This revised version should replace the earlier one. But I can't find the edit button to delete the earlier version. I've removed most of the "warts" caused by converting a .key to a .pdf. This is a third edition of a high school text I wrote first in 1977. It will ultimately review the ideas about government by looking at the works of ten thinkers from Plato to Karl Marx. This first presentation introduces the series.
6. The purpose of this series of presentations is to encourage the
viewer to reflect deeply on the meaning of justice and its
relationship to power. Often people respond to situations
impulsively without having a developed understanding of justice
and what might be necessary to produce it.
7. Bonasera: I went to the police, like a good American. These two boys [who had raped
his daughter] were brought to trial. The judge sentenced them to three years in prison,
and suspended the sentence. Suspended sentence! They went free that very day! I
stood in the courtroom like a fool, and those two bastards, they smiled at me. Then I
said to my wife, "For justice, we must go to Don Corleone."
Don Corleone: Why did you go to the police? Why didn't you come to me first?
8. Bonasera: I went to the police, like a good American. These two boys [who had raped
his daughter] were brought to trial. The judge sentenced them to three years in prison,
and suspended the sentence. Suspended sentence! They went free that very day! I
stood in the courtroom like a fool, and those two bastards, they smiled at me. Then I
said to my wife, "For justice, we must go to Don Corleone."
Don Corleone: Why did you go to the police? Why didn't you come to me first?
9. In Mario Puzo’s The Godfather, this unforgettable opening
scene demonstrates the human sense of outrage which cries
out for justice. The undertaker, Bonasera, goes first to
government. When he learns, quite correctly, that ‘the system’
lets him down, he turns to the traditional Sicilian process for
regulating society--the Mafia, La Cosa Nostra (Our Thing). He
doesn’t reflect on what impact his action might have on society,
the long range consequences of organized crime.
10.
11.
12.
13.
14.
15.
16.
17. Every revolution---ours, the French, the Russian, even
Mussolini’s and Hitler’s---promises to institute a new political
order which will right wrongs and “establish justice.”
18.
19. Every revolution---ours, the French, the Russian, even
Mussolini’s and Hitler’s---promises to institute a new political
order which will right wrongs and “establish justice.”
20. That to secure these rights, Governments are instituted among
Men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the
governed, That whenever any Form of Government becomes
destructive of these ends, it is the Right of the People to alter
or to abolish it, and to institute new Government, laying its
foundation on such principles and organizing its powers in
such form, as to them shall seem most likely to effect their
Safety and Happiness.-‐‑-‐‑The Declaration of Independence, 1776
21.
22. Every revolution---ours, the French, the Russian, even
Mussolini’s and Hitler’s---promises to institute a new political
order which will right wrongs and “establish justice.”
23. We the People, in order to …
establish justice….
Preamble to the U.S. Constitution, 1787
24. The challenge is to apply power so that more rather than less
justice results.
or
School Desegregation repression
25. The challenge is to apply power so that more rather than less
justice results.
26. The challenge is to apply power so that more rather than less
justice results.
Throughout the history of mankind, the sanction of force has
been elemental to the existence of social organizations. A
careful reading of history reveals that physical force, or the
threat of it, has been applied to the resolution of social and
political problems since man formed the first primitive tribal
group. That force, orchestrated as the situation demands, has
continued to persist, assuring order; combatting enemies abroad
or suppressing revolts at home; and, hopefully, upholding what
is right.
“Introduction to the West Point Military History Series,” p. ix
27. The challenge is to apply power so that more rather than
less justice results
Justice without power to enforce it is impotent
Power applied without justice at first produces resentment;
and after “a long train of abuses,” revolution
Justice and power are the core principles of politics
We will consider what ten great thinkers have said about
their application
31. Preface
“Suppose you were given the choice of knowing how to do all
sorts of things really well but having no sense of what the right
things to do were -- the activities that would give you a good,
happy, fulfilled life. Or, on the other hand, you might choose to
have a deep insight into what should be done to build a good life
for yourself but lack the skills or know-how to perform the
separate tasks to create such an existence. Let’s call a person
choosing the first alternative (skills but no plan) the life
technician, and a person choosing the second (plan but no skills)
the life designer. Neither can reach his goal of a good life except
by chance.
