Online social networkers' loneliness and life satisfaction

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ONLINE SOCIAL NETWORKERS: AN EXPLORATION OF THEIR LONELINESS,

INTERPERSONAL ORIENTATION, AND LIFE SATISFACTION

NAPAPAT LUEDEESUNUN

A Thesis Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of

MASTER OF SCIENCE IN COUNSELING PSYCHOLOGY

Graduate School of Psychology

ASSUMPTION UNIVERSITY

Thailand

2008

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Napapat Luedeesunun

This study aimed to examine the interrelationships among loneliness,

interpersonal orientation, and life satisfaction among Thai online social networkers.

115 Pages November 2008

APPROVED:

____________________________
Vorapot Ruckthum, Ph.D.
Chairman

___________________________

CHE Representative

____________________________
Maria Bella Bamforth, Ph.D.
Advisor

____________________________
xxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxx, Ph.D.
Member

____________________________
xxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxx, Ph.D.
Member

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Napapat Luedeesunun

ABSTRACT

The current study aimed to examine the interrelationships among loneliness,

interpersonal orientation, and life satisfaction among Thai online social networkers. It

also attempted to investigate differences in loneliness, interpersonal orientation, and life

satisfaction as a function of demographic variables. This study utilized a causal-

comparative and correlational research design. A total of 306 Thai online social

networkers participated by completing a self-administered online survey questionnaire

in either English or Thai. The major instruments used were: the Revised UCLA

Loneliness Scale (RULS), the Liking People Scale (LPS), and the Satisfaction with Life

Scale (SWLS). The study employed both descriptive and inferential statistical tools to

analyze the data.

The major findings of the study showed that there is a significant difference in:

a) life satisfaction as a function of gender, with females showing a higher level of life

satisfaction; b) life satisfaction as a function of age; c) interpersonal orientation as a

function of age; d) loneliness as a function of marital status; e) interpersonal orientation

as a function of number of friends online through social networking sites; and f)

interpersonal orientation as a function of number of hours spent online for social

networking sites. Furthermore, the results indicated that there is a significant inverse

relationship between loneliness and interpersonal orientation; there is a significant

inverse relationship between loneliness and life satisfaction; and there is a significant

positive relationship between life satisfaction and interpersonal orientation.

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ACKNOWLEDGEMENT

There are some special individuals and groups who have given me, in one way

or another, their unconditional support and guidance throughout this research.

First of all, I would like to wholeheartedly thank my advisor and editor, Dr.

Maria Bella Bamforth, for her mentoring, patience, encouragement, and valuable

insights on my thesis over the year. Dr. Maria, you always made time to help me no

matter how busy you were. I truly appreciate it!

Likewise, I thank Dr. Edward Roy Krishnan, my statistical consultant. Dr.

Edward, thank you for your support with this research as well and for your statistical

expertise. I would not have made it without your help. I really appreciate all that you

have done.

I am grateful to the Dean of the Graduate School of Psychology, Dr. Vorapot

Ruckthum, for his encouragement and support on the thesis process.

I feel obliged to MSCP friends who stood by me and encouraged me all the way,

with their thoughtfulness and fruitful ideas. I especially thank my close friends for their

time and delightful company. I owe a great debt of gratitude to my supervisor and

colleagues at CentralWorld and Y&R who understood and supported me on this thesis,

for their assistance in questionnaire distribution and collection as well as for helping me

realize that there really is a light at the end of the tunnel. To all my respondents: a big

“thank you” for participating and for teaching me.

And, most importantly, I am grateful to my family for all their belief in my

potential and for their endless support and encouragement.

N. L.

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TABLE OF CONTENTS

Page

Title Page i

Approval Page ii

Abstract iii

Acknowledgement iv

Table of Contents v

List of Tables vii

List of Figures ix

Chapters

I. INTRODUCTION 1

Background of the Study 6

Statement of the Problem 7

Purpose of the Study 8

Research Hypotheses 8

Significance of the Study 10

Definition of Terms 10

Conceptual Framework 13

II. LITERATURE REVIEW 14

Loneliness 14

Interpersonal Orientation 20

Satisfaction with Life 25

Online Social Networkers 29

III. METHODOLOGY 36

Research Design 36

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Participants of the Study 36

