1. 2013 IAMCR Dublin Conference – “Public service
broadcasting and media reform in Brazil in
comparative perspective”
Dr. Carolina Matos
Government Department
University of Essex

2. Key points
• Defining PSB and the public interest
• European public service broadcasting dilemmas
• Towards a framework for looking at PSBs (Hallin and
Mancini, 2000)
• Latin American media systems: a history of neglect of
public communications
• Broadcasting policy and the public media in Brazil
• Challenges for the public media platform in Brazil
• Conclusions

3. Defining PSB and the public interest
• There has not yet been a standard and precise definition of what
‘public service broadcasting’ is, but many theories and debates on
what PSB should stand for in a democratic society, and the
relationship it has and should have with the public interest, has been
developed extensively by various UK academics (i.e. Keane, 1995;
Scannell, 1989).
• The classic arguments have been mainly grounded on the assumption,
as correctly highlighted by Keane (1995, 59), that the public service
model is the main forum which permits the whole nation to talk to
itself.
• Scannell (1989) stated in his examination of the BBC that the UK’s
PSB has helped voice the opinions of all members of society
regardless of class and socio-economic status. This is still precisely
the role that is required of the public media in democratic societies,
and the one that it is destined to have in developing countries.

4. PSB and the public interest
• In their discussion of ‘the public’, Livingstone and Lunt (1994, 19)
make reference to Robins (1990b), who affirms that ‘the public’ can
be viewed as opposed to the market. It can also be viewed as in
contrast to the elite, carrying an egalitarian dimension. No one could
speak for a unified public and abstain from their own class position.
• It is better, then, to understand ‘the public’, as Livingstone and Lunt
(1994, 23) assert, as being ‘.....fragmented into a mass of competing
interest groups (Fraser, 1990: 59) who may or may not represent fairly
all sections of the general public.’ For the ‘bourgeoisie’ public sphere
requires power inequalities to be transcended in the search of a
consensus around the public good, whereas the pluralist public sphere
demands the balancing of differences, facilitating the representation of
the less powerful in order to arrive at a fairer compromise (Livingston
and Lunt, 1994).
• Thus we can understand the ‘public interest’ here as being multiple
publics, or multiple public spheres (i.e. Fraser, 1997; Keane, 1995),
whose diverse interests and needs often clash with each other.

5. Future role for PSB in old and new democracies
As vehicle for strengthening debate: talk as
becoming more spontaneous and less constrained
(Scannell, 1995)
As a vehicle for cultural and educational
emancipation; boost of political diversity as well as
both regional and national integration
Journalism of quality - Impartiality and objectivity,
balance and professionalism
Functioning as a counterweight to the market – the
necessity of multiple public spheres and media to
attend to both citizen and consumer demands
Independent from state - is a truly public media ever
possible?

6. PSB and the public sphere: further theoretical
perspectives
Arguments that question the BBC’s necessity
– “….media abundance (Keane, 1995); the burden of the
license fee tax on citizens; the claims that the BBC
discourages innovation, and that in its efforts to retain the
attention of fragmented audiences, it is “dumbing down”
and becoming more indistinguishable from commercial
broadcasters…” (Matos, 2008)
2008 Ofcom annual report points significance still of
PSB’s role for deliberative democracy, despite decline of
3% in viewing in 2007
Government discusses plans to create a second PSB, C4
at its heart, to compete with BBC (i.e. Digital Report)

7. The role of UK PSB in public life (in Matos,
2008)
Criticising academics (i.e. Curran, Scannell) and their
understanding of PSB grounded in the Habermasian
notion of the public sphere, Keane (1995; 57) has argued
that the public service media in old European democracies
has slipped into an identity crisis
Implication is that the concerns with the public interest
are not fully grounded in our current “post-modern”
context of multiple social movements…., global events
transmitted via 24hours news channels to global audiences
and the diversity of elite decision-making public readers
of international newspapers (Matos, 2008).
Keane’s argument can perhaps strike a wider cord with
critics from more advanced democracies which are
currently experiencing a situation of media-saturation, but
even here such statements…..are problematic (Matos,
2008)

8. Broadcasting in the UK and regulation
* The state’s participation in the ownership or regulation of the
broadcast media in liberal European democracies has been based
upon the need to guarantee standards of ‘neutrality’, minimising
political bias....
• Set up under the 2003 Communications bill, the UK’s broadcasting
regulator, Ofcom, has been an example of reference in media
regulation in Europe;
• British newspapers operate on a system of self-regulation (i.e. Press
Complaints Commission is an independent self-regulatory body)
• Government in Brazil debates creation of new communication
agency, similar to Ofcom.

9. Broadcasting in the UK and regulation
continued
According to Forgan and Tambini (2000, 03,
in Santos e Silveira, 2007, 73), PSB
regulation in the UK improved through time;
• Dunleavy (1987) has argued how public
service broadcasting regulation in the UK has
managed to act as a counter-weight to the
press, neutralising or balancing the biases of
the partisan British tabloids ;
• Regulation in the UK has also been
supported by various regulation bodies who
have established different codes of conduct.