Justice & Power, p. iii
32. Preface
“Suppose you were given the choice of knowing how to do all
sorts of things really well but having no sense of what the right
things to do were -- the activities that would give you a good,
happy, fulfilled life. Or, on the other hand, you might choose to
have a deep insight into what should be done to build a good life
for yourself but lack the skills or know-how to perform the
separate tasks to create such an existence. Let’s call a person
choosing the first alternative (skills but no plan) the life
technician, and a person choosing the second (plan but no skills)
the life designer. Neither can reach his goal of a good life except
by chance.
Justice & Power, p. iii
33. “At the national level we might envision two groups of people,
two parties, like the above two individuals. The Life Technicians
Party would be expert in practical politics. They would have the
skills to seize and keep control of the state. But they would have
no real policies, no plans to make the country a good place to live.
The Life Designers would have an excellent program but no saavy,
no organization, no chance to ever implement their policies. Again
both approaches would fall short and the country would not be
markedly better for the presence of either group.
Ibid.
34.
35. “At the national level we might envision two groups of people,
two parties, like the above two individuals. The Life Technicians
Party would be expert in practical politics. They would have the
skills to seize and keep control of the state. But they would have
no real policies, no plans to make the country a good place to live.
The Life Designers would have an excellent program but no saavy,
no organization, no chance to ever implement their policies. Again
both approaches would fall short and the country would not be
markedly better for the presence of either group.
Ibid.
Life Technicians Life Designers
36. The need for know-how is widely recognized. America has
especially enshrined the pragmatic spirit of Yankee ingenuity, the
“can-do” attitude
Ibid.
37.
38. The need for know-how is widely recognized. America has
especially enshrined the pragmatic spirit of Yankee ingenuity, the
“can-do” attitude which is disdainful of “ivory tower” intellectuals.
Ibid.
39. The need for know-how is widely recognized. America has
especially enshrined the pragmatic spirit of Yankee ingenuity, the
“can-do” attitude which is disdainful of “ivory tower” intellectuals.
Ibid.
40.
41.
42. The need for know-how is widely recognized. America has
especially enshrined the pragmatic spirit of Yankee ingenuity, the
“can-do” attitude which is disdainful of “ivory tower” intellectuals.
Still, a moment’s reflection shows that mere activity without an
underlying order is the same as chaos which ancient civilizations
directly equated with evil.
Ibid.
43. The need for know-how is widely recognized. America has
especially enshrined the pragmatic spirit of Yankee ingenuity, the
“can-do” attitude which is disdainful of “ivory tower” intellectuals.
Still, a moment’s reflection shows that mere activity without an
underlying order is the same as chaos which ancient civilizations
directly equated with evil.
Ibid.
44. The need for know-how is widely recognized. America has
especially enshrined the pragmatic spirit of Yankee ingenuity, the
“can-do” attitude which is disdainful of “ivory tower” intellectuals.
Still, a moment’s reflection shows that mere activity without an
underlying order is the same as chaos which ancient civilizations
directly equated with evil.
Ibid.
45.
46. The need for know-how is widely recognized. America has
especially enshrined the pragmatic spirit of Yankee ingenuity, the
“can-do” attitude which is disdainful of “ivory tower” intellectuals.
Still, a moment’s reflection shows that mere activity without an
underlying order is the same as chaos which ancient civilizations
directly equated with evil.
Ibid.
47. The need for know-how is widely recognized. America has
especially enshrined the pragmatic spirit of Yankee ingenuity, the
“can-do” attitude which is disdainful of “ivory tower” intellectuals.
Still, a moment’s reflection shows that mere activity without an
underlying order is the same as chaos which ancient civilizations
directly equated with evil.
Ibid.
48. The need for know-how is widely recognized. America has
especially enshrined the pragmatic spirit of Yankee ingenuity, the
“can-do” attitude which is disdainful of “ivory tower” intellectuals.
Still, a moment’s reflection shows that mere activity without an
underlying order is the same as chaos which ancient civilizations
directly equated with evil.
Ibid.
49.
50. “In developing a mature understanding of political affairs
it is helpful to begin with three concepts:
“practical” political sense
political science
political philosophy
51. “Practical” Political Sense
….”The first type of knowledge is the product of experience “in the streets”
apart from schools and reading. It is often associated with political figures
such as Hitler
Ibid.
