexican economy leading to the demise of revolutionary nationalism increased its difficulties with the burden of the external debt, mostly contracted after 1970
2- Demise of Revolutionary Nationalism: political indicators ,[object Object],[object Object],[object Object]
2- Demise of Revolutionary Nationalism: political indicators ,[object Object],[object Object],[object Object]
3- Social Liberalism ,[object Object],[object Object],[object Object],[object Object]
3-  Social Liberalism ,[object Object],[object Object],[object Object],[object Object]
3-  Social Liberalism ,[object Object],[object Object]
3-  Social Liberalism: politics ,[object Object],[object Object],[object Object],[object Object]
3-  Social Liberalism: Politics ,[object Object],[object Object],[object Object],[object Object],[object Object]
4- Incomplete Democracy ,[object Object],[object Object]
4- Incomplete Democracy ,[object Object],[object Object],[object Object],[object Object]
4- Incomplete Democracy Electoral tendencies at local levels began to favor political parties different than the PRI since 1985.
4-   Incomplete Democracy: electoral reforms ,[object Object],[object Object]
4- Incomplete Democracy:  Electoral reforms These reforms have implied that:  - The political process was increasingly detached from presidential authoritarianism and pointed towards the building of a democratic system.  - This process led to what is natural in all democracies: the electoral swing between political alternatives that was crowned in July 2000 with the election of president Vicente Fox. However, the end of presidential authoritarianism have made the major flaws of the political system apparent, and the balance of forces in Congress and between Congress and the president have led to a stalemate in consensus on the reforms that should be made to renew the political system.
4- Incomplete Democracy:  Incompleteness explained ,[object Object],[object Object]
4- Incomplete Democracy:  Incompleteness explained ,[object Object],[object Object],[object Object]
5- Final remarks Democracy requires “good” government. Pluralism is not enough.  - A new electoral and party system is in place - But this system and policy rules are still governed by the authoritarian legacy of the Mexican Revolution -Deep reforms of the presidential(ist), the federal and the justice systems are needed - These reforms cannot be effected without constitutional amendments and the consequential legal adjustments required in (at least) these areas - Uncertainty about the likelihood of these reforms dominates national politics…

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Democratic Legacy of the Mexican Revolution

  • 1. IS THERE A DEMOCRATIC LEGACY OF THE MEXICAN REVOLUTION? Francisco Valdés Ugalde November 2005
  • 2. CONTENTS 1 - DEMOCRACY AND THE MEXICAN REVOLUTION 2- DEMISE OF REVOLUTIONARY NATIONALISM 3- SOCIAL LIBERALISM 4- INCOMPLETE DEMOCRACY 5- FINAL REMARKS
  • 3.
  • 4.
  • 5.
  • 6.
  • 7.
  • 8. 2- Demise of Revolutionary Nationalism - The same mechanisms meant to provide for the strengthening of sovereignty and the leveling of social classes worked against that very end. In the absence of checks and balances, the more advantaged groups bent government decisions in their favor, leaving behind them groups with lower bargaining capacity. - A powerful Presidency served businesslike groups interests better rather than the lower classes that were supposed to benefit from it. - PRI political monopoly worked against social rights and favored political control, worsening the condition of the majority of the population. Loyalty to social rights included in the constitutional pact became in time an ideological exercise rather than a policy commitment.
  • 9. 2- Demise of Revolutionary Nationalism: a balance Changes in economic policies coexisted for a significant period in which economic growth coexisted with improvement of social conditions. Poverty diminished from 1963-1981: ‑2.8% annually, Decreasing from 75% of the population to less than 50%. In contrast, from 1981 onwards private consumption fell at a rate of 1.2% annually between 1984 and 1989, recovering slightly from 1989-92, but within a continuous trend to fall
  • 10. 2- Demise of Revolutionary Nationalism: the impasse From 1970 to 1982 the tendency toward economic liberalization was resisted. The government tried to protect the economy from external shocks, strengthening intervention. -Results : GDP growth was sustained during those years, but on the other, external debt and fiscal deficit grew to the extent that adjustment policies became inevitable in the context of increasing international constraints.
  • 11. 2- Demise of Revolutionary Nationalism: the end - From 1982 to 1988 a process of sharp economic adjustments began. It was a contradictory process for it was based on the strengthening of the role of the state and on a program of privatization and trade liberalization. - Two of the most important features of revolutionary nationalism were at stake: presidential (or “state”) authority on economic policy making and constitutional limits to private property. - Measures taken in this process finally worked against the predominance of revolutionary nationalism and in favor of its substitution by some version of liberalism.
  • 12. 2- Demise of Revolutionary Nationalism: economic indicators - Wages reached a peak in the period from 1972-75, and entered a cyclical tendency within an overall decline afterwards. In 1995 wages had the same level they had reached in 1983, and 1990.
  • 13.
  • 14. 2- Demise of Revolutionary Nationalism: economic indicators Relevant problems of economic organization - In 1996 43.6% of total urban working population was occupied in low productivity sectors. - In 1998 it grew to 44.3% - Informal jobs growth: - 2000: 39.2% of total jobs The organizational insufficiency of the Mexican economy leading to the demise of revolutionary nationalism increased its difficulties with the burden of the external debt, mostly contracted after 1970
  • 15.
  • 16.
  • 17.
  • 18.
  • 19.
  • 20.
  • 21.
  • 22.
  • 23.
  • 24. 4- Incomplete Democracy Electoral tendencies at local levels began to favor political parties different than the PRI since 1985.
  • 25.
  • 26. 4- Incomplete Democracy: Electoral reforms These reforms have implied that: - The political process was increasingly detached from presidential authoritarianism and pointed towards the building of a democratic system. - This process led to what is natural in all democracies: the electoral swing between political alternatives that was crowned in July 2000 with the election of president Vicente Fox. However, the end of presidential authoritarianism have made the major flaws of the political system apparent, and the balance of forces in Congress and between Congress and the president have led to a stalemate in consensus on the reforms that should be made to renew the political system.
  • 27.
  • 28.
  • 29. 5- Final remarks Democracy requires “good” government. Pluralism is not enough. - A new electoral and party system is in place - But this system and policy rules are still governed by the authoritarian legacy of the Mexican Revolution -Deep reforms of the presidential(ist), the federal and the justice systems are needed - These reforms cannot be effected without constitutional amendments and the consequential legal adjustments required in (at least) these areas - Uncertainty about the likelihood of these reforms dominates national politics…