In Other Words: A Coursebook on Translation

Contents

First published 1992
by Routledge
2 Park Square. Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon,
0X14 4RN
Simultaneously published in the USA and Canada
by Routledge
270 Madison Avenue, New York, NY 10016
Reprinted 1994, 1995, 1996, 1997, 1998, 1999,
2001, 2002, 2003, 2004, 2005 (twice), 2006
(twice), 2007 (twice), 2008 (twice)
Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis
Group, an informa business
© 1992 Mona Baker
Typeset in Times by
J&L Composition
Ltd, Filey, North
Yorkshire Printed
and bound in Great
Britain by MPG
Books Ltd. Bodmin,
Cornwall
All rights reserved. No part of this book may be
reprinted or reproduced or utilised in any form or
by any electronic, mechanical, or other means,
now known or hereafter invented, including
photocopying and recording, or in any
information storage or retrieval system, without
permission in writing from the publishers.
British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data
A catalogue record for this book is available from
the British Library
Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication
Data
A catalog record for this book is available from
the Library of Congress
ISBN
10: 041503085
-4
(hbk)
ISBN
10: 041503086
-2
(pbk)
ISBN 13:
978-0-415-

03085-4 (hbk)
ISBN 13: 978-0415-03086-1
(pbk)

Preface
Acknowledgements

ix
xi

1 Introduction 1
2 Equivalence at word level

10

2.1 The word in different languages
10

2.2 Lexical meaning
12
2.3 The problem of non-equivalence
17 Exercises
for further reading

43 Suggestions
44 Notes44

3 Equivalence above word level 46
3.1 Collocation 47
3.1 Idioms and fixed expressions 63
Exercises
78 Suggestions for further

reading

80 Notes
81

4 Grammatical equivalence
82
4.1 Grammatical vs lexical categories
83
4.2 The diversity of grammatical categories
across languages
85
4.3 A brief note on word order
110
4.4 Introducing text
111 Exercises
114 Suggestions for further reading
116 Notes
117
5 Textual equivalence: thematic and
information structures
119
5.1 A general overview based on the Hallidayan
approach to
information flow
121

viii In other words
5.2 The Prague School position on information flow: functional
sentence perspective
Exercises
Suggestions for further reading
Notes
6 Textual equivalence: cohesion
6.1 Reference
6.2 Substitution and ellipsis
6.3 Conjunction
6.4 Lexical cohesion

160
172
175
176

180
181
186
190
202 Exercises
215 Notes
215

7 Pragmatic equivalence
217
7.1 Coherence
218
7.2 Coherence and processes of interpretation: implicature
222
7.3 Coherence, implicature, and translation strategies
228 Exercises
258 Notes
259
Appendices
1: A Brief History of Time (Spanish, Greek)
2: Morgan Matroc (German)
3: China's Panda Reserves (Chinese)
4: The Patrick Collection (Japanese)
5: A Study of Shamanistic Practices in Japan (Japanese)
6: Palace and Politics in Prewar Japan (Japanese)
7: The Fix (Japanese)
8: Euralex conference circular (Russian)
9: Brintons - press release (Arabic)
Glossary
References
Author index
Language index
Subject index

261
264
266
269
272
274
277
279
282
284
288
297
299
301

Preface

The idea of this book initially grew out of discussions with a number of
colleagues, in particular with Dr Kirsten Malmkjaer, formerly of the
University of Birmingham and currently at the Centre of English as an
International Language, Cambridge. It has been considerably refined
during the course of last year through discussions with postgraduate
students at the University of Birmingham and students at the Brasshouse
Centre and Birmingham Polytechnic.
I am exceptionally lucky to have been able to draw on the outstanding
expertise of a number of colleagues, both at the University of Birmingham
and at COBUILD, a lexical project run jointly by the University of
Birmingham and Collins Publishers. From COBUILD, Stephen Bullon,
Alex Collier, and Gwyneth Fox provided initial help with Russian,
German, and Italian texts respectively. From the Shakespeare Institute,
Katsuhiko Nogami helped with Japanese and Shen Lin with Chinese texts.
From the School of Modern Languages, James Mullen (Russian), Bill
Dodd (German), Paula Chicken (French), and Elena Tognini-Bonelli
(Italian) helped me work my way through various texts and took the time
to explain the structural and stylistic nuances of each language. From the
School of English, Tony Dudley-Evans and Sonia Zyngier helped with
Brazilian Portuguese and Wu Zu Min with Chinese. Tim Johns read and
commented on Chapter 5 ("Thematic and information structures') and
kindly allowed me to use much of his own data and report some of his
findings on the subject.
Chinese and Japanese texts required additional help to analyse; this was
competently provided by Ming Xie (Chinese) and Haruko Uryu
(Japanese), both at the University of Cambridge. Lanna Castellano of the
Institute of Translation and Interpreting read a substantial part of the draft
manuscript and her encouraging comments were timely and well
appreciated.

x In other words
I owe a special debt to three people in particular: Helen Liebeck, Philip
King, and Michael Hoey. Helen Liebeck and Philip King are polyglots;
both kindly spent many hours helping me with a variety of languages and
both read and commented on Chapters 2, 3, and 4. Philip King also
provided the Greek examples and helped with the analysis of several texts.
Michael Hoey is an outstanding text linguist. In spite of his many
commitments, he managed to find the time to read through the last three
chapters and to provide detailed comments on each of them. His help has
been invaluable. It is indeed a privilege to work with so distinguished a
scholar who is also extremely generous with his time
and expertise.
Last but not least, I must acknowledge a personal debt to John Sinclair.
John has taught me, often during informal chats, most of what I know
about language, and his own work has always been a source of inspiration.
But I am grateful, above all, for his friendship and continued support.
Mona Baker
May 1991

Do we really know how we translate or what we translate? ... Are we to
accept 'naked ideas' as the means of crossing from one language to
another? ... Translators know they cross over but do not know by what sort
of bridge. They often re-cross by a different bridge to check up again.
Sometimes they fall over the parapet into limbo.
(Firth, 1957: 197)
Translation quality assessment proceeds according to the lordly, but
completely unexplained, whimsy of 'It doesn't sound right.'
(Fawcett, 1981: 142)

Acknowledgements

1 Introduction

The
aut
hor
and
pub
lish
ers
wis
h to
tha
nk
the
foll
owi
ng
for
per
mis
sion
to
repr
odu
ce
the
quo
tati
ons
and
illu
stra
tion

s
app
eari
ng
in
this
boo
k:
Aut
ow
orld
at
the
Patr
ick
Col
lect
ion,
180
Liff
ord
Lan
e,
Kin
gs
Nor
ton,
Bir
mi
ng
ha
m.

Brintons
Limited,
PO Box
16,
Kiddermi
nster,
Worcs.
Euralex
(Euro
pean
Asso
ciatio
n for
Lexic
ograp
hy),
PO
Box
1017,
Cope
nhag
en,
Den
mark
for
extra
cts
from
confe
rence
circul
ar.
Stephen
W.
Hawk
ing,
Banta
m
Press,
Space
Time
Publi
cation
s and

Worl
d
Hous
e Inc.
for
permi
ssion
to
repro
duce
extra
cts
from
A
Brief
Histo
ry of
Time
(1988
) by
Steph
en W.
Haw
king.
©
(UK
and
Com
mon
wealt
h)
Spac
e
Time
Publi
catio
ns; ©
(USA
)
Banta
m
Book
s, a
divisi

o
n
o
f
B
a
nt
a
m
D
o
u
bl
e
d
a
y,
D
el
l
P
u
bl
is
hi
n
g
G
r
o
u
p,
I
n
c.
;
©
1
9
8
8
(J
a
p

a
n
)
W
o
rl
d
H
o
u
s
e
I
n
c
.
A
ll
ri
g
h
ts
r
e
s
e
r
v
e
d
.
Moh
amm
ed
Heik
al,
Andr
e
Deut
sch
Ltd
and
Rand
om

House
Inc. for
extracts
from
Autumn
of Fury:
The
Assassin
ation of
Sadat
(1983)
© 1983
Mohamm
ed
Heikal.
Reprinted
by
permissio
n of
Random
H
o
u
s
e
I
n
c
.
(
C
o
r
g
i
e
d
i
t
i
o

n
1
9
8
4
)
.
John Le
Carre and
Hodder
&
Stoughto
n for
extracts
from The
Russia
Hous
e
(1989).
Lipton
Export
Limited
,
Stanbrid
ge
Road,
Leighto
n
Buzzard
, Beds.,
for
the
illustrati
on on
page
42.
Lonrho
Pic for
extracts
from A
Hero
from
Zero.
The
Minorit
y
Rights
Group,
379

Bri
xto
n
Roa
d,
Lon
don,
for
Leb
ano
n,
M
inor
ity
Rig
hts
Gro
up
Rep
ort
by
Da
vid
Mc
Do
wal
l,
Lon
don
198
3.
Mo
rga
n
Mat
roc
Li
mit
ed,
Be
wdl
ey
Roa
d,

Sto
urp
ort
on
Sev
ern,
W
o
r
c
s
.
W
o
r
l
d
W
i
d
e
F
u
n
d
f
o
r
N
a
t
u
r
e
,
C
H
1
1
9
6
G
l
a
n
d
,
S
w
i
t
z

erl
an
d.

Professio
nals
in
every
walk of
life form
associatio
ns
and
institutes
of various
kinds to
provide
practising
members
with
a
forum to
discuss
and
set
standards
for
the
professio
n as a
whole, to
set
examinati
ons,
assess
competen
ce, and
lay codes
of
conduct.
The
standards
set by a
given
professio
n
may
well be
extremely
high, but
this does
not
necessaril
y

guara
ntee
recog
nition
by
those
outsid
e the
profe
ssion.
Notw
ithsta
nding
the
lengt
h and
bread
th of
one's
exper
ience,
recog
nition,
in our
increa
singly
qualif
icatio
nconsc
ious
societ
y,
come
s
mostl
y
with
proof
of
some
kind
of

form
al
educa
tion.
Ever
y
respe
ctabl
e
profe
ssion
(or
every
profe
ssion
whic
h
wants
to be
recog
nized
as
such)
theref
ore
attem
pts to
provi
de its
mem
bers
with
syste
matic
traini
ng in
the
field.
One
of the
first
thing
s that
the

Institute
of
Translatio
n
and
Interpreti
ng
of
Great
Britain
did
as
soon as it
was
formed
was to set
up
an
Education
Committe
e
to
design
and run
training
courses
for
members
of
the
profession
.
There
are two
main
types of
training
that
a
profession
can
provide
for
its
members:
vocational
training
and
academic
training.
Vocational

courses
provide
training
in
practical
skills but
do
not
include a
strong
theoretica
l
compone
nt.
A
good
example
would be
a course
in
plumbing
or typing.
At
the
end of a
typing
course, a
student is
able
to
type
accuratel
y and at
speed and
has
a
piece of
paper to
prove it.
But that
is the end
of
the
story;
what s/he
acquires
is
a
purely
practical
skill

which
is
recog
nized
by
societ
y as
'skille
d
work'
but is
not
gener
ally
elevat
ed to
the
level
of a
profe
ssion.
Like
vocati
onal
cours
es,
most
acade
mic
cours
es set
out to
teach
stude
nts
how
to do
a
partic
ular
job
such
as
curin

g
certai
n
types
of
illnes
s,
buildi
ng
bridg
es, or
writi
ng
comp
uter
progr
ams.
But
they
do
more
than
that:
an
acade
mic
cours
e
alwa
ys
inclu
des a
stron
g
theor
etical
comp
onent
. The
value
of
this
theor
etical

componen
t is that it
encourage
s students
to reflect
on what

they do,
how they
do it, and
why they
do it in
one

2 In other
words

Introduction
3
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1
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Г

s
t
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(
1
9
8
7
:
1
6
3
)
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O
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;

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)
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r
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l
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v
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t
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w
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a
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T
o
t

a
k
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y
w
i
t
h
m
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d

i
c
i
n
e
a
s
t
e
p
f
u
r
t
h
e
r
:
i
f

4

In other words

Introduction
w
e
a
c
c
e
p
t
t
h
i
s
l
i
n
e
o
f
t
h
i
n
k
i
n
g
w
e
w
i
l
l
n
e

5
v
e
r
b
e
s
e
e
n
a
s
a
n
y
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t
w
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d

l
e
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l'
,
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n
it
i
a
ll
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a
d
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p
ts
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n
a
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il
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l
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a
p
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h
a
n
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p
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t
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e
'
m
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n
g'
o
f
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e
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r
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s

s
i
o
n
s
.
I
n
C
h
a
p
t
e
r
3
,
'
E
q
u
i
v
a
l
e
n
c
e
a
b
o
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e
w
o
r
d

l
e
v
e
l
'
,
t
h
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s
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i
s
w
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d
a

l
it
tl
e
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y
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o
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k
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m
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o
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w

h
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t
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a

l
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d
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a
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a
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h
a
p
t
e
r
4
,
'
G
r
a

m
m
a
ti
c
a
l
e
q
u
i
v
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l
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n
c
e'
,
d
e
a
ls
w
it
h
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r
a
m
m
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ti
c
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l
c
a
t
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ri
e

s
s
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c
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r.
C
h
a
p
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s
5
a
n
d
6
c
o
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p
a
rt
o

f
w
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e
v
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.
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h
a
p
t
e
r
5
d
e
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l
s
w
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r

o
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l
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b
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w
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st
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a
t
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e
x

t
l
e
v
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l
a
n
d
C
h
a
p
t
e
r
6
d
is
c
u
s
s
e
s
c
o
h
e
si
o
n
:
g
r
a
m
m
a
ti
c
a
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a

n
d
l
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x
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c
a
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r
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l
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t
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s
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p
s
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v
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d
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k
s

b
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t
w
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n
v
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r
i
o
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s
p
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t
s
o
f
a
t
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x
t
.
C
h
a
p
t
e
r
7
,