52. “Practical” Political Sense
….”The first type of knowledge is the product of experience “in the streets”
apart from schools and reading. It is often associated with political figures
such as Hitler
Ibid.
53. “Practical” Political Sense
….”The first type of knowledge is the product of experience “in the streets”
apart from schools and reading. It is often associated with political figures
such as Hitler or Cincinnati’s “Boss” Cox who have minimal schooling but great
political acumen.
Ibid.
54. ….”The first type of knowledge is the product of experience “in
the streets” apart from schools and reading. It is often
associated with political figures such as Hitler or Cincinnati’s
“Boss” Cox who have minimal schooling but great political
acumen. A mythology built up about gifted “men of the people”
tends to obscure any later self-education which such may
pursue. For obvious reasons, as the above two examples bear
out, such unschooled leaders do not receive the praises of
historians and others who make their living schooling the young.
Ibid.
55. In developing a mature understanding of political affairs it
is helpful to begin with three concepts:
“practical” political sense
political science
political philosophy
56. “Political science and philosophy are the product of schools
[beginning in Athens at Plato’s Academy and Aristotle’s
Lyceum] though they are not carried on there exclusively. To
the degree that [these studies] lose touch with “the real world,”
they become futile. Much ink has been spilled in the twentieth
century by scholars arguing about the history and merits---
indeed the limits or boundaries---of each field of study. Simply,
political science is descriptive while political philosophy is
prescriptive.
Political science tells about “what is” (and why it is) while
political philosophy invites us to speculate upon “what ought to
be.”
Ibid.
57. Those with “street smarts” may have the technical skills to gain
and maintain power. Even “ivory tower” intellectuals with
political science degrees can achieve power. But if their goals
are based on a defective political philosophy the results are
bound to disappoint.
58. “ Our study this quarter will not be limited to this narrow notion
of political philosophy as prescriptive or normative (rule-
making). Rather we will review the political history of our culture
with emphasis on how influential thinkers’ ideas have
conditioned the “what is” of today. You may find it a fascinating
journey. Once your study has reached the twentieth century
you will be better prepared to assume your responsibility to
posit the “what ought to be” and work toward the “what can be”
of our country’s future.
Powers, op. cit.
59. II
“It is not a simple thing to begin a study of so complex and
important a subject as our contemporary political culture. Many
honest and intelligent people argue hotly about political
questions.
Ibid.
60. II
“It is not a simple thing to begin a study of so complex and
important a subject as our contemporary political culture. Many
honest and intelligent people argue hotly about political
questions.
Ibid.
61. II
“It is not a simple thing to begin a study of so complex and
important a subject as our contemporary political culture. Many
honest and intelligent people argue hotly about political
questions.
Ibid.
62. “It is not a simple thing to begin a study of so complex
and important a subject as our contemporary political
culture. Many honest and learned people argue hotly
about political questions. As you study the present
American scene, to “see” things at all requires a context, a
fabric, a design to “fit” things into. Without some matrix to
provide meaning the thing remains part of the background,
not “seen” at all.
Ibid.
66. “Your political growth began with your earliest
years and experiences. Today it is as if you are
looking at the world through tinted spectacles
which your family and the larger society have
placed over your eyes without either your
knowledge or consent.
67. “Your political growth began with your earliest
years and experiences. Today it is as if you are
looking at the world through tinted spectacles
which your family and the larger society have
placed over your eyes without either your
knowledge or consent.
68. Plato
Aristotle
Your political growth began with your earliest years and
experiences. Today it is as if you are looking at the world Machiavelli
through tinted spectacles which your family and the larger Hobbes
society have placed over your eyes without either your Locke
knowledge or consent. Our study will offer you ten new and Montesquieu
different “spectacles” through which to look at the affairs of Rousseau
men in states. At the end you are not supposed to have traded
Jefferson
your “own” spectacles for another pair. Nor is it imagined that
Burke
you will have reached a pinnacle and can then see the world as
Marx
it really is “without spectacles.” But if you read thoughtfully
and participate in class, your vision will have increased and
things which form part of the background to less aware political
observers will jump out in bold relief for you.
bold relief Ibid.
69. “It has become commonplace to see in today’s [1977‘s]
press reference to what Alvin Toffler called “futureshock.”
