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Introduction
Justice & Power--session i
Introduction
Justice & Power--session i
Topics in This Session

i. Forward 2012
ii.T Approaches
    wo
iii.Political Understanding
iv.American Politics
v.Where To?
vi. Acknowledgments
Forward
  2012
Forward
  2012
The purpose of this series of presentations is to encourage the
viewer to reflect deeply on the meaning of justice and its
relationship to power. Often people respond to situations
impulsively without having a developed understanding of justice
and what might be necessary to produce it.
Bonasera: I went to the police, like a good American. These two boys [who had raped
his daughter] were brought to trial. The judge sentenced them to three years in prison,
and suspended the sentence. Suspended sentence! They went free that very day! I
stood in the courtroom like a fool, and those two bastards, they smiled at me. Then I
said to my wife, "For justice, we must go to Don Corleone."
Don Corleone: Why did you go to the police? Why didn't you come to me first?
Bonasera: I went to the police, like a good American. These two boys [who had raped
his daughter] were brought to trial. The judge sentenced them to three years in prison,
and suspended the sentence. Suspended sentence! They went free that very day! I
stood in the courtroom like a fool, and those two bastards, they smiled at me. Then I
said to my wife, "For justice, we must go to Don Corleone."
Don Corleone: Why did you go to the police? Why didn't you come to me first?
In Mario Puzo’s The Godfather, this unforgettable opening
scene demonstrates the human sense of outrage which cries
out for justice. The undertaker, Bonasera, goes first to
government. When he learns, quite correctly, that ‘the system’
lets him down, he turns to the traditional Sicilian process for
regulating society--the Mafia, La Cosa Nostra (Our Thing). He
doesn’t reflect on what impact his action might have on society,
the long range consequences of organized crime.
Every revolution---ours, the French, the Russian, even
Mussolini’s and Hitler’s---promises to institute a new political
order which will right wrongs and “establish justice.”
Every revolution---ours, the French, the Russian, even
Mussolini’s and Hitler’s---promises to institute a new political
order which will right wrongs and “establish justice.”
That  to  secure  these  rights,  Governments  are  instituted  among  
Men,  deriving  their  just  powers  from  the  consent  of  the  
governed,  That  whenever  any  Form  of  Government  becomes  
destructive  of  these  ends,  it  is  the  Right  of  the  People  to  alter  
or  to  abolish  it,  and  to  institute  new  Government,  laying  its  
foundation  on  such  principles  and  organizing  its  powers  in  
such  form,  as  to  them  shall  seem  most  likely  to  effect  their  
Safety  and  Happiness.-­‐‑-­‐‑The  Declaration  of  Independence,  1776
Every revolution---ours, the French, the Russian, even
Mussolini’s and Hitler’s---promises to institute a new political
order which will right wrongs and “establish justice.”
We  the  People,  in  order  to  …
     establish  justice….
    Preamble  to  the  U.S.  Constitution,  1787
The challenge is to apply power so that more rather than less
justice results.




                                or



     School Desegregation                      repression
The challenge is to apply power so that more rather than less
justice results.
The challenge is to apply power so that more rather than less
justice results.
  Throughout the history of mankind, the sanction of force has
  been elemental to the existence of social organizations. A
  careful reading of history reveals that physical force, or the
  threat of it, has been applied to the resolution of social and
  political problems since man formed the first primitive tribal
  group. That force, orchestrated as the situation demands, has
  continued to persist, assuring order; combatting enemies abroad
  or suppressing revolts at home; and, hopefully, upholding what
  is right.
                   “Introduction to the West Point Military History Series,” p. ix
The challenge is to apply power so that more rather than
less justice results

Justice without power to enforce it is impotent

Power applied without justice at first produces resentment;
and after “a long train of abuses,” revolution

Justice and power are the core principles of politics

We will consider what ten great thinkers have said about
their application
frontispiece
    1977
T Approaches
 wo
skills




     T Approaches
      wo

                plan
Preface
  “Suppose you were given the choice of knowing how to do all
sorts of things really well but having no sense of what the right
things to do were -- the activities that would give you a good,
happy, fulfilled life. Or, on the other hand, you might choose to
have a deep insight into what should be done to build a good life
for yourself but lack the skills or know-how to perform the
separate tasks to create such an existence. Let’s call a person
choosing the first alternative (skills but no plan) the life
technician, and a person choosing the second (plan but no skills)
the life designer. Neither can reach his goal of a good life except
by chance.
                                                Justice & Power, p. iii
Preface
  “Suppose you were given the choice of knowing how to do all
sorts of things really well but having no sense of what the right
things to do were -- the activities that would give you a good,
happy, fulfilled life. Or, on the other hand, you might choose to
have a deep insight into what should be done to build a good life
for yourself but lack the skills or know-how to perform the
separate tasks to create such an existence. Let’s call a person
choosing the first alternative (skills but no plan) the life
technician, and a person choosing the second (plan but no skills)
the life designer. Neither can reach his goal of a good life except
by chance.
                                                Justice & Power, p. iii
“At the national level we might envision two groups of people,
two parties, like the above two individuals. The Life Technicians
Party would be expert in practical politics. They would have the
skills to seize and keep control of the state. But they would have
no real policies, no plans to make the country a good place to live.
The Life Designers would have an excellent program but no saavy,
no organization, no chance to ever implement their policies. Again
both approaches would fall short and the country would not be
markedly better for the presence of either group.
                                                                Ibid.
“At the national level we might envision two groups of people,
two parties, like the above two individuals. The Life Technicians
Party would be expert in practical politics. They would have the
skills to seize and keep control of the state. But they would have
no real policies, no plans to make the country a good place to live.
The Life Designers would have an excellent program but no saavy,
no organization, no chance to ever implement their policies. Again
both approaches would fall short and the country would not be
markedly better for the presence of either group.
                                                                  Ibid.


           Life Technicians                      Life Designers
The need for know-how is widely recognized. America has
especially enshrined the pragmatic spirit of Yankee ingenuity, the
“can-do” attitude
                                                              Ibid.
The need for know-how is widely recognized. America has
especially enshrined the pragmatic spirit of Yankee ingenuity, the
“can-do” attitude which is disdainful of “ivory tower” intellectuals.
                                                                 Ibid.
The need for know-how is widely recognized. America has
especially enshrined the pragmatic spirit of Yankee ingenuity, the
“can-do” attitude which is disdainful of “ivory tower” intellectuals.
                                                                 Ibid.
The need for know-how is widely recognized. America has
especially enshrined the pragmatic spirit of Yankee ingenuity, the
“can-do” attitude which is disdainful of “ivory tower” intellectuals.
Still, a moment’s reflection shows that mere activity without an
underlying order is the same as chaos which ancient civilizations
directly equated with evil.
                                                                 Ibid.
The need for know-how is widely recognized. America has
especially enshrined the pragmatic spirit of Yankee ingenuity, the
“can-do” attitude which is disdainful of “ivory tower” intellectuals.
Still, a moment’s reflection shows that mere activity without an
underlying order is the same as chaos which ancient civilizations
directly equated with evil.
                                                                 Ibid.
The need for know-how is widely recognized. America has
especially enshrined the pragmatic spirit of Yankee ingenuity, the
“can-do” attitude which is disdainful of “ivory tower” intellectuals.
Still, a moment’s reflection shows that mere activity without an
underlying order is the same as chaos which ancient civilizations
directly equated with evil.
                                                                 Ibid.
The need for know-how is widely recognized. America has
especially enshrined the pragmatic spirit of Yankee ingenuity, the
“can-do” attitude which is disdainful of “ivory tower” intellectuals.
Still, a moment’s reflection shows that mere activity without an
underlying order is the same as chaos which ancient civilizations
directly equated with evil.
                                                                 Ibid.
The need for know-how is widely recognized. America has
especially enshrined the pragmatic spirit of Yankee ingenuity, the
“can-do” attitude which is disdainful of “ivory tower” intellectuals.
Still, a moment’s reflection shows that mere activity without an
underlying order is the same as chaos which ancient civilizations
directly equated with evil.
                                                                 Ibid.
The need for know-how is widely recognized. America has
especially enshrined the pragmatic spirit of Yankee ingenuity, the
“can-do” attitude which is disdainful of “ivory tower” intellectuals.
Still, a moment’s reflection shows that mere activity without an
underlying order is the same as chaos which ancient civilizations
directly equated with evil.
                                                                 Ibid.
“In developing a mature understanding of political affairs
it is helpful to begin with three concepts:




   “practical” political sense
   political science
   political philosophy
“Practical” Political Sense

….”The first type of knowledge is the product of experience “in the streets”
apart from schools and reading. It is often associated with political figures
such as Hitler
                                                                        Ibid.
“Practical” Political Sense