'
P
r
a
g
m
a
ti
c
e
q
u
i
v
a
l
e
n
c
e'
,
l
o
o
k
s
a
t
h
o
w
t
e
x
ts
a
r
e
u
s
e
d
i
n

c
o
m
m
u
n
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c
a
ti
v
e
si
t
u
a
ti
o
n
s
t
h
a
t
i
n
v
o
l
v
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v
a
ri
a
b
l
e
s
s
u
c
h
a

s
w
r
i
t
e
r
s
,
r
e
a
d
e
r
s
,
a
n
d
c
u
l
t
u
r
a
l
c
o
n
t
e
x
t
.
T
h
e

d
i
v
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s
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f
l
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a
g
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n
t
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m
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f
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n
t
a
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d
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a
s
s
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c
h
a
s
w
o
r
d
s,
g
r
a
m
m
a
r,
a
n
d
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x
t
is
a
rt
if
i
c
i

a
l
a
n
d
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p
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t
o
q
u
e
st
i
o
n
.
F
o
r
o
n
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t
h
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n
g
,
t
h
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a
r
e
a
s
a
r
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n
o

t

y

d
i
s
c
r
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t
e
:

w
h
e
r
e

i
t

c
o
n
c
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r
n
s

i
s
v
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t
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l
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t
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o
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d
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s
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f
a
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b
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g
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n
.
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o
r
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o
v
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r,
d
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c
is
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t
a
k
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n
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t,
s
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,

t
h
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v
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f
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w
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h
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c
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p
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o
f
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t

f
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tr
a
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sl
a
ti
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v
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m
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w
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.
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u
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rt
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f
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d
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d
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k
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f
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u
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r
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b
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c
a
u
s
e

6 In other words
most translators are used to it rather than because it has any theoretical
status. It is used here with the proviso that although equivalence can
usually be obtained to some extent, it is influenced by a variety of
linguistic and cultural factors and is therefore always relative.
The organization followed in this book is a bottom-up rather than a topdown one: it starts with simple words and phrases rather than with the text
as situated in its context of culture. This may seem somewhat at odds with
current thinking in linguistic and translation studies. Snell-Hornby (1988:
69) suggests that 'textual analysis, which is an essential preliminary to
translation, should proceed from the "top down", from the macro to the
micro level, from text to sign', and Hatim and Mason's model of the
translation process (1990) also adopts a top-down approach, taking such
things as text-type and context as starting points for discussing translation
problems and strategies. The top-down approach is the more valid one
theoretically, but for those who are not trained linguists it can be difficult
to follow: there is too much to take in all at once. Moreover, an excessive
emphasis on 'text' and 'context' runs the risk of obscuring the fact that
although 'a text is a semantic unit, not a grammatical one ... meanings are
realized through wordings; and without a theory of wordings ... there is no
way of making explicit one's interpretation of the meaning of a text'
(Halliday, 1985: xvii). In other words, text is a meaning unit, not a form
unit, but meaning is realized through form and without understanding the
meanings of individual forms one cannot interpret the meaning of the text
as a whole. Translating words and phrases out of context is certainly a
futile exercise, but it is equally unhelpful to expect a student to appreciate
translation decisions made at the level of text without a reasonable
understanding of how the lower levels, the individual words, phrases, and
grammatical structures, control and shape the overall meaning of the text.
Both the top-down and the bottom-up approaches are therefore valid in
their own way; I have opted for the latter for pedagogical reasons because it is much easier to follow for those who have had no previous
training in linguistics.
1.2 EXAMPLES, BACK-TRANSLATIONS AND THE
LANGUAGES OF ILLUSTRATION
In each chapter, an attempt is made to identify potential sources of
translation difficulties related to the linguistic area under discussion and
possible strategies for resolving these difficulties. The strategies

Introduction 7
are not preconceived, nor are they suggested as ideal solutions; they are
identified by analysing authentic examples of translated texts in a variety
of languages and presented as 'actual' strategies used rather than the
'correct' strategies to use. The examples are quoted and discussed,
sometimes at length, to illustrate the various strategies identified and to
explore the potential pros and cons of each strategy. Although the
discussion is occasionally critical of certain translations, finding fault with
published translations is never the object of the exercise. It is in fact
virtually impossible, except in extreme cases, to draw a line between what
counts as a good translation and what counts as a bad one. Every
translation has points of strength and points of weakness and every
translation is open to improvement.
The source language of most examples is English. This is because in
non-literary translation, the main concern of this book, English is probably
the most widely translated language in the world. And since it also
happens to be the language in which this book is written, I feel justified in
assuming that all readers will have an adequate command of it. Much as I
would have liked to include examples of and exercises on translation into
English, I have had to accept that it is not possible to write a general
coursebook on translation unless the source language is kept constant.
With a few exceptions, the direction of translation is therefore assumed to
be from English into a variety of target languages. However, readers particularly teachers of translation - are invited to adapt the examples and
exercises to suit their individual purposes. Once a given topic is discussed
and understood, alternative texts can be easily found in other languages to
replace the examples and exercises in which English is treated as the
source language.
The target languages exemplified are by no means all European. They
include major non-European languages such as Arabic, Japanese, and
Chinese. The emphasis on non-European languages may seem unusual,
but it is meant to counterbalance the current preoccupation with European
languages in translation studies. It is high time the European translation
community realized that there is life - and indeed translation - outside
Europe and that professional non-European translators use a range of
strategies that are at least as interesting and as useful as those used by
European translators. Moreover, it is particularly instructive for translators
of any linguistic background to explore difficulties of translation in nonEuropean languages because the structure of those languages and their
cultural settings raise important issues that could otherwise be easily overlooked in discussions of language and translation.

8 In other words

Introduction 9
T
h
e

i
t
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m
a
j
o
r
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t
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a
l
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ul
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b
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to
fo
ll
o
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sc
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ss
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of
in
di
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pl
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at
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as
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ly
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1

in
to
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tr
a
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b
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in
to
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w
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.
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b
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g
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b
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tf
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di
sc
u
ss
io
n.

o
t
e
d
i
n
t
h
e

T
h
e
m
aj
or
it
y
of
e
x
a
m
pl
es
ar
e
q
u

o
r
i
g
i
n
a
l
l
a
n
g
u
a
g
e
i
n
t
h
e
b
o
d
y
o
f
t

h
e
t
e
x
t
.
F
o
r
i
n
s
t
a
n
c
e
,
a
n
E
n
g
l
i
s
h
e
x
a
m
p
l
e
i
s
i
m

m
e
di
at
el
y
fo
ll
o
w
e
d
b
y
it
s
G
er
m
a
n
or
A
ra
bi
c
tr
a
n
sl
at
io
n
a
n
d
th
e
n
a
b
a
c
k-

tr
a
n
sl
at
io
n
of
th
e
G
er
m
a
n
or
A
ra
bi
c.
T
h
er
e
ar
e
t
w
o
e
x
c
e
pt
io
n
s.
T
h
e
fi
rs
t
e

x
c
e
p
t
i
o
n
i
s
t
h
a
t
t
e
x
t
s
w
h
i
c
h
e
x
t
e
n
d
b
e
y
o
n
d
a
n

a
v
e
r
a
g
e
s
i
z
e
p
a
r
a
g
r
a
p
h
a
r
e
i
n
c
l
u
d
e
d
e
i
t
h
e
r
i

n
fo
ot
n
ot
es
or
in
a
se
p
ar
at
e
a
p
p
e
n
di
x
at
th
e
e
n
d
of
th
e
b
o
o
k
(b
ut
th
e
b
a
c
ktr
a

n
sl
at
io
n
st
ill
fo
ll
o
w
s
th
e
E
n
gl
is
h
s
o
ur
c
e
te
xt
).
T
h
e
se
c
o
n
d
e
x
c
e
pt
io
n
is
th

a
t
,
b
e
c
a
u
s
e
o
f
d
i
f
f
i
c
u
l
t
i
e
s
o
f
t
y
p
e
s
e
t
t
i
n
g
,
o
r
i
g

i
n
a
l
J
a
p
a
n
e
s
e
,
C
h
i
n
e
s
e
,
R
u
s
s
i
a
n
a
n
d
G
r
e
e
k
e
x
a
m
p

le
s
ar
e
n
ot
pr
o
vi
d
e
d
in
th
e
b
o
d
y
of
th
e
te
xt
b
ut
ra
th
er
in
se
p
ar
at
e
a
p
p
e
n
di
c
es
at

th
e
e
n
d.
R
e
a
d
er
s
w
h
o
ar
e
fa
m
ili
ar
w
it
h
th
es
e
la
n
g
u
a
g
es
ar
e
e
n
c
o
ur
a
g
e
d

t
o
r
e
f
e
r
t
o
t
h
e
r
e
l
e
v
a
n
t
a
p
p
e
n
d
i
x
o
r
f
o
o
t
n
o
t
e
r

a
t
h
e
r
t
h
a
n
s
e
t
t
l
e
f
o
r
t
h
e
b
a
c
k
t
r
a
n
s
l
a
t
i
o
n
p
r
o

vi
d
e
d.
F
in
al
ly
,
th
er
e
is
n
o
s
h
or
ta
g
e
of
di
sc
u
ss
io
n
s
o
n
th
e
s
h
or
tc
o
m
in
g
s
a
n

d
fa
il
ur
es
of
tr
a
n
sl
at
io
n
as
a
to
ol
of
la
n
g
u
a
g
e
m
e
di
at
io
n
a
cr
o
ss
c
ul
tu
re
s.
T
h
e
lit

e
r
a
t
u
r
e
a
b
o
u
n
d
s
w
i
t
h
t
h
e
o
r
e
t
i
c
a
l
a
r
g
u
m
e
n
t
s
w
h

i
c
h
s
u
g
g
e
s
t
t
h
a
t
t
r
a
n
s
l
a
t
i
o
n
i
s
a
n
i
m
p
o
s
s
i
b
l
e

ta
s
k,
th
at
it
is
d
o
o
m
e
d
to
fa
il
ur
e
b
e
c
a
u
se
(a
)
la
n
g
u
a
g
es
ar
e
n
e
v
er
s
uf
fi
ci
e

nt
ly
si
m
il
ar
to
e
x
pr
es
s
th
e
sa
m
e
re
al
iti
es
,
a
n
d
(b
)
e
v
e
n
w
or
se
,
'r
e
al
it
y'
c
a
n
n

o
t
b
e
a
s
s
u
m
e
d
t
o
e
x
i
s
t
i
n
d
e
p
e
n
d
e
n
t
l
y
o
f
l
a
n
g
u
a
g

e
.
B
u
t
i
n
s
p
i
t
e
o
f
i
t
s
m
a
n
y
l
i
m
i
t
a
t
i
o
n
s
,
t
r
a
n
s
l
a

ti
o
n
re
m
ai
n
s
a
n
e
c
es
sa
ry
a
n
d
v
al
u
a
bl
e
e
x
er
ci
se
.
It
h
as
br
o
u
g
ht
a
n
d
c
o
nt

in
u
es
to
br
in
g
p
e
o
pl
e
of
di
ff
er
e
nt
c
ul
tu
ra
l
a
n
d
li
n
g
ui
st
ic
b
a
c
k
gr
o
u
n
d
s
cl
o

s
e
r
t
o
g
e
t
h
e
r
,
i
t
h
a
s
e
n
a
b
l
e
d
t
h
e
m
t
o
s
h
a
r
e
a
m
o

r
e
h
a
r
m
o
n
i
o
u
s
v
i
e
w
o
f
t
h
e
w
o
r
l
d
,
i
t
h
a
s
b
u
i
l
t
b
r

id
g
es
of
u
n
d
er
st
a
n
di
n
g

a
n
d
a
p
pr
ec
ia
ti
o
n
a
m
o
n
g
di
ff
er
e
nt
so
ci
et
ie
s.
E
v
e
n
th
e
m
os
t
sc
e
pt
ic
al
of
cr
iti
cs