70. “It has become commonplace to see in today’s [1977‘s]
press reference to what Alvin Toffler called “futureshock.”
71. It has become commonplace to see in today’s press
reference to what Alvin Toffler called “futureshock.” We
regularly note the adverse effect upon others and
ourselves of the accelerated rate at which change occurs.
There is a widespread feeling that all the old rules have
gone by the boards. As the founder of modern automotive
culture, Henry Ford, remarked, “History is bunk.”
Ibid.
72. It has become commonplace to see in today’s press
reference to what Alvin Toffler called “futureshock.” We
regularly note the adverse effect upon others and
ourselves of the accelerated rate at which change occurs.
There is a widespread feeling that all the old rules have
gone by the boards. As the founder of modern automotive
culture, Henry Ford, remarked, “History is bunk.”
Ibid.
73. It has become commonplace to see in today’s press
reference to what Alvin Toffler called “futureshock.” We
regularly note the adverse effect upon others and
ourselves of the accelerated rate at which change occurs.
There is a widespread feeling that all the old rules have
gone by the boards. As the founder of modern automotive
culture, Henry Ford, remarked, “History is bunk.”
Ibid.
74. It has become commonplace to see in today’s press
reference to what Alvin Toffler called “futureshock.” We
regularly note the adverse effect upon others and
ourselves of the accelerated rate at which change occurs.
There is a widespread feeling that all the old rules have
gone by the boards. As the founder of modern
automotive culture, Henry Ford, remarked, “History is
bunk.” This atmosphere of uncertainty appears to be the
product of what can only be referred to as an explosion
of technology.
Ibid.
75. “The last decade in America’s history [the ‘Sixties]
ended with a bitter confrontation. Its intensity is almost
impossible to recall during this present [1977] lull. On one
side of this “terrible simplification” were the dissenters.
They wanted to say no to everything which they believed
had produced the power structure, America’s ‘military-
industrial complex.’
Ibid.
76.
77.
78.
79. The last decade in America’s history [the ‘Sixties] ended
with a bitter confrontation. Its intensity is almost
impossible to recall during this present [1977] lull. On one
side of this “terrible simplification” were the dissenters.
They wanted to say no to everything which they believed
had produced the power structure, America’s “military-
industrial complex.” Opposed were those who felt that
they had to affirm anything and everything which they
believed stood threatened. Both sides claimed to be the
“real” Americans.
Ibid.
80. The last decade in America’s history [the ‘Sixties] ended
with a bitter confrontation. Its intensity is almost
impossible to recall during this present [1977] lull. On one
side of this “terrible simplification” were the dissenters.
They wanted to say no to everything which they believed
had produced the power structure, America’s “military-
industrial complex.” Opposed were those who felt that
they had to affirm anything and everything which they
believed stood threatened. Both sides claimed to be the
“real” Americans.
Ibid.
81. The last decade in America’s history [the ‘Sixties] ended
with a bitter confrontation. Its intensity is almost
impossible to recall during this present [1977] lull. On one
side of this “terrible simplification” were the dissenters.
They wanted to say no to everything which they believed
had produced the power structure, America’s “military-
industrial complex.” Opposed were those who felt that
they had to affirm anything and everything which they
believed stood threatened. Both sides claimed to be the
“real” Americans.
Ibid.
82. The last decade in America’s history [the ‘Sixties] ended
with a bitter confrontation. Its intensity is almost
impossible to recall during this present [1977] lull. On one
side of this “terrible simplification” were the dissenters.
They wanted to say no to everything which they believed
had produced the power structure, America’s “military-
industrial complex.” Opposed were those who felt that
they had to affirm anything and everything which they
believed stood threatened. Both sides claimed to be the
“real” Americans. It was not a period which encouraged
moderation.
Ibid.
83. The last decade in America’s history [the ‘Sixties] ended
with a bitter confrontation. Its intensity is almost
impossible to recall during this present [1977] lull. On one
side of this “terrible simplification” were the dissenters.
They wanted to say no to everything which they believed
had produced the power structure, America’s “military-
industrial complex.” Opposed were those who felt that
they had to affirm anything and everything which they
believed stood threatened. Both sides claimed to be the
“real” Americans. It was not a period which encouraged
moderation.