Research Instrumentation 37

Data Collection Procedure 41

Data Analysis 42

IV. PRESENTATION AND ANALYSIS OF DATA 43

Descriptive Statistics 44

Inferential Statistics 49

Summary of Findings 74

V. DISCUSSION, CONCLUSION, AND RECOMMENDATION 77

Overview of the Study 77

Discussion of Findings 78

Limitation of the Study 86

Conclusion 87

Recommendation 88

REFERENCES 91

APPENDICES

Appendix A: Research Instrument (English Version) 99

Appendix B: Research Instrument (Thai Version) 104

Appendix C: Current Online Social Network Population 109

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LIST OF TABLES

Table Page

1. Frequency and Percentage Distribution of Gender 45

2. Frequency and Percentage Distribution of Age 45

3. Frequency and Percentage Distribution of Marital Status 46

4. Frequency and Percentage Distribution of Number of Friends

Online Through Social Networking Sites 46

5. Frequency and Percentage Distribution of Number of Hours

Spent for Social Networking Sites 47

6. Mean Values for Loneliness, Interpersonal Orientation, and

Life Satisfaction 48

7. Description of Variables 49


Life Satisfaction as a Function of Gender 50

9. ANOVA for Loneliness, Interpersonal Orientation, and

Life Satisfaction as a Function of Gender 51

10. Measures of Association Between Loneliness,

Interpersonal Orientation, and Life Satisfaction with Gender 52


Life Satisfaction as a Function of Age 53



13. Post Hoc Multiple Comparisons for Interpersonal Orientation, and


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Interpersonal Orientation, and Life Satisfaction with Age 56


Life Satisfaction as a Function of Marital Status 57


Life Satisfaction as a Function of Marital Status 58

17. Post Hoc Multiple Comparisons for Loneliness as a

Function of Marital Status 59


Interpersonal Orientation, and Life Satisfaction with Marital Status 60


Life Satisfaction as a Function of Number of Friends Online

Through Social Networking Sites 60


Life Satisfaction as a Function of Number of

Friends Online Through Social Networking Sites 62

21. Post Hoc Multiple Comparisons for Interpersonal Orientation as a

Function of Number of Friends Online Through Social Networking Sites 63


Interpersonal Orientation, and Life Satisfaction with

Number of Friends Through Online Social Networking Sites 65

23. Mean Values for Loneliness, Interpersonal Orientation and

Life Satisfaction as a Function of Number of Hours

Spent for Online Social Networking Sites 66


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Life Satisfaction as a Function of Number of Hours

Spent for Social Networking Sites 67

25. Post Hoc Multiple Comparisons for Interpersonal Orientation as a

Function of Number of Hours Spent for Social Networking Sites 68


Interpersonal Orientation, and Life Satisfaction with

Number of Hours Spent for Social Networking Sites 69

27. Measure of Correlation Between Loneliness and


28. Measure of Correlation Between Interpersonal Orientation and

Life Satisfaction 71

29. Measure of Correlation Between Life Satisfaction and


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LIST OF FIGURES

Figure Page
1. Conceptual Framework of the Study 13

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CHAPTER I

Introduction

We live in an increasingly connected world. Or at least we live in a world where

it is now easier to connect with other people using a variety of Web-based tools,

commonly referred to as online social networking (Lamb, 2006). As the Internet

became a more robust technological platform, the ability of users to contribute and form

communities of interest became easier and, in addition to business networks of

innovation, social networks and communities which had always existed in the physical

world began to emerge on this platform. These early networks, which were not tied to a

particular place or even time zone, consisted of a variety of individuals who might be

scattered geographically but who used the Internet as a conduit for discussion of

common interests and ideas (Hafner, 1997). Howard Rheingold, who pioneered such

online communities, defined them as “cultural aggregations that emerge when enough

people bump into each other often enough in cyberspaces” (Preece, 2000).

Social networking is one of the newest forms of computer mediated

communication or CMC. This form of communication relies on technology such as

email and instant messaging. These technologies function as substitutes or supplements

for face-to-face interactions with the purpose of making processes of communication

more mobile and convenient (Nyland, 2007). As of this writing, there are hundreds of

social networking sites with various technological affordances, supporting a wide range

of interests and practices. While their key technological features are fairly consistent,

the cultures that emerge around social networking sites are varied. Most sites support

the maintenance of pre-existing social networks, but others help strangers connect based

on shared interests, political views, or activities. Some sites cater to diverse audiences,

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while others attract people based on common language or shared racial, sexual,

religious, or nationality-based identities. Sites also vary in the extent to which they

incorporate new information and communication tools, such as mobile connectivity,

blogging, and photo/video-sharing (Boyd & Ellison, 2007).