c
a
n
n
o
t
b
u
t
a
d
m
i
t
t
h
a
t
,
i
f
i
t
w
e
r
e

s

n
o
t
f
o
r
t
r
a
n
s
l
a
t
o
r

b
e

a
n
d
i
n
t
e
r
p
r
e
t
e
r
s
,
w
e
w
o
u
l
d

l
i
v
i
n
g
i
n
a
f

ar
le
ss
fr
ie
n
dl
y
a
n
d
le
ss
in
te
re
st
in
g
e
n
vi
ro
n
m
e
nt
.
T
ra
ns
la
to
rs
h
a
v
e
g
o
o
d
re
as

o
n
to
b
e
pr
o
u
d
of
w
h
at
th
e
y
d
o
a
n
d
to
in
si
st
th
at
tr
a
ns
la
ti
o
n
b
e
re
c
o
g
ni
ze
d
as

a
f
u
l
l
y
f
l
e
d
g
e
d
p
r
o
f
e
s
s
i
o
n
a
n
d
g
i
v
e
n
t
h
e
r
e
s

p
e
c
t
t
h
a
t
i
t
d
e
s
e
r
v
e
s
.
T
h
i
s
r
e
c
o
g
n
i
t
i
o
n
i
s
n
o
w
l

o
n
g
o
v
er
d
u
e
a
n
d
w
e
m
us
t
d
o
w
h
at
e
v
er
is
n
ec
es
sa
ry
to
e
ns
ur
e
th
at
it
is
fo
rt
h
c

o
m
in
g.
W
e
c
o
ul
d
st
ar
t
b
y
fu
lfi
lli
n
g
th
e
re
q
ui
re
m
e
nt
s
th
at
so
ci
et
y
h
as
se
t
fo
r
w
h

a
t
i
t
w
i
l
l
r
e
c
o
g
n
i
z
e

I
O
N
S
F
O
R
F
U
R
T
H
E
R
R
E
A
D
I
N
G

a
s
a
'
p
r
o
f
e
s
s
i
o
n
'
.
S
U
G
G
E
S
T

Fr

a
w
l
e
y
,
W
.
(
1
9
8
4
)
'
P
r
o
l
e
g
o

m
e
n
o
n
to
a
th
e
or
y
of
tr
a
n
sl
at
io
n'
,
in
W
.
F
ra
w
le
y
(e
d.
)
T
r
a
n
sl
a
ti
o
n
:
L
it
e
r
a
r
y,
L
i
n
g

u
is
ti
c,
a
n
d
P
h
il
o
s
o
p
h
ic
a
l
P
e
r
s
p
e
ct
iv
e
s
(
L
o
n
d
o
n
a
n
d
T
or
o
nt
o:
A
ss
o
ci
at
e
d
U
ni

v
e
r
s
i
t
y

H

P
r
e
s
s
)
.
o
l
m
e
s
,
J
.
S
.
(
1
9
8
7
)
'
T
h
e
n
a
m
e
a
n
d
n
a
t
u
r

e
o
f
t
r
a
n
s
l
a
t
i
o
n
s
t
u
d
i
e
s
'
,
i
n
G
.
T
o
u
r
y
(
e
d
.
)
T
r
a
n
s
l
a
t
i

o
n
A
c
r
o
s
s
C
u
lt
u
r
e
s
(
N
e
w
D
el
hi
:
B
a
h
ri
).
N
O
T
E
1 It
is
i
m
p
o
rt
a
nt
to
st
re
ss
th
at
m
u

c
h
o
f
th
e
b
a
c
k
tr
a
n
sl
at
io
n
p
r
o
vi
d
e
d
in
th
is
b
o
o
k
is
v
er
y
li
te
ra
l.
T
h
e
q
u
al
it
y
o
f
th
e

E
n
g
l
i
s
h
t
h
a
t
a
p
p
e
a
r
s
i
n
a
g
i
v
e
n
b
a
c
k
t
r
a
n
s
l
a
t
i
o
n
i
s
n

o
t
m
e
a
n
t
t
o
r
e
f
l
e
c
t
t
h
e
q
u
a
l
i
t
y
o
f
t
h
e
t
r
a
n
s
l
a
t
i
o
n
i
t
s
e

lf
.
R
e
a
d
er
s,
p
ar
ti
c
ul
ar
ly
th
o
s
e
w
h
o
ar
e
n
ot
n
at
iv
e
s
p
e
a
k
er
s
o
f
E
n
gl
is
h,
s
h
o
ul
d
al
s
o

b
e
a
w
ar
e
th
at
th
e
E
n
gl
is
h
u
s
e
d
in
th
e
b
a
c
k
tr
a
n
sl
at
io
n
s
is
n
ot
n
e
c
e
ss
ar
il
y
c
o
rr
e
ct
a

n
d
i
s
n
o
t
t
o
b
e
c
o
n
f
u
s
e

d
w
i
t
h
n
a
t
u
r
a
l
E
n
g
l
i
s
h
.

Equivalence at word level 11

2 Equivalence at word level

If language were simply a nomenclature for a set of universal
concepts, it would be easy to translate from one language to
another. One would simply replace the French name for a concept
with the English name. If language were like this the task of
learning a new language would also be much easier than it is. But
anyone who has attempted either of these tasks has acquired, alas,
a vast amount of direct proof that languages are not nomenclatures, that the concepts ... of one language may differ radically
from those of another.... Each language articulates or organizes
the world differently. Languages do not simply name existing
categories, they articulate their own.
(Culler, 1976: 21-2)
This chapter discusses translation problems arising from lack of
equivalence at word level; what does a translator do when there is
no word in the target language which expresses the same meaning as
the source language word? But before we look at specific types of
non-equivalence and the various strategies which can be used for
dealing with them, it is important to establish what a word is, whether
or not it is the main unit of meaning in language, what kinds of
meaning it can convey, and how languages differ in the way they
choose to express certain meanings but not others.
2.1 THE WORD IN DIFFERENT LANGUAGES
2.1.1 What is a word?
As translators, we are primarily concerned with communicating the
overall meaning of a stretch of language. To achieve this, we need
to start by decoding the units and structures which carry that

meaning. The smallest unit which we would expect to possess
individual meaning is the word. Defined loosely, the word is 'the
smallest unit of language that can be used by itself (Bolinger and
Sears, 1968: 43).' For our present purposes, we can define the written
word with more precision as any sequence of letters with an
orthographic space on either side.
Many of us think of the word as the basic meaningful element in
a language. This is not strictly accurate. Meaning can be carried by
units smaller than the word (see 2.1.3 below). More often, however,
it is carried by units much more complex than the single word and
by various structures and linguistic devices. This will be discussed in
more detail in the following chapters. For the moment, we will
content ourselves with single words as a starting point before we
move on to more complex linguistic units.
2.1.2 Is there a one-to-one relationship between word and meaning?
If you consider a word such as rebuild, you will note that there are
two distinct elements of meaning in it: re and build, i.e. 'to build
again'. The same applies to disbelieve which may be paraphrased as
'not to believe'. Elements of meaning which are represented by
several orthographic words in one language, say English, may be
represented by one orthographic word in another, and vice versa.
For instance, tennis player is written as one word in Turkish: tenisci;
if it is cheap as one word in Japanese: yasukattara; but the verb type
is rendered by three words in Spanish: pasar a maquina. This suggests
that there is no one-to-one correspondence between orthographic
words and elements of meaning within or across languages.
2.1.3. Introducing morphemes
In order to isolate elements of meaning in words and deal with them
more effectively, some linguists have suggested the term morpheme
to describe the minimal formal element of meaning in language, as
distinct from word, which may or may not contain several elements
of meaning. Thus, an important difference between morphemes and
words is that a morpheme cannot contain more than one element of
meaning and cannot be further analysed.
To take an example from English, inconceivable is written as one
word but consists of three morphemes: in, meaning 'not', conceive
meaning 'think of or imagine', and able meaning 'able to be, fit to
be'. A suitable paraphrase for inconceivable would then be 'cannot

12 In other words

Equivalence at word level
be
conceive
d/imagin
ed'.
Some
morphe
mes have
grammat
ical
functions
such as
marking
plurality
(funds),
gender
(manage
ress) and
tense
(conside
red).
Others
change
the class
of
the
word, for
instance
from
verb to
adjective
(like:
likeable)
, or add a
specific
element
of
meaning
such as
negation
to
it
(unhapp
y). Some
words

13

consist of
one
morphem
e: need,
fast.
Morphe
mes do
not
always
have
such
clearly
defined
boundari
es,
however.
We can
identify
two
distinct
morphemes
in girls:
girl + s,
but we
cannot
do
the
same
with
men,
where
the two
morphem
es 'man'
and
'plural'
are, as it
were,
fused
together.
An
orthogra

phi
c
wo
rd
ma
y
the
ref
ore
co
nta
in
mo
re
tha
n
on
e
for
ma
l
ele
me
nt
of
me
ani
ng,
but
the
bo
un
dar
ies
of
suc
h
ele
me
nts
are
not
al
wa

ys
cle
arl
y
ma
rke
d
on
the
sur
fac
e.
T
he
ab
ov
e
the
ore
tic
al
dis
tin
cti
on
bet
we
en
wo
rds
an
d
mo
rph
em
es
att
em
pts
,
by
an
d
lar

ge,
to
account
for
elements
of
meaning
which
are
expresse
d on the
surface.
It does
not,
however,
attempt
to break
down
each
morphe
me
or
word
into
further
compone
nts
of
meaning
such as,
for
instance,
'male' +
'adult' +
'human'
for the
word
man.
Furtherm
ore,
it
does not
offer a
model
for
analysin
g
different

types of
meaning
in words
and
utterance
s. In the
followin
g section,
we will
be
looking
at ways
of
analysing
lexical
meaning
which
will not
specifical
ly draw
on
the
distinctio
n
between
words
and
morphem
es. It is,
neverthel
ess,
importan
t to keep
this
distinctio
n clearly
in mind
because
it can be
useful in
translatio
n,
particular
ly
in
dealing

wit
h
ne
olo
gis
ms
in
the
so
urc
e
lan
gu
ag
e
(se
e
2.3
.2.
1
(i))
.

(
l
e
x
i
c
a
l
u
n
i
t
)
h
a
s
.
.

2.2
LE
XI
C
AL
M
EA
NI
N
G
e
v
e
r
y
w
o
r
d

.
s
o
m
e
t
h
i
n
g
t
h
a
t
i
s

indivi
dual,
that
makes
it
differ
ent
from
any
other
word.
And it
is just
the
lexica
l
meani
ng
which
is the
most
outsta
nding
indivi
dual
prope
rty of
the
word.
(Zgusta,
1971:67)
The
lexical
meaning
of
a
word or
lexical
unit may
be
thought
of as the
specific
value it

has in a
particular
linguistic
system
and the
'personali
ty'
it
acquires
through
usage
within
that
system.
It
is
rarely
possible
to
analyse a
word,
pattern,
or
structure
into
distinct
components
of
meaning;
the way
in which
language
works is
much too
complex
to allow
that.
Neverthe
less, it is
sometim
es useful
to play
down the
complexi
ties
of

lan
gu
age
te
mp
ora
rily
in
ord
er
bot
h
to
ap
pre
cia
te
the
m
an
d
to
be
abl
e
to
ha
ndl
e
the
m
bet
ter
in
the
lon
g
run
.
Wi
th
thi
s
ai

m
in
mi
nd,
we
wil
l
no
w
bri
efl
y
dis
cus
s a
mo
del
for

analysin
g
the
compon
ents of
lexical
meanin
g. This
model is
largely
derived
from
Cruse
(1986),
but the
descript
ion of
register
(2.2.3
below)
also
draws
on
Hallida
y
(1978).
For
alternati
ve
models
of
lexical
meanin
g
see
Zgusta
(1971:
Chapter
1) and
Leech
(1974:
Chapter
2).
Acco
rding to
Cruse,

we can
distingu
ish four
main
types of
meanin
g
in
words
and
utteranc
es
(utteran
ces
being
stretche
s
of
written
or
spoken
text):
proposi
tional
meanin
g,
expressi
ve
meanin
g,
presupposed
meanin
g, and
evoked
meanin
g.
2.2.1
Proposi
tional
vs
expressi
ve
meanin
g

T
he
pr
o
p
os
iti
o
n
al
m
ea
ni
n
g
of
a
w
or
d
or
an
ut
te
ra
nc
e
ar
is
es
fr
o
m
th
e
re
lat
io
n
be
tw
ee
n
it

an
d
w
ha
t
it
re
fe
rs
to
or
de
sc
ri
be
s
in
a
re
al
or
im
ag
in
ar
y
w
or
ld,
as
co
nc
ei
ve
d
by
th
e
sp
ea
ke
rs
of
th

e
particul
ar
languag
e
to
which
the
word or
utteranc
e
belongs.
It is this
type of
meanin
g which
provide
s
the
basis on
which
we can
judge an
utteranc
e as true
or false.
For
instance
,
the
proposit
ional
meanin
g
of
shirt is
'a piece
of
clothing
worn on
the
upper
part of
the
body'. It
would
be
inaccura

te to use
shirt,
under
normal
circumst
ances, to
refer to
a piece
of
clothing
worn on
the foot,
such as
socks.
When a
translati
on
is
describe
d
as
'inaccur
ate', it is
often
the
proposit
ional
meaning
that is
being
called
into
question
.
Expre
ssive
meaning
cannot
be
judged
as true
or false.
This is
because
expressi
ve

m
ea
ni
ng
rel
ate
s
to
th
e
sp
ea
ke
r's2
fe
eli
ng
s
or
att
itu
de
rat
he
r
th
an
to
w
ha
t
w
or
ds
an
d
utt
er
an
ce
s
ref
er
to.