….”The first type of knowledge is the product of experience “in the streets”
apart from schools and reading. It is often associated with political figures
such as Hitler
                                                                        Ibid.
“Practical” Political Sense
….”The first type of knowledge is the product of experience “in the streets”
apart from schools and reading. It is often associated with political figures
such as Hitler or Cincinnati’s “Boss” Cox who have minimal schooling but great
political acumen.
                                                                          Ibid.
….”The first type of knowledge is the product of experience “in
the streets” apart from schools and reading. It is often
associated with political figures such as Hitler or Cincinnati’s
“Boss” Cox who have minimal schooling but great political
acumen. A mythology built up about gifted “men of the people”
tends to obscure any later self-education which such may
pursue. For obvious reasons, as the above two examples bear
out, such unschooled leaders do not receive the praises of
historians and others who make their living schooling the young.
                                                             Ibid.
In developing a mature understanding of political affairs it
is helpful to begin with three concepts:




   “practical” political sense
   political science
   political philosophy
“Political science and philosophy are the product of schools
[beginning in Athens at Plato’s Academy and Aristotle’s
Lyceum] though they are not carried on there exclusively. To
the degree that [these studies] lose touch with “the real world,”
they become futile. Much ink has been spilled in the twentieth
century by scholars arguing about the history and merits---
indeed the limits or boundaries---of each field of study. Simply,
political science is descriptive while political philosophy is
prescriptive.


Political science tells about “what is” (and why it is) while
political philosophy invites us to speculate upon “what ought to
be.”
                                                              Ibid.
Those with “street smarts” may have the technical skills to gain
and maintain power. Even “ivory tower” intellectuals with
political science degrees can achieve power. But if their goals
are based on a defective political philosophy the results are
bound to disappoint.
“ Our study this quarter will not be limited to this narrow notion
of political philosophy as prescriptive or normative (rule-
making). Rather we will review the political history of our culture
with emphasis on how influential thinkers’ ideas have
conditioned the “what is” of today. You may find it a fascinating
journey. Once your study has reached the twentieth century
you will be better prepared to assume your responsibility to
posit the “what ought to be” and work toward the “what can be”
of our country’s future.
                                                        Powers, op. cit.
II
“It is not a simple thing to begin a study of so complex and
important a subject as our contemporary political culture. Many
honest and intelligent people argue hotly about political
questions.
                                                            Ibid.
II
“It is not a simple thing to begin a study of so complex and
important a subject as our contemporary political culture. Many
honest and intelligent people argue hotly about political
questions.
                                                            Ibid.
II
“It is not a simple thing to begin a study of so complex and
important a subject as our contemporary political culture. Many
honest and intelligent people argue hotly about political
questions.
                                                            Ibid.
“It is not a simple thing to begin a study of so complex
and important a subject as our contemporary political
culture. Many honest and learned people argue hotly
about political questions. As you study the present
American scene, to “see” things at all requires a context, a
fabric, a design to “fit” things into. Without some matrix to
provide meaning the thing remains part of the background,
not “seen” at all.
                                                         Ibid.
Political Understanding
“Your political growth began with your earliest
years and experiences.
“Your political growth began with your earliest
years and experiences. Today it is as if you are
looking at the world through tinted spectacles
which your family and the larger society have
placed over your eyes without either your
knowledge or consent.
“Your political growth began with your earliest
years and experiences. Today it is as if you are
looking at the world through tinted spectacles
which your family and the larger society have
placed over your eyes without either your
knowledge or consent.
Plato
                                                                     Aristotle
    Your political growth began with your earliest years and
experiences. Today it is as if you are looking at the world         Machiavelli

through tinted spectacles which your family and the larger            Hobbes
society have placed over your eyes without either your                Locke
knowledge or consent. Our study will offer you ten new and          Montesquieu
different “spectacles” through which to look at the affairs of       Rousseau
men in states. At the end you are not supposed to have traded
                                                                     Jefferson
your “own” spectacles for another pair. Nor is it imagined that
                                                                      Burke
you will have reached a pinnacle and can then see the world as
                                                                       Marx
it really is “without spectacles.” But if you read thoughtfully
and participate in class, your vision will have increased and
things which form part of the background to less aware political
observers will jump out in bold relief for you.

                      bold relief                           Ibid.
“It has become commonplace to see in today’s [1977‘s]
press reference to what Alvin Toffler called “futureshock.”
“It has become commonplace to see in today’s [1977‘s]
press reference to what Alvin Toffler called “futureshock.”
It has become commonplace to see in today’s press
reference to what Alvin Toffler called “futureshock.” We
regularly note the adverse effect upon others and
ourselves of the accelerated rate at which change occurs.
There is a widespread feeling that all the old rules have
gone by the boards. As the founder of modern automotive
culture, Henry Ford, remarked, “History is bunk.”
                                                      Ibid.
It has become commonplace to see in today’s press
reference to what Alvin Toffler called “futureshock.” We
regularly note the adverse effect upon others and
ourselves of the accelerated rate at which change occurs.
There is a widespread feeling that all the old rules have
gone by the boards. As the founder of modern automotive
culture, Henry Ford, remarked, “History is bunk.”
                                                      Ibid.
It has become commonplace to see in today’s press
reference to what Alvin Toffler called “futureshock.” We
regularly note the adverse effect upon others and
ourselves of the accelerated rate at which change occurs.
There is a widespread feeling that all the old rules have
gone by the boards. As the founder of modern automotive
culture, Henry Ford, remarked, “History is bunk.”
                                                      Ibid.
It has become commonplace to see in today’s press
reference to what Alvin Toffler called “futureshock.” We
regularly note the adverse effect upon others and
ourselves of the accelerated rate at which change occurs.
There is a widespread feeling that all the old rules have
gone by the boards. As the founder of modern
automotive culture, Henry Ford, remarked, “History is
bunk.” This atmosphere of uncertainty appears to be the
product of what can only be referred to as an explosion
of technology.
                                                      Ibid.
“The last decade in America’s history [the ‘Sixties]
ended with a bitter confrontation. Its intensity is almost
impossible to recall during this present [1977] lull. On one
side of this “terrible simplification” were the dissenters.
They wanted to say no to everything which they believed
had produced the power structure, America’s ‘military-
industrial complex.’
                                                         Ibid.
The last decade in America’s history [the ‘Sixties] ended
with a bitter confrontation. Its intensity is almost
impossible to recall during this present [1977] lull. On one
side of this “terrible simplification” were the dissenters.
They wanted to say no to everything which they believed
had produced the power structure, America’s “military-
industrial complex.” Opposed were those who felt that
they had to affirm anything and everything       which they
believed stood threatened. Both sides claimed to be the
“real” Americans.
                                                         Ibid.
The last decade in America’s history [the ‘Sixties] ended
with a bitter confrontation. Its intensity is almost
impossible to recall during this present [1977] lull. On one
side of this “terrible simplification” were the dissenters.
They wanted to say no to everything which they believed
had produced the power structure, America’s “military-
industrial complex.” Opposed were those who felt that
they had to affirm anything and everything       which they
believed stood threatened. Both sides claimed to be the
“real” Americans.
                                                         Ibid.
The last decade in America’s history [the ‘Sixties] ended
with a bitter confrontation. Its intensity is almost
impossible to recall during this present [1977] lull. On one
side of this “terrible simplification” were the dissenters.
They wanted to say no to everything which they believed
had produced the power structure, America’s “military-
industrial complex.” Opposed were those who felt that
they had to affirm anything and everything       which they
believed stood threatened. Both sides claimed to be the
“real” Americans.
                                                         Ibid.
The last decade in America’s history [the ‘Sixties] ended
with a bitter confrontation. Its intensity is almost
impossible to recall during this present [1977] lull. On one
side of this “terrible simplification” were the dissenters.
They wanted to say no to everything which they believed
had produced the power structure, America’s “military-
industrial complex.” Opposed were those who felt that
they had to affirm anything and everything       which they
believed stood threatened. Both sides claimed to be the
“real” Americans. It was not a period which encouraged
moderation.
                                                         Ibid.
The last decade in America’s history [the ‘Sixties] ended
with a bitter confrontation. Its intensity is almost
impossible to recall during this present [1977] lull. On one
side of this “terrible simplification” were the dissenters.
They wanted to say no to everything which they believed
had produced the power structure, America’s “military-
industrial complex.” Opposed were those who felt that
they had to affirm anything and everything       which they
believed stood threatened. Both sides claimed to be the
“real” Americans. It was not a period which encouraged
moderation.
                                                         Ibid.
“What does it mean to be an American?
  “What is this country all about? Sociologist Robert Bellah
coined a term, “American civil religion,” to describe what he
considers to be the core faith of our nation.
“What does it mean to be an American?
  “What is this country all about? Sociologist Robert Bellah
coined a term, “American civil religion,” to describe what he
considers to be the core faith of our nation.
“What does it mean to be an American?
  “What is this country all about? Sociologist Robert Bellah
coined a term, “American civil religion,” to describe what he
considers to be the core faith of our nation.
“What does it mean to be an American?
  “What is this country all about? Sociologist Robert Bellah
coined a term, “American civil religion,” to describe what he
considers to be the core faith of our nation. It serves the
same function in our country which an established religion
might in another, for instance, Lutheranism in Sweden. In
the ten year debate following Bellah’s article many
examinations by thinkers in diverse fields have tried to nail
down the religion of American ‘true believers.’
“What does it mean to be an American?
  “What is this country all about? Sociologist Robert Bellah
coined a term, “American civil religion,” to describe what he
considers to be the core faith of our nation. It serves the
same function in our country which an established religion
might in another, for instance, Lutheranism in Sweden. In
the ten year debate following Bellah’s article many
examinations by thinkers in diverse fields have tried to nail
down the religion of American ‘true believers.’
“What does it mean to be an American?
  “What is this country all about? Sociologist Robert Bellah
coined a term, ‘American civil religion,’ to describe what he
considers to be the core faith of our nation. It serves the
same function in our country which an established religion
might in another, for instance, Lutheranism in Sweden. I nt
ten year debate following Bellah’s article many examinations
by thinkers in diverse fields have tried to nail down the
religion of American ‘true believers.’ Almost coincidentally
to this learned dialogue, the American people experienced a
bicentennial with serious thought as well as souvenirs.
                                                          Ibid.
“A recent U.S. Ambassador to the United Nations,
Daniel P. Moynihan, struck a sobering note when he
pointed out the vulnerability of democracy in the world
today.
                                                       .
                                                    Ibid
“A recent U.S. Ambassador to the United Nations,
Daniel P. Moynihan, struck a sobering note when he
pointed out the vulnerability of democracy in the world
today. During the first two hundred years it seemed clear
that our type of political order was an example which the
rest of the world would soon follow. Indeed most of the
New World nations of Latin America modeled their
constitutions after ours. Tyrants everywhere were on the
defensive.
                                                      Ibid.
“A recent U.S. Ambassador to the United Nations,
Daniel P. Moynihan, struck a sobering note when he
pointed out the vulnerability of democracy in the world
today. During the first two hundred years it seemed clear
that our type of political order was an example which the
rest of the world would soon follow. Indeed most of the
New World nations of Latin America modeled their
constitutions after ours. Tyrants everywhere were on the
defensive.
                                                      Ibid.
“In the aftermath of World War I this optimism began to
fade.
                                                      Ibid.
“In the aftermath of World War I this optimism began to
fade. The Irish nationalist poet William Butler Yeats wrote
lines that were prophetic of the years ahead:




                                                        Ibid.
“In the aftermath of World War I this optimism began to
fade. The Irish nationalist poet William Butler Yeats wrote
lines that were prophetic of the years ahead:




                                                        Ibid.
Things fall apart; the centre cannot hold;
Mere anarchy is loosed upon the world,
The blood dimmed tide is loosed, and everywhere
The ceremony of innocence is drowned;
The best lack all conviction, while the worst
Are full of passionate intensity.
                               Yeats, “The Second Coming”
                                                   written 1919
                                                published 1920
“In the aftermath of World War I this optimism began to
fade. The Irish nationalist poet William Butler Yeats wrote
lines that were prophetic of the years ahead:




                                                        Ibid.
Things fall apart; the centre cannot hold;
Mere anarchy is loosed upon the world,
The blood dimmed tide is loosed, and everywhere
The ceremony of innocence is drowned;
The best lack all conviction, while the worst
Are full of passionate intensity.
                               Yeats, “The Second Coming”
                                                   written 1919
                                                published 1920
“In the aftermath of World War I this optimism began to
fade. The Irish nationalist poet William Butler Yeats wrote
lines that were prophetic of the years ahead:




                                                        Ibid.
Things fall apart; the centre cannot hold;
Mere anarchy is loosed upon the world,
The blood dimmed tide is loosed, and everywhere
The ceremony of innocence is drowned;
The best lack all conviction, while the worst
Are full of passionate intensity.
                               Yeats, “The Second Coming”
                                                   written 1919
                                                published 1920
“In the aftermath of World War I this optimism began to
fade. The Irish nationalist poet William Butler Yeats wrote
lines that were prophetic of the years ahead:




                                                        Ibid.
Things fall apart; the centre cannot hold;
Mere anarchy is loosed upon the world,
The blood dimmed tide is loosed, and everywhere
The ceremony of innocence is drowned;
The best lack all conviction, while the worst
Are full of passionate intensity.
                               Yeats, “The Second Coming”
                                                   written 1919
                                                published 1920
American Politics
American Politics



Martin Luther King’s March on Washington, 1963
American confidence rose with what Ike later called the
“Crusade in Europe,”




                                                        Ibid.
American confidence rose with what Ike later called the
“Crusade in Europe,” but hardly had peace come in 1945 when
the Cold War
                                                        Ibid.
Soviet
                                                      tanks
       American confidence rose with what Ike later called the
  “Crusade in Europe,” but hardly had peace come in 1945 when
  the Cold War
                                                          Ibid.