How big is the phenomenon called social networking? According to the Pew

Internet & American Life Project (2007), over 100 million users are registered to be a

member of at least one social networking site. Two out of every 3 people online in the

United States now visit social networking sites everyday. If online social relationship

dominates Internet use for a majority of its users, there is a good reason to expect that

this relationship will have positive social impact. Communication, including contact

with neighbors, friends and family, and participation in social groups improve people’s

level of social support, their probability of having fulfilling personal relationships, their

sense of meaning in life, their self-esteem, their commitment to social norms and to

their communities, and their psychological and physical well-being (Diener, Suh,

Lucas, & Smith, 1999).

According to Rosen (2007), although social networking sites are in their

infancy, we are seeing their impact culturally; that we are only beginning to come to

grips with the consequences of our use of these sites. It is worth pausing for a moment

to reflect on the curious use of the word networking to describe this new form of human

interaction. Social networking sites “connect” users with a network–literally, a

computer network. But the verb to network has long been used to describe an act of

intentional social connecting, especially for professionals seeking career boosting

contacts. In the near future, our online interactions will begin to more closely mimic

offline interactions. Technologists are currently experimenting with mood-sensing tools

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that enable computers to read our facial expressions and share those expressions with

others in whatever online environment we inhabit at the moment. While our virtual

identity may be shielded, our emotional state may soon be available for all to see and

feel–online. Despite the ability to connect with millions of strangers worldwide in new

and interesting ways, online networking has not significantly improved the connections

with people directly around us–our family, friends, and local communities. In some

cases, it has had the opposite effect of trading close connections for distant and virtual

ones (Lamb, 2006).

While social networking sites are often designed to be widely accessible, many

attract homogeneous populations initially, so it is not uncommon to find groups using

sites to segregate themselves by nationality, age, or other factors that typically segment

society, even if that was not the intention of the designers. Many social networking sites

target people from specific geographical regions or linguistic groups, although this does

not always determine the site's constituency (Boyd & Ellison, 2007). This global

phenomenon is not only affecting the way people formed their relationship elsewhere; it

is affecting people in Thailand as well. Surprisingly, not only teens are the active

member of these sites but adults from early jobbers to late adults.

As cited in Kraut et al. (2001), research has not yet led to consensus on either

the nature of social interaction online or its effects on social involvement and personal

well-being. Some survey research indicates that online social relationships are weaker

than off-line relationships (Parks & Roberts, 1998), and that people who use the

Internet heavily report spending less time communicating with their families (Cole,

2000). In contrast, other survey research shows that people who use the Internet heavily

report more social support and more in-person visits with family and friends than those

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who use it less (Pew Internet Report, 2000). According to Kraut and Kiesler (1999), it is

surely true that some people create meaningful and fulfilling relationships online both

through electronic groups and though individual connections. Yet some findings have

shown that people typically feel less close to online communication partners than to

those with whom they have formed real-world relationships. Nyland (2007) stated that

heavy users of social networking sites feel less socially involved with the community

around them and, as individuals use social networking more for entertainment, their

level of social involvement decreases.

Loneliness is a common and often debilitating problem for individuals in

contemporary society (McWhirter, 1990; Peplau & Perlman, 1982) and its

consequences are detrimental to one’s emotional, physical, and psychological health

(Ernst & Cacioppo, 1998). Even with advances in technology designed to facilitate

communication between people, loneliness may be on the rise (Jackson, Soderlind, &

Weiss, 2000). Seligman (1983) described loneliness as one of the most poorly

understood of all psychological phenomena and that measures of loneliness have been

shown to correlate negatively with satisfaction with life. Painful feelings are a fact of

life for lonely people. Three factors that figure prominently in chronic loneliness are

shyness, poor social skills, and a self-defeating attributional style. The link between

these factors and loneliness could go either way. Feeling lonely might cause a negative

attribution about others, but making negative attributions can also lead to loneliness.

Rubenstein and Shaver (1982) found that lonely people spend time in solitary activities

rather than engage with activity with others.