Th
e
dif
fer
en
ce
bet
we
en
D
on
't
co
m
pl
ai
n
an
d
D
on
't
w
hi
ng
e
do
es
no
t
lie
in
the
ir
pr
op
osi
tio
nal
me
ani
ng
s
bu

t in the
expressi
veness
of
whinge,
which
suggests
that the
speaker
finds the
action
annoyin
g. Two
or more
words or
utteranc
es can
therefor
e have
the same
propositi
onal
meaning
but
differ in
their
expressi
ve
meaning
s. This is
true not
only of
words
and
utteranc
es
within
the same
languag
e, where
such
words
are often
referred

to
as
synonym
s
or
nearsynonym
s,
but
also for
words
and
utterance
s from
different
language
s. The
differenc
e
between
famous
in
English
and
fameux
in
French
does not
lie
in
their
respectiv
e
propositi
onal
meaning
s; both
items
basically
mean
'wellknown'.
It lies in
their
expressi
ve
meaning
s.

F
a
m
ou
s
is
ne
utr
al
in
En
gli
sh:
it
ha
s
no
in
he
re
nt
ev
al
ua
tiv
e
m
ea
ni
ng
or
co
nn
ot
ati
on
.
F
a
m
eu
x,
on
th

e
ot
he
r
ha
nd
, is
po
ten
tia
lly
ev
alu
ati
ve
an
d
ca
n
be
rea
dil
y
us
ed
in
so
me
co
nte
xts
in
a
de
ro
gat
or
y
wa
y
(fo
r
ex
am

ple, une
femme
fameuse
means,
roughly,
'a
woman
of
ill
repute').
It is

worth
noting
that
differe
nces
betwe
en
words
in the
area of

14 In other words

expressi
degrees
ve
of force
meanin
fulness.
g
are
Both
not
unkind
simply
and
a matter
cruel,
of
for
whether
instance
an
,
are
expressi
inherent
on of a
ly
certain
expressi
attitude
ve,
or
showin
evaluati
g
the
on
is
speaker'
inherent
s
ly
disappr
present
oval of
or
someon
absent
e's
in the
attitude.
words
Howeve
in
r,
the
questio
element
n. The
of
same
disappr
attitude
oval in
or
cruel is
evaluati
stronger
on may
than it
be
is
in
express
unkind.
ed
in
The
two
meanin
words
g of a
or
word or
utteranc
lexical
es
in
unit can
widely
be both
differin
proposi
g
tional

an
d
ex
pr
es
si
ve
,
e.
g.
w
hi
n
ge
,
pr
op
os
iti
on
al
on
ly,
e.
g.
b
o
ok
,
or
ex
pr
es
si
ve
on
ly,
e.
g.
bl
o
o
dy
an

d
va
rio
us
ot
he
r
s
w
ea
r
w
or
ds
an
d
e
m
ph
as
iz
er
s.
W
or
ds
w
hi
ch
co
nt
ri
bu
te
so
lel
y
to
ex
pr
es
si
ve
m

eaning
can be
remove
d from
an
utteranc
e
without
affectin
g
its
informa
tion
content.
Conside
r,
for
instance
,
the
word
simply
in the
followi
ng text:
Whil
st it
stimu
lates
your
love
of
actio
n, the
MG
also
cares
for
your
comf
ort.
Hugg
ing
you
on
the
bend

s
with
sport
s
seats.
Spoil
ing
you
with
luxur
ies
such
as
electr
ic
door
mirro
rs,
tinte
d
glass
and
centr
al
locki
ng.
And
enter
taini
ng
you
with
a
great
musi
c
syste
m as
well
as a
simp
ly
mast
erful

p
ct,
e
bu
r
t
f
th
o
e
r
w
m
or
a
d
n
si
c
m
e
pl
.
y
(Today's
in
Cars, Austin th
Rover
e
brochure; my la
emphasis) st
se
T
nt
he
en
re
ce
ar
ha
e
sa
m
tot
an
all
y
y
hi
ex
gh
pr
ly
es
ex
si
pr
ve
es
fu
si
nc
ve
tio
ite
n.
m
R
s
e
in
m
th
ov
e
in
ab
g
ov
it
e
w
ex
ou
tra

ld not
alter the
informa
tion
content
of the
messag
e
but
would,
of
course,
tone its
forceful
ness
down
conside
rably.
2.2.2
Presup
posed
meanin
g
Presupp
osed
meanin
g arises
from
cooccurre
nce
restricti
ons, i.e.
restricti
ons on
what
other
words
or
express
ions we
expect

to see
before
or after
a
particul
ar
lexical
unit.
These
restricti
ons are
of two
types:

1 Selec

tional
restri
ction
s:
these
are a
functi
on of
the
propo
sition
al
meani
ng of
a
word.
We
expec
t
a
huma
n
subje
ct for
the
adject
ive
studi
ous

a
n
d
a
n
i
n
a
n
i
m
a
t
e

t
i
o
n
a
l

o
n
e

r
e
s
t
r
i
c
t
i
o
n
s

f
o
r

a
r
e

g
e
o
m
e
t
r
i
c
a
l
.

d
e
l
i
b
e
r
a
t
e
l
y

S
e
l
e
c

v
i
o
l
a

ted in
the
case
of
figura
tive
langu
age
but
are
other
wise
strictl
y
obser
ved.
2 Collo
catio
nal
restri
ctions
:
these
are
sema
nticall
y
arbitr
ary
restri
ctions
which
do
not
follo
w
logica
lly
from
the
propo
sition
al

meani
ng of
a
word.
For
instan
ce,
laws
are
broke
n in
Engli
sh,
but in
Arabi
c they
are
'contr
adicte
d'. In
Engli
sh,
teeth
are
brush
ed,
but in

G
e
r
m
a
n
a
n
d
I
t
a
l
i
a
n
t
h
e
y
a
r
e
'
p
o
l
i
s
h
e
d
'
,
i
n
P

o
l
i
s
h
t
h
e
y
a
r
e
'
w
a
s
h
e
d
'
,
a
n
d
i
n
R
u
s
s
i
a
n
t
h
e
y

are
'clea
ned'.
Beca
use
they
are
arbitr
ary,
collo
catio
nal
restri
ction
s
tend
to
show
more
variat
ion
acros
s languag
es
than
do
select
ional
restri
ction
s.
They
are
discu
ssed
in
more
detail
in
Chap
ter 3,
secti
on

3.1.
The
differen
ce
betwee
n
selectio
nal and
collocat
ional
restricti
ons is
not
always
as clear
cut as
the
exampl
es
given
above
might
imply.
For
exampl
e,
in
the
followi
ng
English
translat
ion of a
Germa
n
leaflet
which
accomp
anies
Baumle
r
product
s (men's
suits), it

is
di
ffi
cu
lt
to
de
ci
de
w
he
th
er
th
e
a
w
k
w
ar
d
ne
ss
of
th
e
w
or
di
n
g
is
a
re
su
lt
of
vi
ol
at
in
g
se
le

cti
on
al
or
co
ll
oc
ati
on
al
re
str
ict
io
ns
:
D
e
a
r
S
i
r
I
a
m
v
e
r
y
p
l
e
a
s
e
d
t

hat
you
have
selec
ted
one
of
our
garm
ents.
You
have
mad
e a
wise
choi
ce,
as
suits,
jacke
ts
and
trous
ers
emin
ating
from
our
Com
pany
are
amo
ngst
the
fines
t
prod
ucts
Euro
pe
has
to
offer
.

Ideas,
qualitie
s, and
feelings
typicall
y
emanat
e
(misspe
lt
as
eminate
in the
above
text)
from a
source,
but
objects
such as
trouser
s and
jackets
do not,
at least
not in
English
. The
awkwar
dness
of the
wordin
g can
be
explain
ed
in
terms of
selectio
nal or
collocat
ional
restricti
ons,
dependi
ng on

w
he
th
er
or
no
t
on
e
se
es
th
e
re
str
ict
io
n
in
vo
lv
ed
as
a
fu
nc
tio
n
of
th
e
pr
op
os
iti
on
al
m
ea
ni
ng
of
e
m

a
n
at
e.
2.
2.
3
E
vo
ke
d
m
ea
ni
ng
E
v
o
ke
d
m
ea
ni
n
g
ar
is
es
fr
o
m
di
al
ec
t
an
d
re
gi
st
er
va

riation.
A
dialect
is
a
variety
of
languag
e which
has
currenc
y
within
a
specific
community
or
group
of
speaker
s.
It
may be
classifi
ed on
one of
the
followi
ng
bases:

1 Geog

raphi
cal
(e.g.
a
Scott
ish
diale
ct, or
Ame
rican
as
oppo
sed
to

Britis
h
Engli
sh:
cf.
the
differ
ence
betw
een
lift
and
eleva
tor);
2 Temp
oral
(e.g.
word
s and
struct
ures
used
by
mem
bers
of
differ
ent
age
grou
ps
withi
n a
com
muni
ty, or
word
s
used
at
differ
ent
perio
ds in

t
h
e
h
i
s
t
o
r
y
o
f
a
l
a
n
g
u
a
g
e
:
c
f
.
v
e
r
i
l
y
a
n
d
r
e

a
l
l
y
)
;
3S
o
c
i
a
l
(
w
o
r
d
s
a
n
d
s
t
r
u
c
t
u
r
e
s
u
s
e
d
b
y
m

embe
rs of
differ
ent
socia
l
class
es:
cf.
scent
and
perfu
me,
napk
in
and
servi
ette).
Registe
r is a
variety

of
languag
e that a
languag
e user
conside
rs
appropr
iate to a
specific
situatio
n.
Registe
r
variatio
n arises
from
variatio
ns in
the
followi
ng:

16 In other words


1 Field
of
discou
rse:
This is
an
abstrac
t term
for
'what
is
going
on' that
is
releva
nt to
the
speake
r's
choice
of
linguis
tic
items.
Differe
nt
linguis
tic
choice
s are
made
by
differe
nt
speake
rs
depend
ing on
what
kind of
action
other

than
the
immed
iate
action
of
speaki
ng they
see
themse
lves as
partici
pating
in. For
exampl
e,
linguis
tic
choice
s will
vary
accordi
ng to
whethe
r the
speake
r
is
taking
part in
a
footbal
l match
or
discuss
ing
footbal
l;
makin
g love
or
discuss
ing

l
o
v
e
;
m
a
k
i
n
g
a
p
o
l
i
t
i
c
a
l
s
p
e
e
c
h
o
r
d
i
s
c
u
s
s
i
n
g
p
o
l
i
t

i
c
s
;
p
e
r
f
o
r
m
i
n
g
a
n
o
p
e
r
a
ti
o
n
o
r
d
i
s
c
u
s
s
i
n
g
m
e
d
i
c
i
n
e

.