US tanks


                 Berlin, 1948
            “Checkpoint ‘Charlie’
“American confidence rose with what Ike later called the
“Crusade in Europe,” but hardly had peace come in 1945 when
the Cold War created a more intractable challenge for America
and those other countries which together with us make up the
West or the “Free World.”
                                                          Ibid.
Troop Strength, 1959
“For more than thirty years now [in 1982] the United States
and the Soviet Union have contended for hegemony in a
shrinking world where nuclear weapons have assured that
there will be no bystanders.
“For more than thirty years now [in 1982] the United States
and the Soviet Union have contended for hegemony in a
shrinking world where nuclear weapons have assured that
there will be no bystanders. The nature of the conflict has
changed dramatically as the client states of each superpower
have developed or declined and divisions have occurred
within each camp.
1948
Tito and Stalin clash. Yugoslavia is expelled from Cominform
1956
When Nasser seized the Suez Canal our British and French allies
              invaded. We refused to back them.
1958
Chairman Mao Zedong and Premier Nikita Khrushchev, publicly
      international allies, privately ideological enemies.
1963
Ngo Dinh Diem and Ho Chi Minh fight openly.
1963
Ngo Dinh Diem and Ho Chi Minh fight openly. First Kennedy intervenes,
   then Johnson escalates. The country is divided, then humiliated.
For more than thirty years now [in 1982] the United States
and the Soviet Union have contended for hegemony in a
shrinking world where nuclear weapons have assured that
there will be no bystanders. The nature of the conflict has
changed dramatically as the client states of each superpower
have developed or declined and divisions have occurred
within each camp. T believe that this power struggle in our
                   o
“global village” is at heart a contest for resources or markets
is to adopt a Marxist interpretation of history.
“For more than thirty years now [in 1982] the United States
and the Soviet Union have contended for hegemony in a
shrinking world where nuclear weapons have assured that
there will be no bystanders. The nature of the conflict has
changed dramatically as the client states of each superpower
have developed or declined and divisions have occurred
within each camp. T believe that this power struggle in our
                   o
“global village” is at heart a contest for resources or markets
is to adopt a Marxist interpretation of history. The issue of
the present [1982] decisive conflict in the history of mankind
is nothing other than which political philosophies, if any, shall
prevail.”
Where To?
Where To?
Once again, in 2012, we live in
     “interesting” times.
In the thirty years since the preceding words were written in
1982, many amazing events have occurred. Who could have
predicted then that a former movie actor, two Poles, and a
reformist Communist politician would together bring about
the collapse of the mighty Soviet Union?
In the thirty years since the preceding words were written in
1982, many amazing events have occurred. Who could have
predicted then that a former movie actor, two Poles, and a
reformist Communist politician would together bring about
the collapse of the mighty Soviet Union?
In the thirty years since the preceding words were written in
1982, many amazing events have occurred. Who could have
predicted then that a former movie actor, two Poles, and a
reformist Communist politician would together bring about
the collapse of the mighty Soviet Union?
In the thirty years since the preceding words were written in
1982, many amazing events have occurred. Who could have
predicted then that a former movie actor, two Poles, and a
reformist Communist politician would together bring about
the collapse of the mighty Soviet Union?
In the thirty years since those words were written in 1982
many amazing events have occurred. Who could have
predicted then that a former movie actor, two Poles, and a
reformist Soviet politician would together create the collapse
of the mighty Soviet Union?
  That didn’t bring about “the end of history,” as one brash
political scientist predicted in 1992.
In the thirty years since those words were written in 1982
many amazing events have occurred. Who could have
predicted then that a former movie actor, two Poles, and a
reformist Soviet politician would together create the collapse
of the mighty Soviet Union?
  That didn’t bring about “the end of history,” as one brash
political scientist predicted in 1992.
IN WATCHING the flow of events over the past decade [1982-1992] or so,
it is hard to avoid the feeling that something very fundamental has
happened in world history. The past year has seen a flood of articles
commemorating the end of the Cold War, and the fact that "peace" seems
to be breaking out in many regions of the world. Most of these analyses
lack any larger conceptual framework for distinguishing between what is
essential and what is contingent or accidental in world history, and are
predictably superficial. If Mr. Gorbachev were ousted from the Kremlin or
a new Ayatollah proclaimed the millennium from a desolate Middle
Eastern capital, these same commentators would scramble to announce the
rebirth of a new era of conflict.
And yet, all of these people sense dimly that there is some larger process
at work, a process that gives coherence and order to the daily headlines...
                                             Francis Fukuyama, “The End of History”
In the thirty years since those words were written in 1982
many amazing events have occurred. Who could have
predicted then that a former movie actor, two Poles, and a
reformist Soviet politician would together create the collapse
of the mighty Soviet Union?
  That didn’t bring about “the end of history,” as one brash
political scientist predicted in 1992. Not just “...a new
Ayatollah,” but a host of characters, both great and small,
combined to destroy that millennial optimism.
Some would minimize American exceptionalism,
apologize for what they regard as our past hubris. They
suggest we should “lead from behind.”
Some would minimize American exceptionalism,
apologize for what they regard as our past hubris. They
suggest we should “lead from behind.” Others would like
to see us disengage from world leadership entirely and
concentrate on our domestic challenges.
Some would minimize American exceptionalism,
apologize for what they regard as our past hubris. They
suggest we should “lead from behind.” Others would like
to see us disengage from world leadership entirely and
concentrate on our domestic challenges. Still others
take inspiration from the Reagan years and wish to
resume the role of “a city upon a hill.”
A City upon a Hill is a phrase from the parable of Salt and Light in Jesus'
Sermon on the Mount. In Matthew 5:14, he tells his listeners, "You are the
light of the world. A city that is set on a hill cannot be hidden."
                                                                   Wikipedia
A City upon a Hill is a phrase from the parable of Salt and Light in Jesus'
Sermon on the Mount. In Matthew 5:14, he tells his listeners, "You are the
light of the world. A city that is set on a hill cannot be hidden."
The phrase entered the American lexicon early in its history, in the Puritan
John Winthrop's 1630 sermon "A Model of Christian Charity". Winthrop
admonished the future Massachusetts Bay colonists that their new
community would be a "city upon a hill", watched by the world---which
became the ideal the New England colonists placed upon their hilly capital
city, Boston. Winthrop's sermon gave rise to the widespread belief in
American folklore that the United States of America is God's country
because metaphorically it is a Shining City upon a Hill, an early example of
American exceptionalism. [emphasis added--jbp]
                                                                    Wikipedia
On 9 January 1961, President-Elect John F. Kennedy returned the phrase
to prominence during an address delivered to the General Court of
Massachusetts:
   ...I have been guided by the standard John Winthrop set before his
   shipmates on the flagship Arbella three hundred and thirty-one years ago,
   as they, too, faced the task of building a new government on a perilous
   frontier. "We must always consider", he said, "that we shall be as a city upon
   a hill—the eyes of all people are upon us". Today the eyes of all people are
   truly upon us—and our governments....
                                                                            Wikipedia
President Ronald Reagan used the image as well, in his 1984 acceptance
of the Republican Party nomination and in his January 11, 1989, farewell
speech to the nation:

     ...I've spoken of the shining city all my political life, but I don't know if I
     ever quite communicated what I saw when I said it. But in my mind it
     was a tall proud city built on rocks stronger than oceans, wind-swept,
     God-blessed, and teeming with people of all kinds living in harmony and
     peace, a city with free ports that hummed with commerce and creativity,
     and if there had to be city walls, the walls had doors and the doors were
     open to anyone with the will and the heart to get here. That's how I saw
     it and see it still...
                                                                                 Wikipedia
“Jefferson once scorned the impossibility of ‘a people
both ignorant and free.’




   “Those who expect to be both ignorant and free,

       expect what never was and never will be.”
“Jefferson once scorned the impossibility of ‘a people
both ignorant and free.’ In this, your last year in the
public schools, you will prepare to make your
contribution to what Lincoln characterized as an
experiment in the political history of mankind. The fate
of this nation, “so conceived and so dedicated,” is no
less uncertain today than it was in 1863.
Four score and seven years ago our
fathers brought forth on this continent
a new nation, conceived in liberty, and
dedicated to the proposition that all
men are created equal.
Now we are engaged in a great civil
war, testing whether that nation, or
any nation, so conceived and so
dedicated, can long endure.
“Jefferson once scorned the impossibility of ‘a people
both ignorant and free.’ In this, your last year in the
public schools, you will prepare to make your
contribution to what Lincoln characterized as an
experiment in the political history of mankind. The fate
of this nation, “so conceived and so dedicated,” is no
less uncertain today than it was in 1863.
As we enter our third century, the type of political
philosophy which animates our people will decide
whether we can---indeed, whether we should---
celebrate a tricentennial.”

        James B. Powers,”Justice & Power; A Primer in Political Philosophy,” 1982
Acknowledgments
Acknowledgments
Once upon a time, in a school district on the east side of
Cincinnati, in a nation long since transformed, there was an
idealistic high school teacher of American Government. This
series of presentations is based on a small book which he
wrote in 1977 for his seniors. He planned an eight week
introduction to the required civics class. It reviewed Western
Civ for students, most of whose knowledge of it was skimpy at
best. The premise then, and still today, was that knowing these
philosophers and their ideas is the necessary foundation for
making intelligent choices as a citizen in our democratic
republic.
The Dedication
my date, as we chaperone a high
                      school prom
The Dedication
The Dedication
my date, as we chaperone a high
                      school prom
The Dedication
The Dedication
(ho de an•ex•EH•tas•tos BI•os
 ou bi•ōh•TOS an•THRŌ•pō)
“Callimachus the philologist remarked that a “big book is a
big evil.”   (µεγα βιβλια µεγα κακον)   I should like to begin by
thanking those former students who have helped me
appreciate the need for brevity. During the seven years that I
have taught “the philosophers” at Indian Hill, this
introduction has been one of the most popular parts of the
senior government course. I have been stimulated often by
students’ comments both written and oral. The material and
approach here owes much to them.
“I would next like to express my thanks to the family
whose anonymous gift to the school has paid for the
publication costs of this guide. Perhaps the greatest
single fringe benefit of teaching in this system is the
opportunity to meet so many public-spirited adults.
“my colleagues
Paul Mattox taught his friends and students “a lot”
besides physics
    his daughter Kim helped check the text for student comprehensibility

Paul Connell has patiently listened to me rave about all
this for thirteen years. His insights as a former college
philosophy prof have inspired me
Bob West helped me with his English skills
Bill Kincaid, our Franklin, with the printing
Dr. Anna Graham showed me long ago that seniors don’t
require either pablum or spoon feeding. Every beginning
teacher should be as fortunate in his mentor as I was
                                                               August, 1977
“The years since 1977 have been filled with criticism of
public education in America. The praise and appreciation
of many of my students for this work has been a most
welcome respite. It is better for their suggestions. [one
student, who later served in the Bush White House, wrote
back that this class was better than his freshman Western
Civ class at Harvard!] Diane McDonald and Bill Kincaid
are true professionals. It is a privilege to work and study
in a community which affirms the value of examining the
past.
                                                     July, 1982
                                              Indian Hill, Ohio
The criticism of public education in America, if anything, has
heightened in the thirty years since I wrote that second
acknowledgment. I have been retired for twenty-two of them.
“You can take the teacher out of the classroom, but…”
My heartfelt thanks to Marty Selzer who created the Mt Saint
Joseph Life-Learn program and asked me to teach a class for
the Ohio bicentennial in 2003.
And again, having so many interested and interesting students
is the great reward for this wonderful vocation.