Ibid.
84. “What does it mean to be an American?
“What is this country all about? Sociologist Robert Bellah
coined a term, “American civil religion,” to describe what he
considers to be the core faith of our nation.
85. “What does it mean to be an American?
“What is this country all about? Sociologist Robert Bellah
coined a term, “American civil religion,” to describe what he
considers to be the core faith of our nation.
86. “What does it mean to be an American?
“What is this country all about? Sociologist Robert Bellah
coined a term, “American civil religion,” to describe what he
considers to be the core faith of our nation.
87. “What does it mean to be an American?
“What is this country all about? Sociologist Robert Bellah
coined a term, “American civil religion,” to describe what he
considers to be the core faith of our nation. It serves the
same function in our country which an established religion
might in another, for instance, Lutheranism in Sweden. In
the ten year debate following Bellah’s article many
examinations by thinkers in diverse fields have tried to nail
down the religion of American ‘true believers.’
88. “What does it mean to be an American?
“What is this country all about? Sociologist Robert Bellah
coined a term, “American civil religion,” to describe what he
considers to be the core faith of our nation. It serves the
same function in our country which an established religion
might in another, for instance, Lutheranism in Sweden. In
the ten year debate following Bellah’s article many
examinations by thinkers in diverse fields have tried to nail
down the religion of American ‘true believers.’
89. “What does it mean to be an American?
“What is this country all about? Sociologist Robert Bellah
coined a term, ‘American civil religion,’ to describe what he
considers to be the core faith of our nation. It serves the
same function in our country which an established religion
might in another, for instance, Lutheranism in Sweden. I nt
ten year debate following Bellah’s article many examinations
by thinkers in diverse fields have tried to nail down the
religion of American ‘true believers.’ Almost coincidentally
to this learned dialogue, the American people experienced a
bicentennial with serious thought as well as souvenirs.
Ibid.
90.
91.
92.
93.
94.
95.
96.
97.
98. “A recent U.S. Ambassador to the United Nations,
Daniel P. Moynihan, struck a sobering note when he
pointed out the vulnerability of democracy in the world
today.
.
Ibid
99. “A recent U.S. Ambassador to the United Nations,
Daniel P. Moynihan, struck a sobering note when he
pointed out the vulnerability of democracy in the world
today. During the first two hundred years it seemed clear
that our type of political order was an example which the
rest of the world would soon follow. Indeed most of the
New World nations of Latin America modeled their
constitutions after ours. Tyrants everywhere were on the
defensive.
Ibid.
100. “A recent U.S. Ambassador to the United Nations,
Daniel P. Moynihan, struck a sobering note when he
pointed out the vulnerability of democracy in the world
today. During the first two hundred years it seemed clear
that our type of political order was an example which the
rest of the world would soon follow. Indeed most of the
New World nations of Latin America modeled their
constitutions after ours. Tyrants everywhere were on the
defensive.
Ibid.
101. “In the aftermath of World War I this optimism began to
fade.
Ibid.
102.
103. “In the aftermath of World War I this optimism began to
fade. The Irish nationalist poet William Butler Yeats wrote
lines that were prophetic of the years ahead:
Ibid.
104. “In the aftermath of World War I this optimism began to
fade. The Irish nationalist poet William Butler Yeats wrote
lines that were prophetic of the years ahead:
Ibid.
105. Things fall apart; the centre cannot hold;
Mere anarchy is loosed upon the world,
The blood dimmed tide is loosed, and everywhere
The ceremony of innocence is drowned;
The best lack all conviction, while the worst
Are full of passionate intensity.
Yeats, “The Second Coming”
written 1919
published 1920
106. “In the aftermath of World War I this optimism began to
fade. The Irish nationalist poet William Butler Yeats wrote
lines that were prophetic of the years ahead:
Ibid.
107. Things fall apart; the centre cannot hold;
Mere anarchy is loosed upon the world,
The blood dimmed tide is loosed, and everywhere
The ceremony of innocence is drowned;
The best lack all conviction, while the worst
Are full of passionate intensity.
Yeats, “The Second Coming”
written 1919
published 1920
108. “In the aftermath of World War I this optimism began to
fade. The Irish nationalist poet William Butler Yeats wrote
lines that were prophetic of the years ahead:
Ibid.