2 Tenor
of
discou
rse: An
abstrac
t term
for the
relation
ships
betwee
n the
people
taking
part in
the
discour
se.
Again,
the
langua
ge
people
use
varies
depend
ing on
such
interpe
rsonal
relation
ships
as
mother
/child,
doctor/
patient,
or
superio
r/inferi
or in
status.
A
patient

is
unlikel
y
to
use
swear
words
in
address
ing a
doctor
and a
mother
is
unlikel
y
to
start a
request
to her
child
with /
wonder
if you
could ..
.
Getting
the
tenor
of
discour
se right
in
translat
ion can
be
quite
difficul
t.
It
depend
s
on
whethe
r one
sees a
certain
level of

f
o
r
m
a
li
t
y
a
s
'r
i
g
h
t'
f
r
o
m
t
h
e
p
e
r
s
p
e
c
ti
v
e
o
f
t
h
e
s
o
u
r
c
e
c

u
lt
u
r
e
o
r
t
h
e
t
a
r
g
e
t
c
u
lt
u
r
e
.
F
o
r
e
x
a
m
p
l
e
,
a
n
A
m
e
ri
c
a
n
t

eenage
r may
adopt a
highly
inform
al tenor
with
his/her
parents
by,
among
other
things,
using
their
first
names
instead
of
Mum/
Mother
and
Dad/F
ather.
This
level of
inform
ality
would
be
highly
inappro
priate
in most
other
culture
s.
A
translat
or has
to
choose
betwee
n
changi

ng the
tenor to
suit the
expecta
tions of
the
target
reader
and
transfer
ring the
inform
al tenor
to give
a
flavour
of the
type of
relation
ship
that
teenage
rs have
with
their
parents
in
Americ
an
society.
What
the
translat
or opts
for on
any
given
occasio
n will
of
course
depend
on
what

s
/
h
e
p
e
r
c
e
i
v
e
s
t
o
b
e
t
h
e
o
v
e
r
a
ll
p
u
r
p
o
s
e
o
f
t
h
e
tr
a
n
s
l
a

3

ti
o
n
.
M
o
d
e
o
f
d
i
s
c
o
u
r
s
e
:
A
n
a
b
s
tr
a
c
t
t
e
r
m
f
o
r
t
h
e
r
o
l
e
t

hat the
langua
ge is
playing
(speec
h,
essay,
lecture,
instruct
ions)
and for
its
mediu
m of
transmi
ssion
(spoke
n,
written
).3
Lingui
stic
choices
are influence
d
by
these
dimens
ions.
For
exampl
e,
a
word
such as
re
is
perfect
ly
approp
riate in
a
busines
s letter
but is
rarely,

if ever,
used in
spoken
English
.
Different
groups
within
each
culture
have
different
expectati
ons about
what
kind of
language
is
appropria
te
to
particular
situations
.
The
amuseme
nt
and
embarras
sment
often
engender
ed
by
children's
remarks
to perfect
strangers
testifies
to this;
more
seriously,
people
unused to
highly
ritualized

sit
uat
ion
s
lik
e
co
m
mit
tee
me
eti
ngs
an
d
job
int
erv
ie
ws
ma
y
fin
d it
diff
icu
lt
to
ma
ke
the
ir
poi
nts,
an
d
ma
y
eve
n

be
rid
icu
led
be
ca
us
e
the
ir
lan
gu
ag
e
ap
pe
ars
ina
pp
ro
pri
ate
to
ot
he
r
pa
rti
cip
ant
s.
A
tra
nsl
ato
r
m
ust
en
sur
e
tha
t
his

/her
product
does not
meet
with a
similar
reaction.
S/he
must
ensure
that the
translati
on
matches
the
register
expectati
ons of
its
prospect
ive
receiver
s,
unless,
of
course,
the
purpose
of
the
translati
on is to
give a
flavour
of
the
source
culture.
Of
all
the types
of lexical
meaning
explaine
d above,
the only

one
which
relates to
the truth
or
falsehoo
d of an
utterance
and
which
can
conseque
ntly be
challeng
ed by a
reader or
hearer is
propositi
onal
meaning.
All other
types of
lexical
meaning
contribut
e to the
overall
meaning
of
an
utterance
or a text
in subtle
and
complex
ways and
are often
much
more
difficult
to
analyse.
To
reiterate,
it
is

rar
ely
po
ssi
ble
in
pra
cti
ce
to
sep
ara
te
the
var
iou
s
typ
es
of
me
ani
ng
in
a
wo
rd
or
utt
era
nc
e.
Li
ke
wi
se,
it
is
rar
ely
po
ssi
ble
to

def
ine
ev
en
the
bas
ic
pro
po
siti
on
al
me
ani
ng
of
a
wo
rd
or
utt
era
nc
e
wit
h
abs
olu
te
cer
tai
nty
.
Th
is
is
be
ca
use
the
nat
ure
of
lan

guage is
such
that, in
the
majority
of cases,
words
have
'blurred
edges';
their
meaning
s are, to
a large
extent,
negotiabl
e and are
only
realized
in
specific
contexts.
The very
notion of
'types of
meaning'
is
theoretic
ally
suspect.
Yet,
I
believe
that the
distinctio
ns drawn
above
can be
useful
for the
translato
r since
one of
the most
difficult

tasks that
a
translator
is
constantl
y faced
with is
that,
notwithst
anding
the
'fuzzines
s'
inherent
in
language
,
s/he
must
attempt
to
perceive
the
meaning
s
of
words
and
utterance
s
very
precisely
in order
to render
them
into
another
language
.
This
forces us
as
translator
s to go
far
beyond
what the
average

rea
der
has
to
do
in
ord
er
to
rea
ch
an
ad
eq
uat
e
un
der
sta
ndi
ng
of
a
tex
t.
2.3
TH
E
PR
OB
LE
M
OF
N
O
NEQ
UI
VA
LE
NC
E

Ba
se
d
on
the
ab
ov
e
dis
cu
ssi
on
,
we
ca
n
no
w
be
gi
n
to
ou
tli
ne
so
me
of
the
m
or
e
co
m
m
on
ty
pe
s
of
no
neq
ui

valence
which
often
pose
difficulti
es
for
the
translato
r
and
some
attested
strategie
s
for
dealing
with
them.
First, a
word of
warning.
The
choice
of
a
suitable
equivale
nt in a
given
context
depends
on
a
wide
variety
of
factors.
Some of
these
factors
may be
strictly
linguisti
c (see,
for
instance,
the
discussi

on
of
collocati
ons and
idioms
in
Chapter
3). Other
factors
may be
extralinguisti
c
(see
Chapter
7). It is
virtually
impossib
le
to
offer
absolute
guidelin
es
for
dealing
with the
various
types of
nonequivale
nce
which
exist
among
language
s. The
most
that can
be done
in this
and the
followin
g
chapters
is
to
suggest
strategie

18 In other words

be used
to deal
with nonequivale
nce
'in
some
contexts'.
The
choice of
a suitable
equivale
nt
will
always
depend
not only
on
the
linguistic
system or
systems
being
handled
by
the
translator
, but also
on
the
way both
the writer
of
the
source
text and
the
producer
of
the
target
text, i.e.
the
translator
, choose
to
manipula
te
the
linguistic

systems
in
question.
2.3.1
Semantic
fields
and
lexical
sets - the
segmenta
tion of
experien
ce
The
words
of a
langua
ge
often
reflect
not so
much
the
reality
of the
world,
but the
interes
ts of
the
people
who
speak
it.
(Palmer,
1976: 21)
It
is
sometime
s useful

to
vie
w
the
voc
abu
lar
y
of
a
lan
gua
ge
as
a
set
of
wo
rds
ref
erri
ng
to a
seri
es
of
con
cep
tual
fiel
ds.
Th
ese
fiel
ds
refl
ect
the
div
isio
ns
and
sub
-

div
isio
ns
'im
pos
ed'
by
a
giv
en
lin
gui
stic
co
mmu
nit
y
on
the
con
tin
uu
m
of
exp
erie
nce
.4
In
lin
gui
stic
s,
the
div
isio
ns
are
call
ed
se
ma
nti

c fields.
Fields are
abstract
concepts.
An
example
of
a
semantic
field
would be
the field
of
SPEECH,
or
PLANTS,
or
VEHICLES

. A large
number
of
semantic
fields are
common
to all or
most
language
s. Most,
if not all,
language
s
will
have
fields of
DISTANC
E, SIZE,
SHAPE,
TIME,
EMOTIO
N,
BELIEFS,
ACADE
MIC
SUBJECTS,
and

NATURAL
PHENOME
NA. The

actual
words
and
expressio
ns under
each field
are
sometime
s called
lexical
sets.5
Each
semantic
field will
normally
have
several
subdivisions
or lexical
sets
under it,
and each
subdivision
will have
further
subdivisions
and
lexical
sets. So,
the field
of
SPEECH

in
English
has
a
subdivision
of VERBS
OF

SPE
EC
H

whi
ch
incl
ude
s
gen
eral
ver
bs
suc
h
as
spe
ak
and
say
and
mo
re
spe
cifi
c
one
s
suc
h
as
mu
mb
le,
mu
rm
ur,
mu
tter
,
and
wh
isp
er.
It
see

ms
rea
son
abl
e to
sug
ges
t
that
the
mo
re
det
aile
d a
se
ma
ntic
fiel
d is
in a
giv
en
lan
gua
ge,
the
mo
re
diff
ere
nt
it is
like
ly
to
be
fro
m
rela
ted
se
ma
ntic
fiel

ds
in
other
language
s. There
generally
tends to
be more
agreemen
t among
language
s on the
larger
headings
of
semantic
fields and
less
agreemen
t as the
subfields
become
more
finely
differentiated.
Most
language
s
are
likely to
have
equivalen
ts for the
more
general
verbs of
speech
such as
say and
speak,
but many
may not
have
equivalen
ts for the

more
specific
ones.
Language
s
understan
dably
tend to
make
only
those
distinctio
ns
in
meaning
which are
relevant
to their
particular
environm
ent, be it
physical,
historical
,
political,
religious,
cultural,
economic
, legal,
technolog
ical,
social, or
otherwise
.
Before
we
discuss
how an
understan
ding of
the
nature
and
organization of
semantic

fiel
ds
mi
ght
be
use
ful
in
tra
nsl
ati
on,
let
me
firs
t

spe
ll
out
the
lim
itat
ion
s
of
se
ma
nti
c
fiel
ds
as
a
co
nc
ept
.
Th
e
ide
a
of
se
ma
nti
c
fiel
ds
is,
in
ma
ny
cas
es,
ina
ppl
ica
ble
an
d

is
an
oversimplific
ation of
the way
language
actually
works. A
large
number
of words
in
any
language
defy
being
classifie
d under
any
heading
(Carter
and
McCarth
y, 1988;
Lehrer,
1974).
Words
like just,
nevertheless,
and only,
to name
but
a
few,
cannot
be easily
filed
under
any
particula
r
semantic
field.
The idea
of

semantic
fields
works
well
enough
for
words
and
expressio
ns which
have
fairly
welldefined
propositi
onal
meaning
s, but not
for all, or
even
most of
the
words
and
expressio
ns in a
language
.
Limita
tions
aside,
there are
two
main
areas in
which an
understa
nding of
semantic
fields
and
lexical
sets can
be useful

to
a
tra
nsl
ato
r:

(a)
ap
pre
cia
tin
g
the
'va
lue
'
tha
ta
wo
rd
has
in
a
giv
en
sys
te
m;
an
d

(b
)

de
vel
opi
ng
str
ate
gie
s
for
de
ali
ng

wit
h
no
neq
uiv
ale
nc
e.
(a)
Un
der
sta
ndi
ng
the
dif
fer
en
ce
in
the
str
uct
ure
of
se
ma
nti
c
fiel
ds
in
the
so
urc
e
an
d
tar
get
lan
gu

ages
allows a
translato
r
to
assess
the value
of
a
given
item in a
lexical
set.
If
you
know
what
other
items are
available
in
a
lexical
set and
how they
contrast
with the
item
chosen
by
a
writer or
speaker,
you can
appreciat
e
the
significa
nce
of
the
writer's
or
speaker's
choice.
You can
understa
nd not
only
what
somethin

g is, but
also
what it is
not. This
is best
illustrate
d by an
example.
In the
field of
TEMPERA
TURE,

English
has four
main
divisions
: cold,
cool, hot
and
warm.
This
contrasts
with
Modern
Arabic,
which
has four
different
divisions
: baarid
('cold/co
ol'),
haar
('hot: of
the
weather')
, saakhin
('hot: of
objects'),
and
daa.fi'
('warm').
Note
that, in

co
ntr
ast
wit
h
En
gli
sh,
Ar
abi
c
(a)
do
es
not
dis
tin
gui
sh
bet
we
en
co
ld
an
d
co
ol,
an
d
(b)
dis
tin
gui
sh
es
bet
we
en
the
hot
ne
ss
of

the
we
ath
er
an
d
the
hot
ne
ss
of
oth
er
thi
ng
s.
Th
e
fac
t
tha
t
En
gli
sh
do
es
not
ma
ke
the
latt
er
dis
tin
cti
on
do
es
not
me
an
tha
t

you can
always
use hot
to
describe
the
temperat
ure
of
somethin
g, even
metapho
rically
(cf. hot
temper,
but not
*hot
feelings)
. There
are
restrictio
ns on the
cooccurren
ce
of
words in
any
language
(see
discussio
n
of
collocati
on:
Chapter
3,
section
3.1).
Now
consider
the
followin
g
example
s from
the