Recent research has demonstrated that socializing and expending resources to

maintain and enhance social relationships are important components to well-being or

life satisfaction enhancement. It is important to note here that the current researcher

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takes the point of view of the New Economics Foundation (2006) which stated that

some researchers, notably those from an economics background, tend to see happiness,

life satisfaction, and well-being as synonymous and interchangeable. Argyle (2001)

posited that social relationships have a powerful effect on happiness and other aspects

of life satisfaction and are perhaps its greatest single cause. According to Filsinger

(1981), the developer of the Liking People Scale that measures interpersonal

orientation, this psychological phenomenon plays a significant role in one’s social

development and adjustment. Interpersonal orientation can be seen from many aspects,

the general liking of other people is one aspect of person-to-person orientation. The

theoretical point is that the degree of liking people will influence whether one

approaches or avoids social interaction.

The study of Internet use has been a focal point in many recent social science

studies due to its huge impact worldwide. Yet the implications of psychological aspects

associated with Internet use cry out for further consideration. In this regard, the present

researcher will focus her study on the following selected psychological phenomena:

loneliness, interpersonal orientation, and life satisfaction. There are opportunity costs

when we spend so much time carefully nurturing relationships online. Given how much

time we already devote to entertaining ourselves with technology, it is at least worth

asking if the time we spend on social networking sites is well spent. Would investing so

much energy into online relationships help the feeling we face offline?

In the light of the given general assertions about existing online social

networking sites, the present researcher attempted to examine the interrelationships

among the phenomena of loneliness, interpersonal orientation, and satisfaction with life

among social online networkers. As she herself is a Thai as well as an online social

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networker, the current researcher opted to explore the interplay among the three main

variables within the Thai context.

Background of the Study

Having been a member of one of the more popular social networking sites for

some time now, the present researcher has observed that many people are giving up real

life relationships for online relationships–that friendships nurtured online replace real

friends and that many online social networkers have become accustomed to

relationships that exist in the virtual world. This researcher posits that the Internet is

one of the tools people of this day and age use to kill time, especially in times of

loneliness. This position is partly supported by Russell, Peplau, and Ferguson (1978)

who asserted that lonely people often indicate that their relationships are superficial and

that no one understands them well. The feeling of loneliness is the feeling of not being

known and understood. People who are unwilling to reveal themselves face-to-face and

who receive little personal information from others may find their relationship less

satisfying and so may be more prone to loneliness. In a similar vein, Sermat (1980)

suggested that one of the contributing factors to loneliness is the individual’s

unwillingness to enter into interpersonal situations that involve the risk of being

rejected, embarrassed, or disappointed. Lonely people may be less willing or less able

to take the face-to-face social risks that might lead to alleviation of the lonely feelings.

Today, the internet, a new technological development has the potential to allow people

to enter into mediated interpersonal relationships without taking face-to-face social

risks.

In agreement with Argyle (2001), the researcher is of the opinion that social

relationships have a powerful effect on happiness and other aspects of well-being, and

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perhaps, in some way, technology may be a pathway for lonely people to achieve some

level of social relationships that may lead to the enhancement of life satisfaction. It was

in this context that the researcher attempted to explore the psychological constructs of

loneliness, interpersonal orientation, and life satisfaction among Thai online social

networkers.

Statement of the Problem

An extensive review of literature on the variables loneliness, interpersonal

orientation, and life satisfaction failed to provide a clear link between these three

phenomena combined, much less within the framework of online social networking. As

mentioned earlier, online social networking is in its ‘infancy’ stage (Rosen, 2007); this

implies that there may not be that many empirical studies done within the field of

psychological science that would substantiate the effects of networking on the cognitive

and social aspects of the person. Even rarer would be studies conducted in Thailand that

specifically attempt to examine the three phenomena together. In the light of this

knowledge gap, the researcher deemed it necessary to conduct this exploratory study to

contribute towards the literature.

In order to better understand the dynamics between the three main variables

among Thai online social networkers, the following research questions were posed:

1. What is the profile of Thai online social networkers in terms of the

following demographic characteristics: gender, age, marital status, number

of friends online, and number of hours spent online?

2. Are there basic differences between members of online social networking

sites and non-members in terms of loneliness, interpersonal orientation,

and life satisfaction?