                                                         July, 2012
                                                   Cincinnati, Ohio
The criticism of public education in America, if anything, has
heightened in the thirty years since I wrote that second
acknowledgment. I have been retired for twenty-two of them.
“You can take the teacher out of the classroom, but…”
My heartfelt thanks to Marty Selzer who created the Mt Saint
Joseph Life-Learn program and asked me to teach a class for
the Ohio bicentennial in 2003.
And again, having so many interested and interesting students
is the great reward for this wonderful vocation. My beloved
Kate (nee Catherine) continues to be my muse. Once again,
her suggestions have made a great contribution to this project.
                                                        July, 2012
                                                  Cincinnati, Ohio

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Justice & Power, Introduction, Revised

  • 3. Topics in This Session i. Forward 2012 ii.T Approaches wo iii.Political Understanding iv.American Politics v.Where To? vi. Acknowledgments
  • 6. The purpose of this series of presentations is to encourage the viewer to reflect deeply on the meaning of justice and its relationship to power. Often people respond to situations impulsively without having a developed understanding of justice and what might be necessary to produce it.
  • 7. Bonasera: I went to the police, like a good American. These two boys [who had raped his daughter] were brought to trial. The judge sentenced them to three years in prison, and suspended the sentence. Suspended sentence! They went free that very day! I stood in the courtroom like a fool, and those two bastards, they smiled at me. Then I said to my wife, "For justice, we must go to Don Corleone." Don Corleone: Why did you go to the police? Why didn't you come to me first?
  • 8. Bonasera: I went to the police, like a good American. These two boys [who had raped his daughter] were brought to trial. The judge sentenced them to three years in prison, and suspended the sentence. Suspended sentence! They went free that very day! I stood in the courtroom like a fool, and those two bastards, they smiled at me. Then I said to my wife, "For justice, we must go to Don Corleone." Don Corleone: Why did you go to the police? Why didn't you come to me first?
  • 9. In Mario Puzo’s The Godfather, this unforgettable opening scene demonstrates the human sense of outrage which cries out for justice. The undertaker, Bonasera, goes first to government. When he learns, quite correctly, that ‘the system’ lets him down, he turns to the traditional Sicilian process for regulating society--the Mafia, La Cosa Nostra (Our Thing). He doesn’t reflect on what impact his action might have on society, the long range consequences of organized crime.
  • 10.
  • 11.
  • 12.
  • 13.
  • 14.
  • 15.
  • 16.
  • 17. Every revolution---ours, the French, the Russian, even Mussolini’s and Hitler’s---promises to institute a new political order which will right wrongs and “establish justice.”
  • 18.
  • 19. Every revolution---ours, the French, the Russian, even Mussolini’s and Hitler’s---promises to institute a new political order which will right wrongs and “establish justice.”
  • 20. That  to  secure  these  rights,  Governments  are  instituted  among   Men,  deriving  their  just  powers  from  the  consent  of  the   governed,  That  whenever  any  Form  of  Government  becomes   destructive  of  these  ends,  it  is  the  Right  of  the  People  to  alter   or  to  abolish  it,  and  to  institute  new  Government,  laying  its   foundation  on  such  principles  and  organizing  its  powers  in   such  form,  as  to  them  shall  seem  most  likely  to  effect  their   Safety  and  Happiness.-­‐‑-­‐‑The  Declaration  of  Independence,  1776
  • 21.
  • 22. Every revolution---ours, the French, the Russian, even Mussolini’s and Hitler’s---promises to institute a new political order which will right wrongs and “establish justice.”
  • 23. We  the  People,  in  order  to  … establish  justice…. Preamble  to  the  U.S.  Constitution,  1787
  • 24. The challenge is to apply power so that more rather than less justice results. or School Desegregation repression
  • 25. The challenge is to apply power so that more rather than less justice results.
  • 26. The challenge is to apply power so that more rather than less justice results. Throughout the history of mankind, the sanction of force has been elemental to the existence of social organizations. A careful reading of history reveals that physical force, or the threat of it, has been applied to the resolution of social and political problems since man formed the first primitive tribal group. That force, orchestrated as the situation demands, has continued to persist, assuring order; combatting enemies abroad or suppressing revolts at home; and, hopefully, upholding what is right. “Introduction to the West Point Military History Series,” p. ix
  • 27. The challenge is to apply power so that more rather than less justice results Justice without power to enforce it is impotent Power applied without justice at first produces resentment; and after “a long train of abuses,” revolution Justice and power are the core principles of politics We will consider what ten great thinkers have said about their application
  • 28. frontispiece 1977
  • 30. skills T Approaches wo plan
  • 31. Preface “Suppose you were given the choice of knowing how to do all sorts of things really well but having no sense of what the right things to do were -- the activities that would give you a good, happy, fulfilled life. Or, on the other hand, you might choose to have a deep insight into what should be done to build a good life for yourself but lack the skills or know-how to perform the separate tasks to create such an existence. Let’s call a person choosing the first alternative (skills but no plan) the life technician, and a person choosing the second (plan but no skills) the life designer. Neither can reach his goal of a good life except by chance. Justice & Power, p. iii
  • 32. Preface “Suppose you were given the choice of knowing how to do all sorts of things really well but having no sense of what the right things to do were -- the activities that would give you a good, happy, fulfilled life. Or, on the other hand, you might choose to have a deep insight into what should be done to build a good life for yourself but lack the skills or know-how to perform the separate tasks to create such an existence. Let’s call a person choosing the first alternative (skills but no plan) the life technician, and a person choosing the second (plan but no skills) the life designer. Neither can reach his goal of a good life except by chance. Justice & Power, p. iii
  • 33. “At the national level we might envision two groups of people, two parties, like the above two individuals. The Life Technicians Party would be expert in practical politics. They would have the skills to seize and keep control of the state. But they would have no real policies, no plans to make the country a good place to live. The Life Designers would have an excellent program but no saavy, no organization, no chance to ever implement their policies. Again both approaches would fall short and the country would not be markedly better for the presence of either group. Ibid.
  • 34.
  • 35. “At the national level we might envision two groups of people, two parties, like the above two individuals. The Life Technicians Party would be expert in practical politics. They would have the skills to seize and keep control of the state. But they would have no real policies, no plans to make the country a good place to live. The Life Designers would have an excellent program but no saavy, no organization, no chance to ever implement their policies. Again both approaches would fall short and the country would not be markedly better for the presence of either group. Ibid. Life Technicians Life Designers
  • 36. The need for know-how is widely recognized. America has especially enshrined the pragmatic spirit of Yankee ingenuity, the “can-do” attitude Ibid.
  • 37.
  • 38. The need for know-how is widely recognized. America has especially enshrined the pragmatic spirit of Yankee ingenuity, the “can-do” attitude which is disdainful of “ivory tower” intellectuals. Ibid.
  • 39. The need for know-how is widely recognized. America has especially enshrined the pragmatic spirit of Yankee ingenuity, the “can-do” attitude which is disdainful of “ivory tower” intellectuals. Ibid.
  • 40.
  • 41.
  • 42. The need for know-how is widely recognized. America has especially enshrined the pragmatic spirit of Yankee ingenuity, the “can-do” attitude which is disdainful of “ivory tower” intellectuals. Still, a moment’s reflection shows that mere activity without an underlying order is the same as chaos which ancient civilizations directly equated with evil. Ibid.
  • 43. The need for know-how is widely recognized. America has especially enshrined the pragmatic spirit of Yankee ingenuity, the “can-do” attitude which is disdainful of “ivory tower” intellectuals. Still, a moment’s reflection shows that mere activity without an underlying order is the same as chaos which ancient civilizations directly equated with evil. Ibid.
  • 44. The need for know-how is widely recognized. America has especially enshrined the pragmatic spirit of Yankee ingenuity, the “can-do” attitude which is disdainful of “ivory tower” intellectuals. Still, a moment’s reflection shows that mere activity without an underlying order is the same as chaos which ancient civilizations directly equated with evil. Ibid.
  • 45.
  • 46. The need for know-how is widely recognized. America has especially enshrined the pragmatic spirit of Yankee ingenuity, the “can-do” attitude which is disdainful of “ivory tower” intellectuals. Still, a moment’s reflection shows that mere activity without an underlying order is the same as chaos which ancient civilizations directly equated with evil. Ibid.
  • 47. The need for know-how is widely recognized. America has especially enshrined the pragmatic spirit of Yankee ingenuity, the “can-do” attitude which is disdainful of “ivory tower” intellectuals. Still, a moment’s reflection shows that mere activity without an underlying order is the same as chaos which ancient civilizations directly equated with evil. Ibid.