COBUIL
D corpus
of
English:6

(1) Th
e air
was
cold
and
the
wind
was
like a
flat
blade
of ice.
(2) O
utside
the air
was
still
cool.
Bearing
in mind
the
differenc
es in the
structure
of
the
English
and
Arabic
fields,
one can
appreciat
e, on the
one
hand, the
differenc
e
in
meaning
between
cold and

co
ol
in
the
ab
ov
e
ex

am
ple
s
an
d,
on
the


20 In other words
other, the potential difficulty in making such a distinction clear when
translating into Arabic.
(b) Semantic fields are arranged hierarchically, going from the more
general to the more specific. The general word is usually referred to as
superordinate and the specific word as hyponym. In the field of
VEHICLES, vehicle is a superordinate and bus, car, truck, coach, etc. are all
hyponyms of vehicle. It stands to reason that any propositional meaning
carried by a superordinate or general word is, by necessity, part of the
meaning of each of its hyponyms, but not vice versa. If something is a bus,
then it must be a vehicle, but not the other way round. We can sometimes
manipulate this feature of semantic fields when we are faced with
semantic gaps in the target language. Translators often deal with semantic
gaps by modifying a superordinate word or by means of circumlocutions
based on modifying superordinates. More on this in the following section.
To sum up, while not always straightforward or applicable, the notion of
semantic fields can provide the translator with useful strategies for dealing
with non-equivalence in some contexts. It is also useful in heightening our
awareness of similarities and differences between any two languages and
of the significance of any choice made by a speaker in a given context.
One important thing to bear in mind when dealing with semantic fields is
that they are not fixed. Semantic fields are always changing, with new
words and expressions being introduced into the language and others
being dropped as they become less relevant to the needs of a linguistic
community.
For a more extensive discussion of semantic fields, see Lehrer (1974).
2.3.2 Non-equivalence at word level and some common strategies for
dealing with it
Non-equivalence at word level means that the target language has no
direct equivalent for a word which occurs in the source text. The type and
level of difficulty posed can vary tremendously depending on the nature of
non-equivalence. Different kinds of non-equivalence require different
strategies, some very straightforward, others more involved and difficult
to handle. Since, in addition to the nature of non-equivalence, the context
and purpose of translation will often rule out some strategies and favour
others, I will keep the discussion of types of non-equivalence separate
from the discussion of strategies

used by professional translators. It is neither possible nor helpful to
attempt to relate specific types of non-equivalence to specific strategies,
but I will comment on the advantages or disadvantages of certain
strategies wherever possible.
2.3-2.1 Common problems of non-equivalence
The following are some common types of non-equivalence at word level,
with examples from various languages:
(a) Culture-specific concepts
The source-language word may express a concept which is totally
unknown in the target culture. The concept in question may be abstract or
concrete; it may relate to a religious belief, a social custom, or even a type
of food. Such concepts are often referred to as 'culture-specific'. An
example of an abstract English concept which is notoriously difficult to
translate into other languages is that expressed by the word privacy. This
is a very 'English' concept which is rarely understood by people from
other cultures. Speaker (of the House of Commons) has no equivalent in
many languages, such as Russian, Chinese, and Arabic among others. It is
often translated into Russian as 'Chairman', which does not reflect the role
of the Speaker of the House of Commons as an independent person who
maintains authority and order in Parliament. An example of a concrete
concept is airing cupboard in English which, again, is unknown to
speakers of most languages.
(b) The source-language concept is not lexicalized in the target
language
The source-language word may express a concept which is known in the
target culture but simply not lexicalized, that is not 'allocated' a targetlanguage word to express it. The word savoury has no equivalent in many
languages, although it expresses a concept which is easy to understand.
The adjective standard (meaning 'ordinary, not extra , as in standard
range of products) also expresses a concept which is very accessible and
readily understood by most people, yet Arabic has no equivalent for it.
Landslide has no ready equivalent in many languages, although it simply
means 'overwhelming majority'.

22

In other words

(c) The
sourcelanguage
word is
semantica
lly
complex
The
sourcelanguage
word may
be
semantica
lly
complex.
This is a
fairly
common
problem
in
translatio
n. Words
do
not
have to
be
morpholo
gically
complex
to
be
semantica
lly
complex
(Bolinger
and
Sears,
1968). In
other
words, a
single
word
which
consists

of
a
single
morphem
e
can
sometime
s express
a
more
complex
set
of
meanings
than
a
whole
sentence.
Language
s
automatic
ally
develop
very
concise
forms for
referring
to
complex
concepts
if
the
concepts
become
important
enough to
be talked
about
often.
Bolinger
and Sears
suggest
that 'If we
should
ever need
to
talk
regularly
and

freq
uent
ly
abo
ut
inde
pen
dent
ly
ope
rate
d
saw
mill
s
fro
m
whi
ch
stri
kin
g
wor
kers
are
lock
ed
out
on
Thu
rsda
y
whe
n
the
tem
pera
ture
is
bet
wee
n
500
°

and
600
°F,
we
wou
ld
find
a
con
cise
way
to
do
it'
(ibi
d.:
114
).
We
do
not
usu
ally
real
ize
how
sem
anti
call
y
com
plex
a
wor
d is
unti
l we
hav
e to
tran
slat
e it
into
a

language
which
does not
have an
equivalen
t for it.
An
example
of such a
semantica
lly
complex
word is
arruagao
,
a
Brazilian
word
which
means
'clearing
the
ground
under
coffee
trees of
rubbish
and piling
it in the
middle of
the row in
order to
aid in the
recovery
of beans
dropped
during
harvestin
g'
(/77
News,
1988:
57).7
(d) The
source

and target
languages
make
different
distinctio
ns in
meaning
The
target
language
may
make
more or
fewer
distinctio
ns
in
meaning
than the
source
language.
What one
language
regards as
an
important
distinctio
n
in
meaning
another
language
may not
perceive
as relevant. For
example,
Indonesia
n makes a
distinctio
n
between
going out
in
the
rain

wit
hou
t
the
kno
wle
dge
that
it is
rain
ing
(ke
huj
ana
n)
and
goi
ng
out
in
the
rain
wit
h
the
kno
wle
dge
that
it is
rain
ing
(hu
jan
huj
ana
n).
Eng
lish
doe
s
not
ma

ke
this
dist
inct
ion,
wit
h
the
resu
lt
that
if
an
Eng
lish
text
refe
rred
to
goi
ng
out
in
the
rain
,
the
Ind
one
sian
tran
slat
or
ma
y
find
it
diff
icul
t to
cho
ose
the
righ

t
equivalen
t, unless
the
context
makes it
clear
whether
or not the
person in
question
knew that
it
was
raining.
(e) The
target
language
lacks a
superordi
nate
The
target
language
may have
specific
words
(hypony
ms) but
no
general
word
(superord
inate) to
head the
semantic
field.
Russian
has
no
ready
equivalen
t
for
facilities,

meaning
'any
equipmen
t,
building,
services,
etc. that
are
provided
for
a
particular
activity
or
purpose'.8
It does,
however,
have
several
specific
words
and
expressio
ns

whi
ch
can
be
tho
ugh
t of
as
typ
es
of
faci
litie
s,
for
exa
mpl
e
sre
dst
va
per
edv
izh
eni
ya
('m
ean
s of
tran
spo
rt'),
nae
m
('lo
an')
,
neo
bkh
odi
my
e
po
me

sch
che
niy
a
('es
sent
ial
acc
om
mo
dati
on')
,
and
neo
bkh
odi
mo
e
obo
rud
ova
nie
('es
sent
ial
equ
ipm
ent'
).
(f)
The
targ
et
lan
gua
ge
lac
ks a
spe
cifi
c

term
(hypony
m)
More
commonl
y,
languages
tend
to
have
general
words
(superord
in-ates)
but lack
specific
ones
(hypony
ms),
since
each
language
makes
only
those
distinctio
ns
in
meaning
which
seem
relevant
to
its
particular
environm
ent. There
are
endless
examples
of
this
type
of
nonequivalen
ce.
English
has many

hyponym
s under
article for
which it
is
difficult
to
find
precise
equivalen
ts in other
languages
,
for
example
feature,
survey,
report,
critique,
comment
ary,
review,
and many
more.
Under
house,
English
again has
a variety
of
hyponym
s which
have no
equivalen
ts
in
many
languages
,
for
example
bungalow
, cottage,
croft,
chalet,
lodge,
hut,
mansion,

ma
nor,
vill
a,
and
hall
.
Un
der
jum
p
we
find
mor
e
spe
cifi
c
ver
bs
suc
h as
lea
p,
vau
lt,
spri
ng,
bou
nce
,
div
e,
cle
ar,
plu
nge
,
and
plu
mm
et.

(g)
Diff
ere
nce
s in
phy
sica
l or
inte
rper
son
al
per
spe
ctiv
e
Phy
sica
l
per
spe
ctiv
e
ma
y
be
of
mor
e
imp
orta
nce
in
one
lan
gua
ge
tha
n it
is
in
ano
ther

. Physical
perspecti
ve has to
do with
where
things or
people
are
in
relation
to
one
another
or to a
place, as
expressed
in pairs
of words
such as
come/go,
take/brin
g,
arrive/de
part, and
so
on.
Perspecti
ve may
also
include
the
relationsh
ip
between
participa
nts in the
discourse
(tenor).
For
example,
Japanese
has six
equivalen
ts
for
give,
dependin
g on who

gives to
whom:
yaru,
ageru,
morau,
kureru,
itadaku,
and
kudasaru
(McCrear
y, 1986).
(h)
Differenc
es in
expressiv
e
meaning
There
may be a
targetlanguage
word
which
has the
same
prepositional
meaning
as
the
sourcelanguage
word, but
it
may
have
a
different
expressiv
e
meaning.
The
differenc
e may be
considera

ble
or
it
ma
y
be
sub
tle
but
imp
orta
nt
eno
ugh
to
pos
e a
tran
slat
ion
pro
ble
m
in a
giv
en
con
text
. It
is
usu
ally
easi
er
to
add
exp
ress
ive
me
ani
ng
tha
n о

sub
trac
t it.
In
oth
er
wor
ds,
if
the
targ
etlan
gua
ge
equ
ival
ent
is
neu
tral
co
mp
are
d to
the
sou
rcelan
gua
ge
ite
m,
the
tran
slat
or
can
so
met
ime
s
add
the

evaluativ
e element
by means
of
a
modifier
or adverb
if

necessary
, or by
building
it
in
somewhe
re else in
the text.

24

In other words

So, it may
emotionall
be
y loaded
possible,
than
the
for
sourceinstance,
language
in
some
item. This
contexts to
is often the
render the
case with
English
items
verb
which
batter (as
relate to
in
sensitive
child/wife
issues
battering)
such
as
by
the
religion,
more
politics,
neutral
and sex.
Japanese
Words like
verb
homosexu
tataku,
ality and
meaning
homosexu
'to beat',
al provide
plus
an
good
equivalent
examples.
modifier
Homosexu
such
as
ality is not
'savagely'
an
or
inherently
'ruthlessly'
pejorative
.
word
in
Difference
English,
s
in
although it
expressive
is
often
meaning
used
in
are usually
this way.
more
On
the
difficult to
other
handle
hand, the
when the
equivalent
targetexpression
language
in Arabic,
equivalent
shithuth
is
more
jinsi

(liter
ally:
'sexu
al
perv
ersio
n'),
is
inhe
rentl
y
mor
e
pejo
rativ
e
and
woul
d be
quite
diffi
cult
to
use
in a
neut
ral
cont
ext
with
out
sugg
estin
g
stron
g
disa
ppro
val.
(i)
Diff
eren
ces

in
form
Ther
e is
ofte
n no
equi
vale
nt in
the
targe
t
lang
uage
for a
parti
cular
form
in
the
sour
ce
text.
Cert
ain
suffi
xes
and
prefi
xes
whic
h
conv
ey
prop
ositi
onal
and
othe
r
type
s of
mea
ning

in English
often have
no direct
equivalent
s in other
languages.
English
has many
couplets
such
as
employer/
employee,
trainer/tra
inee, and
payer/pay
ee. It also
makes
frequent
use
of
suffixes
such
as
-ish (e.g.
boyish,
hellish,
greenish)
and -able
(e.g.
conceivab
le,
retrievabl
e,
drinkable)
. Arabic,
for
instance,
has
no
ready
mechanis
m
for
producing
such
forms and
so they are
often
replaced

by
an
appropriat
e
paraphrase
,
depending
on
the
meaning
they
convey
(e.g.
retrievabl
e as 'can
be
retrieved'
and
drinkable
as 'suitable
for
drinking').
Affixes
which
contribute
to evoked
meaning,
for
instance
by
creating
buzz
words
such
as
washateria,
carpeteria
,
and
groceteria
(Bolinger
and Sears,
1968), and
those
which
convey
expressive
meaning,

such
as
jour
nale
se,
tran
slation
ese,
and
lega
lese
(the
-ese
suffi
x
usua
lly
sugg
ests
disa
ppro
val
of a
mud
dled
or
stilte
d
form
of
writi
ng)
are
mor
e
diffi
cult
to
trans
late
by
mea
ns of
a

para
phra
se. It
is
relati
vely
easy
to
para
phra
se
prop
ositi
onal
mea
ning,
but
othe
r
type
s of
mea
ning
cann
ot
alwa
ys
be
spelt
out
in a
trans
latio
n.
Thei
r
subtl
e
cont
ribut
ion
to
the
over
all

meaning
of the text
is either
lost
altogether
or
recovered
elsewhere
by means
of
compensat
ory
techniques
.
It
is
most
important
for
translators
to
understan
d
the
contributi
on
that
affixes
make to
the
meaning
of words
and
expression
s,
especially
since such
affixes are
often used
creatively
in English
to
coin
new words
for various
reasons,
such
as
filling
temporary

semantic
gaps

in
the
lan
gua
ge
and
crea
ting
hu
mo
ur.
The
ir
con
trib
utio
n is
also
imp
orta
nt
in
the
area
of
ter
min
olo
gy
and
stan
dar
diza
tion
.
(j)
Diff
ere
nce
s in
freq
uen
cy