10. PSB tradition versus citizens’ knowledge of
politics
BBC is pointed out by researchers as being able
to deliver more elections news, produce longer
stories of greater substance and give more
attention to minority parties
Studies (i.e. Curran, 2007; Scammell and
Semetko, 2005) have shown how certain
countries with a strong PSB tradition, like
Britain with its dual system and the
Scandinavian nations, where the state subsides
minority media outlets, citizens have more
knowledge of politics and international affairs
than countries where the commercial media
system predominates (in Matos, 2008)

11. Comparing Media Systems (Hallin and Mancini, 2000)
• Point out Four Theories of the Press as their starting point, but that
its scope is so grand that it is almost superficial
• Authors’ study covers the media systems of the US, Canada and
most of Europe – limit themselves to North America and W. Europe
Authors include 3 models:
1)Liberal Model – prevails in Britain, Ireland and North America
2)Democratic Corporatist Model – Northern Europe
3) Polarized Pluralist Model or Mediterranean – Dominance of
market mechanisms and of commercial media (Southern Europe).
• Authors state that their models of media systems can be useful to
scholars working on other regions as points of reference
• Analysis is limited to the print press and broadcasting, but could
certainly include film, music and other entertainment

12. Four dimensions to analyse media systems in North Europe
and America (in Hallin and Mancini, 2004)
Developed further from Blumler and Gurevitch (1975):
• 1) the development of media markets – emphasis is given here on
the strong or weak development of mass circulation press;
• 2) political parallelism – the degree and nature of the links between
the media and political parties, or the extent that the media system
reflects political divisions. Public broadcasting systems and the
regulatory agencies have a significant relationship to politics;
• 3) the development of journalistic professionalism – refers to
norms and codes of the journalism profession, the tradition of
neutrality, impartiality and objectivity against militant and advocacy
forms.
• 4) the degree and nature of state intervention in the media system
– the role that the state has and its relationship to the media, and
refers largely to governmental control or media independence from
the state.

13. Comparing media systems: Southern Europe
and Latin America
• Historical perspectives: State intervention in South America has
reinforced governmental power (Waisbord, 2000)
• But - Market liberalisation and political democratisation have
assigned new roles for state (more democratic participatory) and
market (liberating versus oppressive of debate)
• Similarities between Latin American media systems and Southern
European (Hallin and Papathanassopoulos (2002, 3):
• 1) the low circulation of newspapers;
2) tradition of advocacy reporting;
3) instrumentalization (political use) of privately-owned media;
4) politicization of broadcasting and regulation;
5) limited development of journalism autonomy.

14. Three Models of Media Systems
(Hallin and Mancini, 2000)
Mediterranean
(Southern
Europe)
Democratic
Corporatist
(Northern
Europe)
Liberal
(North America)
Newspaper Low circulation;
elite-oriented
High circulation Medium
Political
parallelism
High parallelism;
external
pluralism;
politics/broadcast
External
pluralism; party
press; PSB
autonomy
Neutral
commercial press;
internal pluralism
Professionalization Weak;journalism
political activism
not differentiated
Strong
professionalization;
institutionalised
self-regulation
Strong
professionalization;
non-
institutionalised
Role of the State Strong state
intervention
Strong state
intervention; strong
PSB
Market dominated;
weak PSB

15. Latin American broadcasting has adopted US
model
• TV in many Latin American countries has developed
following the US commercial model
• I.e. Development of Brazilian television by military planners
in the 60’s onwards contributed for the formation of what
Straubhaar (2001; 138) has defined as the “nationalizing
vocation”, and the creation of a consumer culture and
engagement of Brazilians in the market economy (Matos,
2008).
• Television has taken on a central role in political life, in the
country’s democratisation process and in the construction of
various identities. It is possible to say that in this sense TV
Globo carries some resemblance with the role played by the
BBC in the UK.

16. Latin American governments and media reform
• Brazil and Mexico, with stronger national production markets and
audiences, registered lower levels of media concentration and
higher diversity compared to other smaller countries in the region
• Governments in Argentina, Venezuela, Ecuador, Paraguay and
Bolivia have acted to promote media democratization through the
creation of regulatory frameworks and public systems of
communication
• Argentina is being seen as an example by many experts
• In the first government of Kirchner (2007-2011), the approval of the
Law 26.522 – Lei de Servicos de Comunicacao Audio-visual,
substituted previous legislation from the dictatorship
• Law proposed limits on the power of media conglomerates,
preventing any private TV company from owning more than 35% of
the media, stating that licenses should be renewed every 10 years
instead of after 20 and quotas for local production.