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3. Are there significant differences in loneliness, interpersonal orientation,

and life satisfaction as a function of selected personal characteristics

among members and non-members of online social networking sites?

4. Are there significant interrelationships among loneliness, interpersonal

orientation, and life satisfaction among members and non-members of

online social networking sites?

Purpose of the Study

In view of the given knowledge gaps, this exploratory study was conducted

mainly in an attempt to empirically analyze the interrelationships among loneliness,

interpersonal orientation, and life satisfaction among Thai online social networkers. The

current research also investigated possible differences in loneliness, interpersonal

orientation, and life satisfaction as a function of these networkers’ demographic

characteristics, namely: gender, age, marital status, number of friends online, and

number of hours spent online. Finally, to broaden the parameters of this study in terms

of the target group of online social networkers, two groups were compared in the

process–members of online social networking sites and non-members.

Research Hypotheses

In the light of the research questions and purposes of the study, four research

hypotheses were generated for testing. This study’s hypotheses are hereby presented in

their null and alternative forms, as follows:

1Ho: There is no significant difference in loneliness, interpersonal orientation,

and life satisfaction as a function of gender, age, marital status, number of friends

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online through social networking, and number of hours spent online for social

networking, at 0.05 level.

1Ha: There is a significant difference in loneliness, interpersonal orientation, and

life satisfaction as a function of gender, age, marital status, number of friends

online through social networking, and number of hours spent online for social

networking, at 0.05 level.

2Ho: There is no significant relationship between loneliness and interpersonal

orientation among members and non-members of online social networking sites,

at .05 level.

2Ha: There is a significant relationship between loneliness and interpersonal


at .05 level.

3Ho: There is no significant relationship between loneliness and life satisfaction

among members and non-members of online social networking sites, at .05 level.

3Ha: There is a significant relationship between loneliness and life satisfaction

among members and non-members of online social networking sites, at .05 level.

4Ho: There is no significant relationship between life satisfaction and

interpersonal orientation among members and non-members of online social

networking sites, at .05 level.

4Ha: There is a significant relationship between life satisfaction and interpersonal


at .05 level.

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Significance of the Study

This study would be beneficial for many individuals and groups in this modern

society. Firstly, through this study, web developers and providers would become more

aware of and sensitive to the psychological aspects of their users, and would become

more knowledgeable about how to further improve their services for a better society.

Secondly, online social networkers themselves would have a better understanding of

how online social networking sites can contribute towards a better way of life through

reduced feelings of loneliness as well as through greater interpersonal orientation and

life satisfaction. Thirdly, this study would be a valuable resource for helping

professionals such as counselors, psychologists, social workers, and teachers; the

study’s findings would give them a greater understanding of how computer-mediated

social relationships impact people in this age of advanced communication and

information technology. Finally, this study could contribute to related foreign and local

literature by adding the perspective of online social networking to the evolving body of

research on loneliness, interpersonal orientation, and life satisfaction, independently or

in aggregate. Although the findings of the study will apply only to the actual

participants, the findings may still be used as reference material and database for other

researchers who are interested in the same or similar variables and study group or who

wish to explore other directions within the same framework.

Definition of Terms

In this section, key terms in the study that require clarification are defined in the

operational sense.

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Interpersonal Orientation

‘Interpersonal Orientation’ is an aspect of liking people and is conceived as a

personality construct which serves a mediational function in social interaction, as

defined by Filsinger (1981), the designer of the Liking People Scale (LPS), the

instrument employed in the current study to measure the phenomenon. People low on

the liking people scale spend less time with others, are more socially anxious, tend to be

introverted, and are less adept at judging the characteristics of other people. This

personality measure differentiates individuals who have high versus low level of liking

people (Fischer & Corcoran, 2007).

Loneliness

‘Loneliness’ is “the unpleasant experience that occurs when a person’s network

of social relationships is deficient in some important way, either qualitatively or

quantitatively,” (p.31), as defined by the designers (Russell, Peplau, & Cutrona, 1980)

of the Revised UCLA Loneliness Scale or RULS that was employed in the current

study.

Online Social Networkers

‘Online Social Networkers’ refers to communities in which large groups of

Internet users with common interests or activities communicate and share resources

with one another (Preece, 2000).