and
pur
pos
e of
usin
g
spe
cifi
c
for
ms
Eve
n
whe
n a
part
icul
ar
for
m
doe
s
hav
e a
read
y
equi
vale
nt
in
the
targ
et
lang
uag
e,
ther
e
may
be a
diff
eren
ce
in

the
frequency
with
which it
is used or
the
purpose
for which
it is used.
English,
for
instance,
uses the
continuou
s
-ing
form for
binding
clauses
much
more
frequently
than other
languages
which
have
equivalen
ts for it,
for
example
German
and the
Scandina
vian
languages
.
Conseque
ntly,
rendering
every
-ing form
in
an
English
source
text with
an

equivalent
-ing form
in
a
German,
Danish, or
Swedish
target text
would
result in
stilted,
unnatural
style.
(k) The
use of
loan
words in
the source
text
The use
of
loan
words in
the source
text poses
a special
problem
in
translatio
n. Quite
apart
from their
respective
propositio
nal
meaning,
loan
words
such as
aufait,
chic, and
alfresco
in English
are often
used for

thei
r
pres
tige
val
ue,
bec
aus
e
the
y
can
add
an
air
of
sop
hist
icat
ion
to
the
text
or
its
subj
ect
mat
ter.
Thi
s is
ofte
n
lost
in
tran
slati
on
bec
aus
e it
is
not
alw
ays

pos
sibl
e to
find
a
loa
n
wor
d
wit
h
the
sam
e
mea
nin
g in
the
targ
et
lan
gua
ge.
Dil
etta
nte
is a
loa
n
wor
d in
Eng
lish,
Rus
sian
,
and
Jap
ane
se;
but
Ara
bic
has
no

equivalen
t
loan
word.
This
means
that only
the
propositio
nal
meaning
of
dilettante
can
be
rendered
into
Arabic;
its
stylistic
effect
would
almost
certainly
have to
be
sacrificed
.
Loan
words
also pose
another
problem
for
the
unwary
translator,
namely
the
problem
of false
friends,
or faux
amis as
they are
often
called.
False

friends
are words
or
expressio
ns which
have the
same
form in
two
or
more
languages
but
convey
different
meanings.
They are
often
associate
d
with
historicall
y
or
culturally
related
languages
such as
English,
French,
and
German,
but in fact
false
friends
also
abound
among
totally
unrelated
languages
such as
English,
Japanese,
and
Russian.
Once a
word or

exp
ress
ion
is
borr
owe
d
into
a
lan
gua
ge,
we
can
not
pre
dict
or
con
trol
its
dev
elo
pm
ent
or
the
add
itio
nal
mea
nin
gs
it
mig
ht
or
mig
ht
not
tak
e
on.
So

me
fals
e
frie
nds
are
eas
y to
spot
bec
aus
e
the
iiter
enc
e in
thei
r
mea
nin
gs
is
so
gre
at
that
onl
ya
ver
y
ine
xpe
rien
ced
tran
slat
or
is
like
ly
to
be
una
war

e of it.
The
average
Japanese
ranslator
is not
likely to

confuse
an
English
feminist
with a
Japanese

26 In other words

feminist
(feminis
t
in
Japanes
e
is
usually
used to
describe
a man
who is
excessiv
ely soft
with
women)
.
An
inexperi
enced
French
or
German
translato
r may,
however
,
confuse
English
sensible
with
German
sensibel
(meanin
g
'sensitiv
e'), or
English
sympath
etic
with
French
sympath
ique
(meanin

g
'nice/li
keable')
.
The
above
are
some of
the
more
commo
n
exampl
es
of
nonequival
ence
among
languag
es and
the
proble
ms they
pose
for
translators.
In
dealing
with
any
kind of
nonequival
ence, it
is
importa
nt first
of all to
assess
its
signific

an
ce
an
d
im
pli
cat
io
ns
in
a
gi
ve
n
co
nte
xt.
No
t
ev
er
y
ins
tan
ce
of
no
neq
ui
val
en
ce
yo
u
en
co
un
ter
is
go
in
g
to

be
si
gn
ifi
ca
nt.
It
is
ne
it
he
r
po
ss
ib
le
no
r
de
sir
ab
le
to
re
pr
od
uc
e
ev
er
y
as
pe
ct
of
m
ea
ni
ng
fo
r
ev
er
y

word in
a source
text. We
have to
try, as
much as
possible
,
to
convey
the
meaning
of key
words
which
are
focal to
the
understa
nding
and
develop
ment of
a text,
but we
cannot
and
should
not
distract
the
reader
by
looking
at every
word in
isolation
and
attempti
ng
to
present
him/her
with a
full
linguisti

c
account
of its
meanin
g.
2.3.2.2
Strategi
es used
by
professi
onal
translat
ors
With
the
above
proviso
in
mind,
we can
now
look at
exampl
es
of
strategi
es used
by
professi
onal
translat
ors for
dealing
with
various
types
of nonequival
ence. In
each
exampl
e, the
source-

lan
gu
ag
e
wo
rd
wh
ich
re
pr
es
ent
sa
tra
nsl
ati
on
pr
ob
le
m
is
un
de
rli
ne
d.
Th
e
str
ate
gy
us
ed
by
the
tra
nsl
ato
r
is
hi
gh
lig

ht
ed
in
bo
ld
in
bo
th
th
e
or
ig
in
al
tr
an
sl
ati
on
an
d
th
e
ba
ck
tr
an
sl
at
ed
ve
rsi
on
.
O
nl
y
th
e
str
at
eg
ie

s used
for
dealing
with
nonequivale
nce at
word
level
will be
commen
ted on.
Other
strategie
s
and
differen
ces
between
the
source
and
target
texts are
dealt
with in
subsequ
ent
chapters
.
(a)
Translat
ion by a
more
general
word
(superor
dinate)

strategi
es for
dealing
with
many
types
of nonequival
ence,
particul
arly in
the area
of
proposi
tional
meanin
g.
It
works
equally
well in
most, if
not all,
langua
ges,
since
the
hierarc
hical
structur
e
of
semanti
c fields
is not
langua
gespecific
.

This is
one of
the
commo
nest

Exa
mpl
eA
Sour
ce

t
e
x
t

i
n
g

KO

a
(
K
o
l
e
s
t
r
a
l
S
u
p
e
r
l
e
a
f
l
e
t
a
c
c
o
m
p
a
n
y

a
m
y
LE
ST

h
a
i
r
c
o
n
d
i
t
i
o
n
i
n
g
p
r
o
d
u
c
t
)
:
Th
e
ric
h
an
d
cre

Target
text
(Arab
ic):

RA
LSU
PE
R

is
ea
sy
to
ap
pl
y
an
d
ha
sa
pl
ea
sa
nt
fra
gr
an
ce.

*>->■ *~-~*>
<JX-J I
j»*-l-. ^
<*■■*»*
U—.
,l_*c^JCJ I
* ■ A.
.... j.A) (

Kol
estr
al
sup
er
is
rich
and
con
cen
trat
ed
in
its
ma
keup
whi
ch
giv
es a
pro
duc
t
that
rese
mbl
es
cre
am,
ma
kin

g
i
t
e
x
t
r
e
m
e
l
y
e
a
s
y
t
o
p
u
t
o
n
t
h
e
h
a
i
r.
E
x
a
m
p
l
e
В
S
o
u
r
c
e

t
e
x
t
(
K
o
l
e
s
t
r
a
l
S
u
p
e
r
)
:
S
h
a
m
p
o
o
t
h
e
h
a
ir
w
it
h
a
m
il
d
W
E
L
L
A

-

and
light
ly
tow
el
dry.

mp
oo
and
rub
ligh
tly
wit
h a
tow
el.

Target
text 1
(Spanis
h):

Target
text 2
(Arabi
c):

SHA
MPO
O

Lav
ar el
cabe
llo
con
un
cha
mpu
suav
e de
WEL
LA у

frota
r
liger
ame
nte
con
una
toall
a.
Was
h
hair
with
a
mild
WEL
LA

sha

. . .

The
hair
is
was
hed
wit
h
'wel
la'
sha
mp
oo,
pro
vid
ed
that
it is
a
mil
d
sha
mp
oo .
..
Examp
le С
Source
text (A

.tU— mj I

j ■ -■ А, Г I

B
ri
ef
H
is
to
ry
of
Ti
m
e
H
a
w
ki
n
g,
1
9
8
8;
se
e
A
p
pe
n
di
x
1)
:
A
w
e
l
l
k
n
o
w
n

s
c
i
e
n
t
i
s
t
(
s
o
m
e
s
a
y
i
t
w
a
s
B
e
r
t
r
a
n
d
R
u
s
s
e
l
l
)

once
gave
a
publ
ic
lect
ure
on
astr
ono
my.
He
desc
ribe
d
how
the
eart
h
orbit
s
arou
nd
the
sun
and
how
the
sun,
in
turn,
orbit
s
arou
nd
the
cent
er of
a
vast
coll
ecti
on
of

star
s
call
ed
our
gal
axy.
Target
text
(Spanis
h):
Un
con
oci
do
cien
tific
o
(alg
uno
s
dice
n
que
fue
Ber
tran
d
Rus
sell
)
dab
a
una
vez
una
con
fere
ncia
sob
re
astr
ono

m
i
a
.
E
n
e
l
l
a
d
e
s
c
r
i
b
f
a
c
6
m
o
l
a
T
i
e
r
r
a
g
i
r
a
b
a

a
l
r
e
d
e
d
o
r
d
e
l
S
o
l
у
c
o
m
o
e
s
t
e
,
a
s
u
v
e
z
,
g
i

rab
a
alre
dedo
r del
cent
ro
de
una
vast
a
cole
ccio

n de
estr
ella
s
con
cida
co
mo
nue
stra
gala
xia.


28 In other words
A well-known scientist (some say that it was Bertrand Russell) once
gave a lecture on astronomy. In it he described how the Earth
revolved around the Sun and how the latter in its turn revolved
around the centre of a vast collection of stars known as our galaxy.
Example D
Source text {China's Panda Reserves; see Appendix 3, no. 3):
Today there may be no more than 1000 giant pandas left in the wild,
restricted to a few mountain strongholds in the Chinese provinces of
Sichuan, Shaanxi and Gansu.
Target text (back-translated from Chinese):
Today there may be only 1000 big pandas which still remain in the
wild state, restricted to certain mountain areas in China's Sichuan,
Shaanxi and Gansu.
The above examples illustrate the use of a general word (superordin-ate)
to overcome a relative lack of specificity in the target language compared
to the source language. 'Shampooing' can be seen as a type of 'washing'
since it is more restricted in its use: you can wash lots of things but you
can only shampoo hair. Similarly, 'orbiting' is a type of 'revolving'
because, unlike 'revolving', it only applies to a smaller object revolving
around a larger one in space. What the translators of the above extracts
have done is to go up a level in a given semantic field to find a more
general word that covers the core propositional meaning of the missing
hyponym in the target language.

Target text: (Italian):
Qualcuno suggerisce: 'i nostri concorrenti lo fanno.'
Someone suggests: 'Our competitors do it.'
There is a noticeable difference in the expressive meaning of mumble and
its nearest Italian equivalent, mugugnare. The English verb mumble
suggests confusion or embarrassment, as can be seen in the following
examples:9
Simon mumbled confusedly: 'I don't believe in the beast.'
I looked at the ground, shuffled my feet and mumbled something
defensive.
'I know it wasn't very successful,' he mumbled. 'But give me
another chance.'
The Italian near equivalent, mugugnare, on the other hand, tends to
suggest dissatisfaction rather than embarrassment or confusion. Possibly
to avoid conveying the wrong expressive meaning, the Italian translator
opted for a more general word, suggerisce ('suggest').
Example В
Source text {A Study of Shamanistic Practices in Japan - Blacker,
1975; see Appendix 5):
The shamanic practices we have investigated are rightly seen as an
archaic mysticism.
Target text (back-translated from Japanese):

(b) Translation by a more neutral/less expressive word
Example A
Source text: {Morgan Matroc - ceramics company brochure; see
Appendix 2):
Today people are aware that modern ceramic materials offer
unrivalled properties for many of our most demanding industrial
applications. So is this brochure necessary; isn't the ceramic market
already over-bombarded with technical literature; why should
Matroc add more?
Because someone mumbles, 'Our competitors do it.' But why
should we imitate our competitors when Matroc probably supplies a
greater range of ceramic materials for more applications than any
other manufacturer.

The shamanic behaviour which we have been researching should
rightly be considered as ancient mysticism.
The translator could have used a Japanese phrase which means, roughly,
'behind the times' and which would have been closer to both the
propositional and expressive meanings of archaic. This, however, would
have been too direct, that is too openly disapproving by Japanese
standards (Haruko Uryu, personal communication). The expressive
meaning of archaic is lost in the translation.
Example С
Source text {China's Panda Reserves; see Appendix 3, no. 47):
Many of the species growing wild here are familiar to us as plants
cultivated in European gardens - species like this exotic lily.