109. Things fall apart; the centre cannot hold;
Mere anarchy is loosed upon the world,
The blood dimmed tide is loosed, and everywhere
The ceremony of innocence is drowned;
The best lack all conviction, while the worst
Are full of passionate intensity.
Yeats, “The Second Coming”
written 1919
published 1920
110. “In the aftermath of World War I this optimism began to
fade. The Irish nationalist poet William Butler Yeats wrote
lines that were prophetic of the years ahead:
Ibid.
111. Things fall apart; the centre cannot hold;
Mere anarchy is loosed upon the world,
The blood dimmed tide is loosed, and everywhere
The ceremony of innocence is drowned;
The best lack all conviction, while the worst
Are full of passionate intensity.
Yeats, “The Second Coming”
written 1919
published 1920
115. American confidence rose with what Ike later called the
“Crusade in Europe,” but hardly had peace come in 1945 when
the Cold War
Ibid.
116. Soviet
tanks
American confidence rose with what Ike later called the
“Crusade in Europe,” but hardly had peace come in 1945 when
the Cold War
Ibid.
US tanks
Berlin, 1948
“Checkpoint ‘Charlie’
117. “American confidence rose with what Ike later called the
“Crusade in Europe,” but hardly had peace come in 1945 when
the Cold War created a more intractable challenge for America
and those other countries which together with us make up the
West or the “Free World.”
Ibid.
119. “For more than thirty years now [in 1982] the United States
and the Soviet Union have contended for hegemony in a
shrinking world where nuclear weapons have assured that
there will be no bystanders.
120.
121. “For more than thirty years now [in 1982] the United States
and the Soviet Union have contended for hegemony in a
shrinking world where nuclear weapons have assured that
there will be no bystanders. The nature of the conflict has
changed dramatically as the client states of each superpower
have developed or declined and divisions have occurred
within each camp.
126. 1963
Ngo Dinh Diem and Ho Chi Minh fight openly. First Kennedy intervenes,
then Johnson escalates. The country is divided, then humiliated.
127. For more than thirty years now [in 1982] the United States
and the Soviet Union have contended for hegemony in a
shrinking world where nuclear weapons have assured that
there will be no bystanders. The nature of the conflict has
changed dramatically as the client states of each superpower
have developed or declined and divisions have occurred
within each camp. T believe that this power struggle in our
o
“global village” is at heart a contest for resources or markets
is to adopt a Marxist interpretation of history.
128. “For more than thirty years now [in 1982] the United States
and the Soviet Union have contended for hegemony in a
shrinking world where nuclear weapons have assured that
there will be no bystanders. The nature of the conflict has
changed dramatically as the client states of each superpower
have developed or declined and divisions have occurred
within each camp. T believe that this power struggle in our
o
“global village” is at heart a contest for resources or markets
is to adopt a Marxist interpretation of history. The issue of
the present [1982] decisive conflict in the history of mankind
is nothing other than which political philosophies, if any, shall
prevail.”
132. In the thirty years since the preceding words were written in
1982, many amazing events have occurred. Who could have
predicted then that a former movie actor, two Poles, and a
reformist Communist politician would together bring about
the collapse of the mighty Soviet Union?
133. In the thirty years since the preceding words were written in
1982, many amazing events have occurred. Who could have
predicted then that a former movie actor, two Poles, and a
reformist Communist politician would together bring about
the collapse of the mighty Soviet Union?
134. In the thirty years since the preceding words were written in
1982, many amazing events have occurred. Who could have
predicted then that a former movie actor, two Poles, and a
reformist Communist politician would together bring about
the collapse of the mighty Soviet Union?
135. In the thirty years since the preceding words were written in
1982, many amazing events have occurred. Who could have
predicted then that a former movie actor, two Poles, and a
reformist Communist politician would together bring about
the collapse of the mighty Soviet Union?
136. In the thirty years since those words were written in 1982
many amazing events have occurred. Who could have
predicted then that a former movie actor, two Poles, and a
reformist Soviet politician would together create the collapse
of the mighty Soviet Union?
That didn’t bring about “the end of history,” as one brash
political scientist predicted in 1992.
137. In the thirty years since those words were written in 1982
many amazing events have occurred. Who could have
predicted then that a former movie actor, two Poles, and a
reformist Soviet politician would together create the collapse
of the mighty Soviet Union?