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Life Satisfaction

‘Life satisfaction,’ refers to “a global cognitive assessment of a person’s quality

of life according to his chosen criteria,” as defined by Ed Diener and colleagues

(Diener, Emmons, Larsen, & Griffin, 1985, p.71), the designers of the Satisfaction with

Life Scale (SWLS) used in this study. Judgments on satisfaction are dependent upon a

comparison of one’s circumstances with what is thought to be an appropriate standard,

It is important to point out that the judgment of how satisfied people are with their

present state of affairs is based on a comparison with a standard which each individual

sets for him or herself; it is not externally imposed (Diener, 1984).

Social Networking Sites

‘Social networking sites’ refers to any web-based services that allow individuals

to: (1) construct a public or semi-public profile within a bounded system; (2) articulate

a list of other users with whom they share a connection; and (3) view and traverse their

list of connections and those made by others within the system. The nature and

nomenclature of these connections may vary from site to site (Boyd, 2007). Examples

of social networking sites include Hi5, MySpace, Friendster, and Facebook.

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Conceptual Framework

LONELINESS

(Revised UCLA Loneliness Scale -
RULS)

MEMBER AND NON MEMBER
OF ONLINE SOCIAL
NETWORKING SITES
Demographic Variables
Age,
Gender,
Marital Status
Number of friends online
Number of hours spent online

LIFE SATISFACTION INTERPERSONAL ORIENTATION

(Satisfaction with Life Scale - (Liking People Scale – LPS)
SWLS)

Figure 1. Conceptual framework of the study.

The current study attempts to empirically analyze the interrelationship between

loneliness, interpersonal orientation, and life satisfaction among both member and non

member of online social networking sites. This study also attempts to investigate

significant differences in loneliness, interpersonal orientation, and life satisfaction

among the target participants as a function of the following demographic variables:

gender, age, marital status, number of friends online, and number of hours spent online.

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CHAPTER II

Literature Review

This chapter presents the theoretical framework and supporting literature for this

study. This chapter is divided into four major sections. To introduce a coherent review

of related literature, the topics will be sequentially presented as follows: a) Loneliness:

Theoretical Perspectives and Related Studies; b) Interpersonal Orientation: Theoretical

Perspectives and Related Studies; c) Life Satisfaction: Theoretical Perspectives and

Related Studies; and d) Online Social Networking: General Perspectives and Related

Studies.

Loneliness

“We live in a society in which isolation is commonplace. In the impersonal climate of
industrial society, even more people obviously suffer from a sense of loneliness—the
loneliness of the lonely crowd. Understandably, the intense wish emerges to
compensate for this lack of warmth with closeness. People cry for intimacy.

—The Unheard Cry for Meaning, Viktor Frankl

Loneliness: Theoretical Perspectives

Humans are social animals. In fact, our desire for social connections seems so

strong that some authors have suggested that humans have a basic need to belong.

Social relationships subtly embrace us in the warmth of self affirmation, the whispers of

encouragement, and the meaningfulness of belonging. They are fundamental to our

emotional fulfillment, behavioral adjustment, and cognitive function. Disruption or

absence of stable social relationships blasts our minds and biology like few other events

(Baumeister & Leary, 1995). When one’s intimate and social needs are not adequately

met, a complex set of feelings termed loneliness occurs that motivates one to seek the

fulfillment of these needs (Weiss, 1973). The core experience is one of being isolated

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socially in terms of relational and collective connectedness (Russell, Peplau, & Cutrona,

1980).

As cited in Huges, Waite, Hawkley and Cacioppo (2004), there is now

substantial evidence that loneliness is a core part of a constellation of socio-emotional

states including self-esteem, mood, anxiety, anger, optimism, fear of negative

evaluation, shyness, social skills, social support, dysphoria, and sociability (Berscheid

& Reis, 1998). Feelings of loneliness are not synonymous with being alone but instead,

involve perception of isolation, feelings of disconnectedness, and feelings of not

belonging. These feelings, in turn, are thought to reflect the discrepancy between one’s

desired and one’s actual relationships (Peplau & Perlman, 1982).

It has also been defined as an unpleasant experience that derives from important

deficiencies in the lonely person’s network of social relationships. According to Russell

et al. (1980), the designers of the instrument employed to measure loneliness in the

current study, “social relationships are at the core of human life” (p.472). These authors

claimed that most research tends to focus on the problems that involve too many people

and neglect the problems involving ‘too few’ people that ultimately leave people feeling

‘lonely,’ thus highlighting the lack of empirical data available.