30 In other words
We are very familiar with many varieties of the wild life here, they are the
kind grown in European gardens - varieties like this strange unique lily
flower.
Exotic has no equivalent in Chinese and other oriental languages. It is a word
used by westerners to refer to unusual, interesting things which come from a
distant country such as China. The orient does not have a concept of what is
exotic in this sense and the expressive meaning of the word is therefore lost in
translation.
Example D
Source text (China's Panda Reserves; see Appendix 3, no. 5):
The panda is something of a zoological mystery.
The panda may be called a riddle in zoology.
There is an equivalent for mystery in Chinese, but it is mostly associated with
religion. The translator felt that it would be wrong to use it in a zoological
context.10
Example E
Source text (China's Panda Reserves; see Appendix 3, nos 8 & 10):
(i) The panda's mountain home is wet and lush, (ii) The panda's
mountain home is rich in plant life ...
(i) The mountain habitat of the panda is wet and lush, (ii) The mountain
settlements of the panda have rich varieties of plants.
Home has no direct equivalent in Chinese; in fact, it is difficult to translate into
most languages. In the examples above, it is replaced by Chinese nearequivalents which are both less expressive and more formal.
It is sometimes possible to retain expressive meaning by adding a modifier, as
in the following example.
Example F
Source text (Soldati, 'I passi sulla neve'):11
Ma gia, oltre i tetti carichi di neve, a non piu di duecento metri dalla parte
di Torino, si vedevano altissimi, geometrici, tutti

quadrettati in mille finestre luminose e balconcini, i primi palazzi
condominiali, case a riscatto, falansteri di operai e di impiegati.
Target text (English: 'Footsteps in the snow'):
But already, beyond the snow-laden roofs, and no more than two hundred
metres in the direction of Turin, there were to be seen towering,
geometrical, chequered by a thousand lighted windows and balconies, the
first joint-owned buildings, houses under mortgage, workers' and clerks'
ugly blocks of flats.
The adjective 'ugly' does not actually appear in the source text. The following
translator's footnote explains why ugly was added in the target text:
Falansteri: communal dwellings which formed part of an ideal cooperative
life preached by the French philosopher and socialist writer Charles Fourier
(1772-1837). In Italian the word has a pejorative connotation.
(c) Translation by cultural substitution
This strategy involves replacing a culture-specific item or expression with a
target-language item which does not have the same proposi-tional meaning but is
likely to have a similar impact on the target reader. The main advantage of using
this strategy is that it gives the reader a concept with which s/he can identify,
something familiar and appealing. On an individual level, the translator's
decision to use this strategy will largely depend on (a) how much licence is given
to him/ her by those who commission the translation and (b) the purpose of the
translation. On a more general level, the decision will also reflect, to some
extent, the norms of translation prevailing in a given community. Linguistic
communities vary in the extent to which they tolerate strategies that involve
significant departure from the propositional meaning of the text.
Example A
Source text (A Brief History of Time - Hawking, 1988; see
Appendix 1):
A well-known scientist (some say it was Bertrand Russell) once gave a
public lecture on astronomy. He described how the earth orbits around the
sun and how the sun, in turn, orbits around the center of a vast collection of
stars called our galaxy. At the

32 In other
words

Equivalence at word
level 33
e
n
d
o
f
t
h
e
l
e
c
t
u
r
e
,
a
l
i
t
t
l
e
o
l
d
l
a
d
y
a
t
t
h
e

b
a
c
k
o
f
t
h
e
r
o
o
m
g
o
t
u
p
a
n
d
s
a
i
d
:
'
W
h
a
t
y
o
u

have
told
us is
rubb
ish.
The
worl
d is
reall
y a
flat
plate
supp
orte
d on
the
back
of a
giant
torto
ise,'
The
scie
ntist
gave
a
supe
rior
smil
e
befo
re
repl
ying
,
'Wh
at is
the
torto
ise
stan
ding
on?'

'You'
re
very
clev
er,
you
ng
man,
very
clev
er,'
said
the
old
lady.
'But
it's
turtl
es
all
the
way
dow
n!'
T
ar
ge
t
te
xt
(b
ac
ktr
an
sl
at
ed
fr
o
m
G
re

ek)
:
A
l
i
c
e
i
n
W
o
n
d
e
r
l
a
n
d
w
a
s
o
n
c
e
g
i
v
i
n
g
a
l
e
c
t

u
r
e
a
b
o
u
t
a
s
t
r
o
n
o
m
y
.
S
h
e
s
a
i
d
t
h
a
t
t
h
e
e
a
r
t
h
i
s

a
sphe
rical
plan
et in
the
solar
syst
em
whic
h
orbit
s
arou
nd
its
centr
e the
sun,
and
that
the
sun
is a
star
whic
h in
turn
orbit
s
arou
nd
the
centr
e of
the
star
syst
em
whic
h we
call
the
Gala

xy.
At
the
end
of
the
lectu
re
the
Que
en
look
ed at
her
angr
ily
and
disa
ppro
ving
ly.
'Wh
at
you
say
is
nons
ense
.
The
eart
h is
just
a
gian
t
play
ing
card
, so
it's
flat
like
all

p
l
a
y
i
n
g
c
a
r
d
s
,
'
s
h
e
s
a
i
d
,
a
n
d
t
u
r
n
e
d
t
r
i
u
m
p
h
a
n

t
l
y
t
o
t
h
e
m
e
m
b
e
r
s
o
f
h
e
r
r
e
t
i
n
u
e
,
w
h
o
s
e
e
m
e
d
c
l

earl
y
satis
fied
by
her
expl
anati
on.
Alic
e
smil
ed a
supe
rior
smil
e,
'And
what
is
this
play
ing
card
support
ed
on?'
she
aske
d
with
iron
y.
The
Que
en
did
not
see
m
put
out,
'You

are
clev
er,
very
clev
er,'
she
repli
ed,
'so
let
me
tell
you,
you
ng
lady
,
that
this
play
ing
card
is
supp
orte
d on
anot
her,
and
the
othe
r on
anot
her
othe
r,
and
the
othe
r
othe
r on
anot

h
e
r
o
t
h
e
r
o
t
h
e
r
.
.
.
'
S
h
e

e

s
t
o
p
p
e
d
,
o
u
t
o
f
b
r
e
a
t
h
,
'
T
h

b
u
t
a

U
n
i
v
e
r
s
e
i
s
n
o
t
h
i
n
g

g
r
e
a
t
b
i
g
p
a
c
k
o
f
c
a

rds,'
she
shrie
ked.
T
h
e
a
b
o
v
e
e
x
a
m
p
l
e
i
l
l
u
s
t
r
a
t
e
s
a
v
e
r
y
i
n
t

e
r
e
s
t
i
n
g
u
s
e
o
f
t
h
e
s
t
r
a
t
e
g
y
o
f
c
u
l
t
u
r
a
l
s
u
b
s
t

itutio
n. It is
the
openi
ng
passa
ge in
Steph
en
Hawk
ing's
popul
ar
book
about
Time
and
the
Big
Bang
Theor
y
(1988
).
Like
Hawk
ing in
the
origin
al
text,
the
Greek
transl
ator
sets
out to
captur
e the
undivi
ded
attenti
on of

the
reader
imme
diatel
y.
S/he
decid
es
that
this is
best
achie
ved
by
introd
ucing
the
reader
to
chara
cters
which
are
famili
ar and
intere
sting
rather
than
to
foreig
n
chara
cters
and
stereo
types
with
which
the
reader
may
not

i
d
e
n
t
i
f
y
.
A
l
i
c
e
i
n
W
o
n
d
e
r
l
a
n
d
i
s
a
p
p
a
r
e
n
t
l
y
w

e
l
l
k
n
o
w
n
i
n
G
r
e
e
c
e
;
t
h
e
a
v
e
r
a
g
e
e
d
u
c
a
t
e
d
G
r
e

ek is
clearl
y
expec
ted to
know
the
story
and to
be
famili
ar
with
the
chara
cters
of
Alice
and
the
Quee
n, as
well
as the
playin
g-card
chara
cters.
For
anyon
e who
has
read
the
story,
the
associ
ation
with
Alice
recall
s an
image

of a
topsyturvy
parad
oxical
world
,
which
is
partic
ularly
appos
ite in
this
conte
xt. A
little
old
lady
at the
back
of the
room
is an
Englis
h
stereo
type
of
some
one
who
is
endea
ring
but
tends
to get
the
wrong
end of
the
stick,

t
h
a
t
i
s
,
t
o
m
i
s
u
n
d
e
r
s
t
a
n
d
w
h
a
t
i
s
b
e
i
n
g
s
a
i
d
.
T
h

i
s
s
t
e
r
e
o
t
y
p
e
i
m
a
g
e
i
s
n
o
t
l
i
k
e
l
y

to be
acces
sible
to
peopl
e
from
other
cultur
es. It
is
replac
ed by
'the
Quee
n',
and
this is
then
follo
wed
by a
series
of
intere
sting
substi
tution
s,
such
as
'giant
playi
ng
card'
for
flat
plate
and 'a
great
big
pack
of

cards'
for
turtle
s all
the
way
down
.
Ex
a
m
pl
e
В
So
urc
e
tex
t
(T
he
Pa
tri
ck
Co
lle
cti
on
-a
lea
fle
t
pr
od
uc
ed
by
a
pri
vat
ely
ow
ne

d
m
us
eu
m
of
cl
as
si
c
ca
rs;
se
e
A
pp
en
di
x
4)
:
The
Patri
ck
Coll
ectio
n
has
resta
uran
t
facil
ities
to
suit
ever
y
taste
from
the
disc
erni

ng
gour
met,
to
the
Crea
m
Tea
expe
rt.
Ta
rg
et
te
xt
(It
ali
an
):
... di
sodd
isfar
e
tutti
i
gusti
: da
quell
i del
gastr
ono
mo
esig
ente
a
quell
i
dell'
espe
rto
di
past
icce

r
i
a
.
.
.
.
t
o
s
a
t
i
s
f
y
a
l
l
t
a
s
t
e
s
:
f
r
o
m
t
h
o
s
e
o

f
t
h
e
d
e
m
a
n
d
i
n
g
g
a
s
t
r
o
n
o
m
i
s
t
t
o
t
h
o
s
e
o
f
t
h

e
expe
rt in
past
ry.
I
n
B
r
i
t
a
i
n
,
c
r
e
a
m
t
e
a
i
s
'
a
n
a
f
t
e
r
n
o
o
n

m
e
a
l
c
o
n
s
i
s
t
i
n
g
o
f
t
e
a
t
o
d
r
i
n
k
a
n
d
s
c
o
n
e
s

with
jam
and
clotte
d
crea
m to
eat. It
can
also
inclu
de
sand
wiche
s and
cakes
.'12
Crea
m tea
has
no
equiv
alent
in
other
cultur
es.
The
Italia
n
transl
ator
repla
ced it
with
'pastr
y',
whic
h
does
not
have
the
same

mean
ing
(for
one
thing,
crea
m tea
is a
meal
in
Britai
n,
wher
eas
'pastr
y' is
only
a type
of
food).
Howe
ver,
'pastr
y' is
famili
ar to
the
Italia
n
reade
r and
theref
ore
provi
des a
good
cultur
al
substi
tute.
Ex
am
ple

С
S
o
u
r
c
e
t
e
x
t
(
I
t
a
l
i
a
n
G
a
d
d
a
,
'
L
a

e
l
l
e

i
d
u
e

b
a
t
t
a
g
l
i
e
'
)
:

p
i
a
n
i
s
o
t
t
o

1

l
a

3

P
o
i
,
s
i
c
c
o
m
e
l
a

c
e
n
e
r
e

s
e
r
v
a

d

d

s
f
r
i
n
g
u
e
l
l
a
v
a
a
l
t
e
l
e
f
o
n
o

c
o
l
l
'
i
n
n
a
m
o
r
a
t
o
,
a
s
s
e
n
t
i
i
p
a
d
r
o
n
i
,
s
i
i
m
b
i
z
z
i
:

p
r
e
s
e
a
p
e
s
t
a
r
e

a
,
p
o
r
c
a
,
p
o
r
c
a
,

i
p
i
e
d
i
s
a
c
r
i
p
a
n
t
a
n
d
o
«
p
o
r
c

p
o
r
c
a
.
.
.
»
:
f
i
n
c
h
e
l
a
n
o
n

i
s
m
i
s
e
,
c
h
e
n
o
n
f
u
m
o
l
t
o
p
r
e
s
t
o
.
Tar
get
tex
t
(E
ngl
ish
:
'Th
e
ash
of

bat
tles
pas
t'):
T
h
e
n
,
b
e
c
a
u
s
e
t
h
e
s
e
r
v
a
n
t
g
i
r
l
t
w
o
f
l
o
o
r
s

In Other Words: A Coursebook on Translation

In Other Words: A Coursebook on Translation

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