17. Public communication infrastructure in Latin America: a
history of neglect
State intervention in South America has had the aim of reinforcing
governmental powers rather than promoting democratic
communications (Waisbord, 2000; Matos, 2008).
Broadcasting has been built on a combination of political control and
limited regulation. Educational and state channels are mainly owned
by sectors of the Church and politicians.
National broadcasting policies have also been traditionally aligned
with political interests and state control.
Debates on the necessity of broadcasting and media reform and
regulation culminated in the first realization of a conference on the
theme in 2009 (i.e. Confecom debates)

18. Public communications in Brazil: achievements
and future challenges
Achievements of the last years include the realization of
the Confecom debates; the implementation of TV Brasil
and commitments towards media regulation
Ministry of Communications of former government has
identified five areas to tackle:
1) creation of a new regulatory framework;
2) regulation of article 221 of the Brazilian Constitution;
3) author’s copy rights;
4) Internet regulation
5) public TV regulation.

19. Public communications in Brazil: achievements
and future challenges
* Genuine public media does not exist in Brazil, but educational
stations controlled by the state or others which represent the
Legislative, Executive or Judicial powers (i.e. TV Senado);
• Scholars believe that only a new regulatory framework for the
media can be capable of contemplating differences between the
state and public TVs in relation to commercial sector
• Programme for the communication sector of the Lula candidature
in 2006 underscored that democratization of communications was
necessary to deepen democracy
• Auto-regulation of newspapers is being proposed by National
Association of Newspapers (ANJ), praised by Unesco

20. Facts and figures on PSB platform in Brazil
Legislation on broadcasting dates to 1962, the Codigo
Brasileiro de Telecomunicacoes, combining the
authoritarianism of the Vargas regime, such as power to
distribute licences, with economic liberalism
Weak public media sector, with the respected but funded-
starved TV Cultura (SP) and TVE (RJ)
Ministry of Communications in May 2011 revealed a map
stating that 56 MPs are owners or have relatives in radio and
TV stations
50% of more than 2.000 community stations are linked to
politicians (Lima, 2007)

21. TV Cultura versus TV Brasil
• EBC, which controls TV Brasil, was launched in December 2007
• Current restructuring of TV Cultura and TV Brasil to attend to
multiple publics, with TV Cultura forming partnerships with
newspapers such as Folha
• TV Cultura is seen as aligned with the government of Sao Paulo, of
the PSDB, whereas TV Brasil is linked to the federal administration
(i.e. accused by the opposition when it was launched of being the
“TV Lula”)
• Academics and journalists are weary about media reform (i.e.
Gabriel Priolli: “If FHC couldn’t do it, Lula either, I doubt Dilma
will.”)
• Sites: www.tvbrasil.ebc.com.br
• www.tvcultura.cmais.com.br
• www.redeglobo.globo.com

22. Quotes from interviews
‘ ...always when a government destined resources to the
public TV, it wanted to be compensated by a positive
representation..... We have not yet fully incorporated the
notion that the public television attends to citizenship
rights..... If we really have a strengthening of the public
media – which will only be ‘public’ if it is really
independent of governments – we will have advanced
historically....In Brazil the idea that the government
should interfere in social communications is like a multi-
party consensus. We can see that no public television has
total autonomy..The average mentality of politicians in
that respect is still very backward....’
(Eugenio Bucci, journalist and former Radiobras
president)

23. Quotes from interviews
‘In 2005, when the mensalao scandals emerged, that was when they
‘sold’ the idea to Lula to have TV Brasil, of having a strong public
network capable of competing with the private, as the government
wanted a media which could be more favourable...The government
wanted an instrument to defend itself, and it convinced itself that it
was important. This is a contradiction with the real role that public
TV should have....There is actually a lot of idealism and hypocrisy
in this whole discussion... People say that all you need is another
option to TV Globo for people to change channels, but the reality is
that they do not, they do not change to TV Brasil. I believe that this
issue has a direct relation to education as well, for a better quality
education produces audiences of better quality.....more sensitive
and....interested in watching the public media....’
(Gabriel Priolli, vice-director of journalism of TV
Cultura)

24. Challenges for public communications and media
reform in Brazil
• Reluctance of market sectors and some media organisations (i.e. fears of
media censorship, control of content, competition, etc.)
• Break the false equation of regulation with censorship of the media (i.e.
threat to the freedom of the press)
• Scholars believe that only a new regulatory framework for the media can be
capable of contemplating differences between the state, the public and
commercial sector
• Study of other European regulation models (i.e. UK and Portuguese)
• Document discussed in the Chamber of Deputies underlines the importance
of the State in taking on responsibility for policies for public
communications (i.e. guarantee funds)

25. Conclusions
* There must be wider access to the Internet beyond the middle classes;
more players need to be producers of media content and participate
more fully as citizens
* More support for community radio, funding for segmented media outlets
and magazines
1) Building of a broadcasting regulatory framework committed to the
public interest and independent;
2) reinforcement of balance and professionalism in newsrooms,
including regulation of the journalism profession and auto-regulation of
the press;
3) Fortifying of the public media platform, TV, radio and the Internet,
followed by an engagement with the debate over “quality”
4) Strengthening of regional, local and alternative media
5) Wider access to less privileged sectors of the population to the
Internet throughout Latin America