That didn’t bring about “the end of history,” as one brash
political scientist predicted in 1992.
138. IN WATCHING the flow of events over the past decade [1982-1992] or so,
it is hard to avoid the feeling that something very fundamental has
happened in world history. The past year has seen a flood of articles
commemorating the end of the Cold War, and the fact that "peace" seems
to be breaking out in many regions of the world. Most of these analyses
lack any larger conceptual framework for distinguishing between what is
essential and what is contingent or accidental in world history, and are
predictably superficial. If Mr. Gorbachev were ousted from the Kremlin or
a new Ayatollah proclaimed the millennium from a desolate Middle
Eastern capital, these same commentators would scramble to announce the
rebirth of a new era of conflict.
And yet, all of these people sense dimly that there is some larger process
at work, a process that gives coherence and order to the daily headlines...
Francis Fukuyama, “The End of History”
139. In the thirty years since those words were written in 1982
many amazing events have occurred. Who could have
predicted then that a former movie actor, two Poles, and a
reformist Soviet politician would together create the collapse
of the mighty Soviet Union?
That didn’t bring about “the end of history,” as one brash
political scientist predicted in 1992. Not just “...a new
Ayatollah,” but a host of characters, both great and small,
combined to destroy that millennial optimism.
140. Some would minimize American exceptionalism,
apologize for what they regard as our past hubris. They
suggest we should “lead from behind.”
141. Some would minimize American exceptionalism,
apologize for what they regard as our past hubris. They
suggest we should “lead from behind.” Others would like
to see us disengage from world leadership entirely and
concentrate on our domestic challenges.
142. Some would minimize American exceptionalism,
apologize for what they regard as our past hubris. They
suggest we should “lead from behind.” Others would like
to see us disengage from world leadership entirely and
concentrate on our domestic challenges. Still others
take inspiration from the Reagan years and wish to
resume the role of “a city upon a hill.”
143. A City upon a Hill is a phrase from the parable of Salt and Light in Jesus'
Sermon on the Mount. In Matthew 5:14, he tells his listeners, "You are the
light of the world. A city that is set on a hill cannot be hidden."
Wikipedia
144. A City upon a Hill is a phrase from the parable of Salt and Light in Jesus'
Sermon on the Mount. In Matthew 5:14, he tells his listeners, "You are the
light of the world. A city that is set on a hill cannot be hidden."
The phrase entered the American lexicon early in its history, in the Puritan
John Winthrop's 1630 sermon "A Model of Christian Charity". Winthrop
admonished the future Massachusetts Bay colonists that their new
community would be a "city upon a hill", watched by the world---which
became the ideal the New England colonists placed upon their hilly capital
city, Boston. Winthrop's sermon gave rise to the widespread belief in
American folklore that the United States of America is God's country
because metaphorically it is a Shining City upon a Hill, an early example of
American exceptionalism. [emphasis added--jbp]
Wikipedia
145. On 9 January 1961, President-Elect John F. Kennedy returned the phrase
to prominence during an address delivered to the General Court of
Massachusetts:
...I have been guided by the standard John Winthrop set before his
shipmates on the flagship Arbella three hundred and thirty-one years ago,
as they, too, faced the task of building a new government on a perilous
frontier. "We must always consider", he said, "that we shall be as a city upon
a hill—the eyes of all people are upon us". Today the eyes of all people are
truly upon us—and our governments....
Wikipedia
146. President Ronald Reagan used the image as well, in his 1984 acceptance
of the Republican Party nomination and in his January 11, 1989, farewell
speech to the nation:
...I've spoken of the shining city all my political life, but I don't know if I
ever quite communicated what I saw when I said it. But in my mind it
was a tall proud city built on rocks stronger than oceans, wind-swept,
God-blessed, and teeming with people of all kinds living in harmony and
peace, a city with free ports that hummed with commerce and creativity,
and if there had to be city walls, the walls had doors and the doors were
open to anyone with the will and the heart to get here. That's how I saw
it and see it still...
Wikipedia
147. “Jefferson once scorned the impossibility of ‘a people
both ignorant and free.’
“Those who expect to be both ignorant and free,
expect what never was and never will be.”