  • 48. The need for know-how is widely recognized. America has especially enshrined the pragmatic spirit of Yankee ingenuity, the “can-do” attitude which is disdainful of “ivory tower” intellectuals. Still, a moment’s reflection shows that mere activity without an underlying order is the same as chaos which ancient civilizations directly equated with evil. Ibid.
  • 49.
  • 50. “In developing a mature understanding of political affairs it is helpful to begin with three concepts: “practical” political sense political science political philosophy
  • 51. “Practical” Political Sense ….”The first type of knowledge is the product of experience “in the streets” apart from schools and reading. It is often associated with political figures such as Hitler Ibid.
  • 52. “Practical” Political Sense ….”The first type of knowledge is the product of experience “in the streets” apart from schools and reading. It is often associated with political figures such as Hitler Ibid.
  • 53. “Practical” Political Sense ….”The first type of knowledge is the product of experience “in the streets” apart from schools and reading. It is often associated with political figures such as Hitler or Cincinnati’s “Boss” Cox who have minimal schooling but great political acumen. Ibid.
  • 54. ….”The first type of knowledge is the product of experience “in the streets” apart from schools and reading. It is often associated with political figures such as Hitler or Cincinnati’s “Boss” Cox who have minimal schooling but great political acumen. A mythology built up about gifted “men of the people” tends to obscure any later self-education which such may pursue. For obvious reasons, as the above two examples bear out, such unschooled leaders do not receive the praises of historians and others who make their living schooling the young. Ibid.
  • 55. In developing a mature understanding of political affairs it is helpful to begin with three concepts: “practical” political sense political science political philosophy
  • 56. “Political science and philosophy are the product of schools [beginning in Athens at Plato’s Academy and Aristotle’s Lyceum] though they are not carried on there exclusively. To the degree that [these studies] lose touch with “the real world,” they become futile. Much ink has been spilled in the twentieth century by scholars arguing about the history and merits--- indeed the limits or boundaries---of each field of study. Simply, political science is descriptive while political philosophy is prescriptive. Political science tells about “what is” (and why it is) while political philosophy invites us to speculate upon “what ought to be.” Ibid.
  • 57. Those with “street smarts” may have the technical skills to gain and maintain power. Even “ivory tower” intellectuals with political science degrees can achieve power. But if their goals are based on a defective political philosophy the results are bound to disappoint.
  • 58. “ Our study this quarter will not be limited to this narrow notion of political philosophy as prescriptive or normative (rule- making). Rather we will review the political history of our culture with emphasis on how influential thinkers’ ideas have conditioned the “what is” of today. You may find it a fascinating journey. Once your study has reached the twentieth century you will be better prepared to assume your responsibility to posit the “what ought to be” and work toward the “what can be” of our country’s future. Powers, op. cit.
  • 59. II “It is not a simple thing to begin a study of so complex and important a subject as our contemporary political culture. Many honest and intelligent people argue hotly about political questions. Ibid.
  • 60. II “It is not a simple thing to begin a study of so complex and important a subject as our contemporary political culture. Many honest and intelligent people argue hotly about political questions. Ibid.
  • 61. II “It is not a simple thing to begin a study of so complex and important a subject as our contemporary political culture. Many honest and intelligent people argue hotly about political questions. Ibid.
  • 62. “It is not a simple thing to begin a study of so complex and important a subject as our contemporary political culture. Many honest and learned people argue hotly about political questions. As you study the present American scene, to “see” things at all requires a context, a fabric, a design to “fit” things into. Without some matrix to provide meaning the thing remains part of the background, not “seen” at all. Ibid.
  • 64.
  • 65. “Your political growth began with your earliest years and experiences.
  • 66. “Your political growth began with your earliest years and experiences. Today it is as if you are looking at the world through tinted spectacles which your family and the larger society have placed over your eyes without either your knowledge or consent.
  • 67. “Your political growth began with your earliest years and experiences. Today it is as if you are looking at the world through tinted spectacles which your family and the larger society have placed over your eyes without either your knowledge or consent.
  • 68. Plato Aristotle Your political growth began with your earliest years and experiences. Today it is as if you are looking at the world Machiavelli through tinted spectacles which your family and the larger Hobbes society have placed over your eyes without either your Locke knowledge or consent. Our study will offer you ten new and Montesquieu different “spectacles” through which to look at the affairs of Rousseau men in states. At the end you are not supposed to have traded Jefferson your “own” spectacles for another pair. Nor is it imagined that Burke you will have reached a pinnacle and can then see the world as Marx it really is “without spectacles.” But if you read thoughtfully and participate in class, your vision will have increased and things which form part of the background to less aware political observers will jump out in bold relief for you. bold relief Ibid.
  • 69. “It has become commonplace to see in today’s [1977‘s] press reference to what Alvin Toffler called “futureshock.”
  • 70. “It has become commonplace to see in today’s [1977‘s] press reference to what Alvin Toffler called “futureshock.”
  • 71. It has become commonplace to see in today’s press reference to what Alvin Toffler called “futureshock.” We regularly note the adverse effect upon others and ourselves of the accelerated rate at which change occurs. There is a widespread feeling that all the old rules have gone by the boards. As the founder of modern automotive culture, Henry Ford, remarked, “History is bunk.” Ibid.
  • 72. It has become commonplace to see in today’s press reference to what Alvin Toffler called “futureshock.” We regularly note the adverse effect upon others and ourselves of the accelerated rate at which change occurs. There is a widespread feeling that all the old rules have gone by the boards. As the founder of modern automotive culture, Henry Ford, remarked, “History is bunk.” Ibid.
  • 73. It has become commonplace to see in today’s press reference to what Alvin Toffler called “futureshock.” We regularly note the adverse effect upon others and ourselves of the accelerated rate at which change occurs. There is a widespread feeling that all the old rules have gone by the boards. As the founder of modern automotive culture, Henry Ford, remarked, “History is bunk.” Ibid.
  • 74. It has become commonplace to see in today’s press reference to what Alvin Toffler called “futureshock.” We regularly note the adverse effect upon others and ourselves of the accelerated rate at which change occurs. There is a widespread feeling that all the old rules have gone by the boards. As the founder of modern automotive culture, Henry Ford, remarked, “History is bunk.” This atmosphere of uncertainty appears to be the product of what can only be referred to as an explosion of technology. Ibid.
  • 75. “The last decade in America’s history [the ‘Sixties] ended with a bitter confrontation. Its intensity is almost impossible to recall during this present [1977] lull. On one side of this “terrible simplification” were the dissenters. They wanted to say no to everything which they believed had produced the power structure, America’s ‘military- industrial complex.’ Ibid.
  • 76.
  • 77.
  • 78.
  • 79. The last decade in America’s history [the ‘Sixties] ended with a bitter confrontation. Its intensity is almost impossible to recall during this present [1977] lull. On one side of this “terrible simplification” were the dissenters. They wanted to say no to everything which they believed had produced the power structure, America’s “military- industrial complex.” Opposed were those who felt that they had to affirm anything and everything which they believed stood threatened. Both sides claimed to be the “real” Americans. Ibid.
  • 80. The last decade in America’s history [the ‘Sixties] ended with a bitter confrontation. Its intensity is almost impossible to recall during this present [1977] lull. On one side of this “terrible simplification” were the dissenters. They wanted to say no to everything which they believed had produced the power structure, America’s “military- industrial complex.” Opposed were those who felt that they had to affirm anything and everything which they believed stood threatened. Both sides claimed to be the “real” Americans. Ibid.
  • 81. The last decade in America’s history [the ‘Sixties] ended with a bitter confrontation. Its intensity is almost impossible to recall during this present [1977] lull. On one side of this “terrible simplification” were the dissenters. They wanted to say no to everything which they believed had produced the power structure, America’s “military- industrial complex.” Opposed were those who felt that they had to affirm anything and everything which they believed stood threatened. Both sides claimed to be the “real” Americans. Ibid.
  • 82. The last decade in America’s history [the ‘Sixties] ended with a bitter confrontation. Its intensity is almost impossible to recall during this present [1977] lull. On one side of this “terrible simplification” were the dissenters. They wanted to say no to everything which they believed had produced the power structure, America’s “military- industrial complex.” Opposed were those who felt that they had to affirm anything and everything which they believed stood threatened. Both sides claimed to be the “real” Americans. It was not a period which encouraged moderation. Ibid.
  • 83. The last decade in America’s history [the ‘Sixties] ended with a bitter confrontation. Its intensity is almost impossible to recall during this present [1977] lull. On one side of this “terrible simplification” were the dissenters. They wanted to say no to everything which they believed had produced the power structure, America’s “military- industrial complex.” Opposed were those who felt that they had to affirm anything and everything which they believed stood threatened. Both sides claimed to be the “real” Americans. It was not a period which encouraged moderation. Ibid.
  • 84. “What does it mean to be an American? “What is this country all about? Sociologist Robert Bellah coined a term, “American civil religion,” to describe what he considers to be the core faith of our nation.
  • 85. “What does it mean to be an American? “What is this country all about? Sociologist Robert Bellah coined a term, “American civil religion,” to describe what he considers to be the core faith of our nation.
  • 86. “What does it mean to be an American? “What is this country all about? Sociologist Robert Bellah coined a term, “American civil religion,” to describe what he considers to be the core faith of our nation.
  • 87. “What does it mean to be an American? “What is this country all about? Sociologist Robert Bellah coined a term, “American civil religion,” to describe what he considers to be the core faith of our nation. It serves the same function in our country which an established religion might in another, for instance, Lutheranism in Sweden. In the ten year debate following Bellah’s article many examinations by thinkers in diverse fields have tried to nail down the religion of American ‘true believers.’
  • 88. “What does it mean to be an American? “What is this country all about? Sociologist Robert Bellah coined a term, “American civil religion,” to describe what he considers to be the core faith of our nation. It serves the same function in our country which an established religion might in another, for instance, Lutheranism in Sweden. In the ten year debate following Bellah’s article many examinations by thinkers in diverse fields have tried to nail down the religion of American ‘true believers.’
  • 89. “What does it mean to be an American? “What is this country all about? Sociologist Robert Bellah coined a term, ‘American civil religion,’ to describe what he considers to be the core faith of our nation. It serves the same function in our country which an established religion might in another, for instance, Lutheranism in Sweden. I nt ten year debate following Bellah’s article many examinations by thinkers in diverse fields have tried to nail down the religion of American ‘true believers.’ Almost coincidentally to this learned dialogue, the American people experienced a bicentennial with serious thought as well as souvenirs. Ibid.
  • 90.
  • 91.
  • 92.
  • 93.
  • 94.
  • 95.
  • 96.
  • 97.
  • 98. “A recent U.S. Ambassador to the United Nations, Daniel P. Moynihan, struck a sobering note when he pointed out the vulnerability of democracy in the world today. . Ibid
  • 99. “A recent U.S. Ambassador to the United Nations, Daniel P. Moynihan, struck a sobering note when he pointed out the vulnerability of democracy in the world today. During the first two hundred years it seemed clear that our type of political order was an example which the rest of the world would soon follow. Indeed most of the New World nations of Latin America modeled their constitutions after ours. Tyrants everywhere were on the defensive. Ibid.
  • 100. “A recent U.S. Ambassador to the United Nations, Daniel P. Moynihan, struck a sobering note when he pointed out the vulnerability of democracy in the world today. During the first two hundred years it seemed clear that our type of political order was an example which the rest of the world would soon follow. Indeed most of the New World nations of Latin America modeled their constitutions after ours. Tyrants everywhere were on the defensive. Ibid.
  • 101. “In the aftermath of World War I this optimism began to fade. Ibid.
  • 102.
  • 103. “In the aftermath of World War I this optimism began to fade. The Irish nationalist poet William Butler Yeats wrote lines that were prophetic of the years ahead: Ibid.
  • 104. “In the aftermath of World War I this optimism began to fade. The Irish nationalist poet William Butler Yeats wrote lines that were prophetic of the years ahead: Ibid.
  • 105. Things fall apart; the centre cannot hold; Mere anarchy is loosed upon the world, The blood dimmed tide is loosed, and everywhere The ceremony of innocence is drowned; The best lack all conviction, while the worst Are full of passionate intensity. Yeats, “The Second Coming” written 1919 published 1920
  • 106. “In the aftermath of World War I this optimism began to fade. The Irish nationalist poet William Butler Yeats wrote lines that were prophetic of the years ahead: Ibid.
  • 107. Things fall apart; the centre cannot hold; Mere anarchy is loosed upon the world, The blood dimmed tide is loosed, and everywhere The ceremony of innocence is drowned; The best lack all conviction, while the worst Are full of passionate intensity. Yeats, “The Second Coming” written 1919 published 1920
  • 108. “In the aftermath of World War I this optimism began to fade. The Irish nationalist poet William Butler Yeats wrote lines that were prophetic of the years ahead: Ibid.
  • 109. Things fall apart; the centre cannot hold; Mere anarchy is loosed upon the world, The blood dimmed tide is loosed, and everywhere The ceremony of innocence is drowned; The best lack all conviction, while the worst Are full of passionate intensity. Yeats, “The Second Coming” written 1919 published 1920
  • 110. “In the aftermath of World War I this optimism began to fade. The Irish nationalist poet William Butler Yeats wrote lines that were prophetic of the years ahead: Ibid.
  • 111. Things fall apart; the centre cannot hold; Mere anarchy is loosed upon the world, The blood dimmed tide is loosed, and everywhere The ceremony of innocence is drowned; The best lack all conviction, while the worst Are full of passionate intensity. Yeats, “The Second Coming” written 1919 published 1920
  • 113. American Politics Martin Luther King’s March on Washington, 1963
  • 114. American confidence rose with what Ike later called the “Crusade in Europe,” Ibid.
  • 115. American confidence rose with what Ike later called the “Crusade in Europe,” but hardly had peace come in 1945 when the Cold War Ibid.
  • 116. Soviet tanks American confidence rose with what Ike later called the “Crusade in Europe,” but hardly had peace come in 1945 when the Cold War Ibid. US tanks Berlin, 1948 “Checkpoint ‘Charlie’
  • 117. “American confidence rose with what Ike later called the “Crusade in Europe,” but hardly had peace come in 1945 when the Cold War created a more intractable challenge for America and those other countries which together with us make up the West or the “Free World.” Ibid.
  • 119. “For more than thirty years now [in 1982] the United States and the Soviet Union have contended for hegemony in a shrinking world where nuclear weapons have assured that there will be no bystanders.
  • 120.
  • 121. “For more than thirty years now [in 1982] the United States and the Soviet Union have contended for hegemony in a shrinking world where nuclear weapons have assured that there will be no bystanders. The nature of the conflict has changed dramatically as the client states of each superpower have developed or declined and divisions have occurred within each camp.
  • 122. 1948 Tito and Stalin clash. Yugoslavia is expelled from Cominform
  • 123. 1956 When Nasser seized the Suez Canal our British and French allies invaded. We refused to back them.
  • 124. 1958 Chairman Mao Zedong and Premier Nikita Khrushchev, publicly international allies, privately ideological enemies.
  • 125. 1963 Ngo Dinh Diem and Ho Chi Minh fight openly.
  • 126. 1963 Ngo Dinh Diem and Ho Chi Minh fight openly. First Kennedy intervenes, then Johnson escalates. The country is divided, then humiliated.
  • 127. For more than thirty years now [in 1982] the United States and the Soviet Union have contended for hegemony in a shrinking world where nuclear weapons have assured that there will be no bystanders. The nature of the conflict has changed dramatically as the client states of each superpower have developed or declined and divisions have occurred within each camp. T believe that this power struggle in our o “global village” is at heart a contest for resources or markets is to adopt a Marxist interpretation of history.
  • 128. “For more than thirty years now [in 1982] the United States and the Soviet Union have contended for hegemony in a shrinking world where nuclear weapons have assured that there will be no bystanders. The nature of the conflict has changed dramatically as the client states of each superpower have developed or declined and divisions have occurred within each camp. T believe that this power struggle in our o “global village” is at heart a contest for resources or markets is to adopt a Marxist interpretation of history. The issue of the present [1982] decisive conflict in the history of mankind is nothing other than which political philosophies, if any, shall prevail.”
  • 131. Once again, in 2012, we live in “interesting” times.
  • 132. In the thirty years since the preceding words were written in 1982, many amazing events have occurred. Who could have predicted then that a former movie actor, two Poles, and a reformist Communist politician would together bring about the collapse of the mighty Soviet Union?
  • 133. In the thirty years since the preceding words were written in 1982, many amazing events have occurred. Who could have predicted then that a former movie actor, two Poles, and a reformist Communist politician would together bring about the collapse of the mighty Soviet Union?
  • 134. In the thirty years since the preceding words were written in 1982, many amazing events have occurred. Who could have predicted then that a former movie actor, two Poles, and a reformist Communist politician would together bring about the collapse of the mighty Soviet Union?
  • 135. In the thirty years since the preceding words were written in 1982, many amazing events have occurred. Who could have predicted then that a former movie actor, two Poles, and a reformist Communist politician would together bring about the collapse of the mighty Soviet Union?
  • 136. In the thirty years since those words were written in 1982 many amazing events have occurred. Who could have predicted then that a former movie actor, two Poles, and a reformist Soviet politician would together create the collapse of the mighty Soviet Union? That didn’t bring about “the end of history,” as one brash political scientist predicted in 1992.