148. “Jefferson once scorned the impossibility of ‘a people
both ignorant and free.’ In this, your last year in the
public schools, you will prepare to make your
contribution to what Lincoln characterized as an
experiment in the political history of mankind. The fate
of this nation, “so conceived and so dedicated,” is no
less uncertain today than it was in 1863.
149.
150. Four score and seven years ago our
fathers brought forth on this continent
a new nation, conceived in liberty, and
dedicated to the proposition that all
men are created equal.
Now we are engaged in a great civil
war, testing whether that nation, or
any nation, so conceived and so
dedicated, can long endure.
151. “Jefferson once scorned the impossibility of ‘a people
both ignorant and free.’ In this, your last year in the
public schools, you will prepare to make your
contribution to what Lincoln characterized as an
experiment in the political history of mankind. The fate
of this nation, “so conceived and so dedicated,” is no
less uncertain today than it was in 1863.
As we enter our third century, the type of political
philosophy which animates our people will decide
whether we can---indeed, whether we should---
celebrate a tricentennial.”
James B. Powers,”Justice & Power; A Primer in Political Philosophy,” 1982
155. Once upon a time, in a school district on the east side of
Cincinnati, in a nation long since transformed, there was an
idealistic high school teacher of American Government. This
series of presentations is based on a small book which he
wrote in 1977 for his seniors. He planned an eight week
introduction to the required civics class. It reviewed Western
Civ for students, most of whose knowledge of it was skimpy at
best. The premise then, and still today, was that knowing these
philosophers and their ideas is the necessary foundation for
making intelligent choices as a citizen in our democratic
republic.
168. “Callimachus the philologist remarked that a “big book is a
big evil.” (µεγα βιβλια µεγα κακον) I should like to begin by
thanking those former students who have helped me
appreciate the need for brevity. During the seven years that I
have taught “the philosophers” at Indian Hill, this
introduction has been one of the most popular parts of the
senior government course. I have been stimulated often by
students’ comments both written and oral. The material and
approach here owes much to them.
169. “I would next like to express my thanks to the family
whose anonymous gift to the school has paid for the
publication costs of this guide. Perhaps the greatest
single fringe benefit of teaching in this system is the
opportunity to meet so many public-spirited adults.
170. “my colleagues
Paul Mattox taught his friends and students “a lot”
besides physics
his daughter Kim helped check the text for student comprehensibility
Paul Connell has patiently listened to me rave about all
this for thirteen years. His insights as a former college
philosophy prof have inspired me
Bob West helped me with his English skills
Bill Kincaid, our Franklin, with the printing
Dr. Anna Graham showed me long ago that seniors don’t
require either pablum or spoon feeding. Every beginning
teacher should be as fortunate in his mentor as I was
August, 1977
171. “The years since 1977 have been filled with criticism of
public education in America. The praise and appreciation
of many of my students for this work has been a most
welcome respite. It is better for their suggestions. [one
student, who later served in the Bush White House, wrote
back that this class was better than his freshman Western
Civ class at Harvard!] Diane McDonald and Bill Kincaid
are true professionals. It is a privilege to work and study
in a community which affirms the value of examining the
past.
July, 1982
Indian Hill, Ohio
172. The criticism of public education in America, if anything, has
heightened in the thirty years since I wrote that second
acknowledgment. I have been retired for twenty-two of them.
“You can take the teacher out of the classroom, but…”
My heartfelt thanks to Marty Selzer who created the Mt Saint
Joseph Life-Learn program and asked me to teach a class for
the Ohio bicentennial in 2003.
And again, having so many interested and interesting students
is the great reward for this wonderful vocation.
July, 2012
Cincinnati, Ohio
173. The criticism of public education in America, if anything, has
heightened in the thirty years since I wrote that second
acknowledgment. I have been retired for twenty-two of them.
“You can take the teacher out of the classroom, but…”
My heartfelt thanks to Marty Selzer who created the Mt Saint
Joseph Life-Learn program and asked me to teach a class for
the Ohio bicentennial in 2003.
And again, having so many interested and interesting students
is the great reward for this wonderful vocation. My beloved
Kate (nee Catherine) continues to be my muse. Once again,
her suggestions have made a great contribution to this project.
July, 2012
Cincinnati, Ohio