  • 137. In the thirty years since those words were written in 1982 many amazing events have occurred. Who could have predicted then that a former movie actor, two Poles, and a reformist Soviet politician would together create the collapse of the mighty Soviet Union? That didn’t bring about “the end of history,” as one brash political scientist predicted in 1992.
  • 138. IN WATCHING the flow of events over the past decade [1982-1992] or so, it is hard to avoid the feeling that something very fundamental has happened in world history. The past year has seen a flood of articles commemorating the end of the Cold War, and the fact that "peace" seems to be breaking out in many regions of the world. Most of these analyses lack any larger conceptual framework for distinguishing between what is essential and what is contingent or accidental in world history, and are predictably superficial. If Mr. Gorbachev were ousted from the Kremlin or a new Ayatollah proclaimed the millennium from a desolate Middle Eastern capital, these same commentators would scramble to announce the rebirth of a new era of conflict. And yet, all of these people sense dimly that there is some larger process at work, a process that gives coherence and order to the daily headlines... Francis Fukuyama, “The End of History”
  • 139. In the thirty years since those words were written in 1982 many amazing events have occurred. Who could have predicted then that a former movie actor, two Poles, and a reformist Soviet politician would together create the collapse of the mighty Soviet Union? That didn’t bring about “the end of history,” as one brash political scientist predicted in 1992. Not just “...a new Ayatollah,” but a host of characters, both great and small, combined to destroy that millennial optimism.
  • 140. Some would minimize American exceptionalism, apologize for what they regard as our past hubris. They suggest we should “lead from behind.”
  • 141. Some would minimize American exceptionalism, apologize for what they regard as our past hubris. They suggest we should “lead from behind.” Others would like to see us disengage from world leadership entirely and concentrate on our domestic challenges.
  • 142. Some would minimize American exceptionalism, apologize for what they regard as our past hubris. They suggest we should “lead from behind.” Others would like to see us disengage from world leadership entirely and concentrate on our domestic challenges. Still others take inspiration from the Reagan years and wish to resume the role of “a city upon a hill.”
  • 143. A City upon a Hill is a phrase from the parable of Salt and Light in Jesus' Sermon on the Mount. In Matthew 5:14, he tells his listeners, "You are the light of the world. A city that is set on a hill cannot be hidden." Wikipedia
  • 144. A City upon a Hill is a phrase from the parable of Salt and Light in Jesus' Sermon on the Mount. In Matthew 5:14, he tells his listeners, "You are the light of the world. A city that is set on a hill cannot be hidden." The phrase entered the American lexicon early in its history, in the Puritan John Winthrop's 1630 sermon "A Model of Christian Charity". Winthrop admonished the future Massachusetts Bay colonists that their new community would be a "city upon a hill", watched by the world---which became the ideal the New England colonists placed upon their hilly capital city, Boston. Winthrop's sermon gave rise to the widespread belief in American folklore that the United States of America is God's country because metaphorically it is a Shining City upon a Hill, an early example of American exceptionalism. [emphasis added--jbp] Wikipedia
  • 145. On 9 January 1961, President-Elect John F. Kennedy returned the phrase to prominence during an address delivered to the General Court of Massachusetts: ...I have been guided by the standard John Winthrop set before his shipmates on the flagship Arbella three hundred and thirty-one years ago, as they, too, faced the task of building a new government on a perilous frontier. "We must always consider", he said, "that we shall be as a city upon a hill—the eyes of all people are upon us". Today the eyes of all people are truly upon us—and our governments.... Wikipedia
  • 146. President Ronald Reagan used the image as well, in his 1984 acceptance of the Republican Party nomination and in his January 11, 1989, farewell speech to the nation: ...I've spoken of the shining city all my political life, but I don't know if I ever quite communicated what I saw when I said it. But in my mind it was a tall proud city built on rocks stronger than oceans, wind-swept, God-blessed, and teeming with people of all kinds living in harmony and peace, a city with free ports that hummed with commerce and creativity, and if there had to be city walls, the walls had doors and the doors were open to anyone with the will and the heart to get here. That's how I saw it and see it still... Wikipedia
  • 147. “Jefferson once scorned the impossibility of ‘a people both ignorant and free.’ “Those who expect to be both ignorant and free, expect what never was and never will be.”
  • 148. “Jefferson once scorned the impossibility of ‘a people both ignorant and free.’ In this, your last year in the public schools, you will prepare to make your contribution to what Lincoln characterized as an experiment in the political history of mankind. The fate of this nation, “so conceived and so dedicated,” is no less uncertain today than it was in 1863.
  • 149.
  • 150. Four score and seven years ago our fathers brought forth on this continent a new nation, conceived in liberty, and dedicated to the proposition that all men are created equal. Now we are engaged in a great civil war, testing whether that nation, or any nation, so conceived and so dedicated, can long endure.
  • 151. “Jefferson once scorned the impossibility of ‘a people both ignorant and free.’ In this, your last year in the public schools, you will prepare to make your contribution to what Lincoln characterized as an experiment in the political history of mankind. The fate of this nation, “so conceived and so dedicated,” is no less uncertain today than it was in 1863. As we enter our third century, the type of political philosophy which animates our people will decide whether we can---indeed, whether we should--- celebrate a tricentennial.” James B. Powers,”Justice & Power; A Primer in Political Philosophy,” 1982
  • 154.
  • 155. Once upon a time, in a school district on the east side of Cincinnati, in a nation long since transformed, there was an idealistic high school teacher of American Government. This series of presentations is based on a small book which he wrote in 1977 for his seniors. He planned an eight week introduction to the required civics class. It reviewed Western Civ for students, most of whose knowledge of it was skimpy at best. The premise then, and still today, was that knowing these philosophers and their ideas is the necessary foundation for making intelligent choices as a citizen in our democratic republic.
  • 156.
  • 157.
  • 158.
  • 160. my date, as we chaperone a high school prom The Dedication
  • 162. my date, as we chaperone a high school prom The Dedication
  • 164. (ho de an•ex•EH•tas•tos BI•os ou bi•ōh•TOS an•THRŌ•pō)
  • 165.
  • 166.
  • 167.
  • 168. “Callimachus the philologist remarked that a “big book is a big evil.” (µεγα βιβλια µεγα κακον) I should like to begin by thanking those former students who have helped me appreciate the need for brevity. During the seven years that I have taught “the philosophers” at Indian Hill, this introduction has been one of the most popular parts of the senior government course. I have been stimulated often by students’ comments both written and oral. The material and approach here owes much to them.
  • 169. “I would next like to express my thanks to the family whose anonymous gift to the school has paid for the publication costs of this guide. Perhaps the greatest single fringe benefit of teaching in this system is the opportunity to meet so many public-spirited adults.
  • 170. “my colleagues Paul Mattox taught his friends and students “a lot” besides physics his daughter Kim helped check the text for student comprehensibility Paul Connell has patiently listened to me rave about all this for thirteen years. His insights as a former college philosophy prof have inspired me Bob West helped me with his English skills Bill Kincaid, our Franklin, with the printing Dr. Anna Graham showed me long ago that seniors don’t require either pablum or spoon feeding. Every beginning teacher should be as fortunate in his mentor as I was August, 1977
  • 171. “The years since 1977 have been filled with criticism of public education in America. The praise and appreciation of many of my students for this work has been a most welcome respite. It is better for their suggestions. [one student, who later served in the Bush White House, wrote back that this class was better than his freshman Western Civ class at Harvard!] Diane McDonald and Bill Kincaid are true professionals. It is a privilege to work and study in a community which affirms the value of examining the past. July, 1982 Indian Hill, Ohio
  • 172. The criticism of public education in America, if anything, has heightened in the thirty years since I wrote that second acknowledgment. I have been retired for twenty-two of them. “You can take the teacher out of the classroom, but…” My heartfelt thanks to Marty Selzer who created the Mt Saint Joseph Life-Learn program and asked me to teach a class for the Ohio bicentennial in 2003. And again, having so many interested and interesting students is the great reward for this wonderful vocation. July, 2012 Cincinnati, Ohio
  • 173. The criticism of public education in America, if anything, has heightened in the thirty years since I wrote that second acknowledgment. I have been retired for twenty-two of them. “You can take the teacher out of the classroom, but…” My heartfelt thanks to Marty Selzer who created the Mt Saint Joseph Life-Learn program and asked me to teach a class for the Ohio bicentennial in 2003. And again, having so many interested and interesting students is the great reward for this wonderful vocation. My beloved Kate (nee Catherine) continues to be my muse. Once again, her suggestions have made a great contribution to this project. July, 2012 Cincinnati, Ohio