As cited in Neto and Barros (2003), the issue of whether men or women are

more vulnerable to loneliness has not been resolved (Pinquart & Sorensen, 2001). On

the one hand, Russell, Peplau, and Cutrona (1980, p.474) claimed that “research has not

indicated any sex difference in loneliness.” On the other hand, Weiss (1973) presented

survey evidence showing that women are more apt to be lonely than men.

The following section presents a typological characterization of loneliness. Beck

and Young (1978) have distinguished three types of loneliness in terms of its duration:

(1) chronic loneliness, which evolves from social deficits continuing over a period of

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years and can no longer be attributed to situation or environment; (2) situational

loneliness, which usually results at the termination of a relationship; and (3) transient

loneliness, which refers to the short duration of loneliness that most people experience

periodically as a result of brief periods of minor social deficiency (Murphy & Kupshik,

1992). One theoretical distinction between situational and chronic loneliness is that

situationally lonely persons are likely to actively adjust to the environment (e.g.,

participating in religious groups, going to social events), whereas chronically lonely

persons are likely to devalue social activities.

Weiss (1973), however, looked at loneliness in terms of the type of relationship

deficit involved. Weiss asserted that there are two types of loneliness: social loneliness–

that which arises when a person has few contacts socially and when there is a lack of

friendships or acquaintances; and emotional loneliness–the result of a lack of intimacy

within personal relationships. In a later discourse, Weiss (1974) elaborated on his idea

of two types of loneliness. His theory suggests loneliness arises from relational deficits;

this implies that relationships make certain provisions. Because the two types of

loneliness cannot adequately compensate for each other, that further implies that

relationships provide two distinct benefits. The first provision of social relationships is

security, which is further divided into three relational provisions: attachment,

nurturance, and guidance. The attachment provision is typically found in a romantic

relationship or a very close friendship. The nurturance provision is characteristic of

when an adult takes responsibility for the needs of a child, resulting in a sense of being

needed. Finally, obtaining guidance from a trusted or authoritative figure is an issue of

security and is reminiscent of the parent-child relationship. While security is what these

three provisions have in common, what differentiates them is the recipient and

beneficiary (Weiss, 1998). In the pair bond relationship, the self and the other both

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serve as security providers and beneficiaries. In a nurturing relationship, the self is the

provider and the other is the beneficiary. In the guidance relationship, the roles are

reversed, with the self as the beneficiary and the other as the provider. The second

general provision of social relationships is affiliation, and its absence produces social

loneliness.

Weiss's (1974) taxonomy divides common interest into three types of relational

provisions: social integration, reassurance of worth, and a sense of reliable alliance.

Social integration is based in a common-concern network where individuals may share

information and experiences and may exchange services. Reassurance of worth focuses

on the individual's competence in a social role and is a characteristic of work

relationships. Finally, the sense of reliable alliance, most often provided by kin,

combats feelings of vulnerability, and abandonment. Weiss points out that these

provisions may have varying priorities across individuals and situations. He further

argues that the absence of each provision results in unique cognitive and affective

responses. For the security category, its absence produces emotional loneliness,

particularly if the attachment provision is unmet. Within this category, the lack of

opportunities for nurturance produces feelings of existential meaninglessness, and the

lack of guidance produces feelings of uncertainty and anxiety. For the affiliation

category, its absence results in social loneliness, particularly in the absence of

integration into a social network. Within this category, the lack of self-worth produces

low self-esteem, and the lack of reliable alliance produces feelings of vulnerability.

Loneliness: Related Studies

This segment cites a few studies that focused on loneliness, using the Revised

UCLA Loneliness Scale (used in the present study), although differing in their

purposes. For example, Hawkley, Browne, and Cacioppo (2004) conducted two studies

28

to examine mental representations of loneliness and social connectedness. The results of

Study 1 indicate that, for young adults, mental representations of loneliness-

connectedness appear to originate from three highly related but distinct aspects of the

social domain. Moreover, these aspects: isolation, relational connectedness, and

collective connectedness are compatible with individual, relational, and collective

aspects of the self. Analyses of data provided by older adults were remarkably

consistent in revealing three distinct dimensions of conceptual space representing

satisfaction with social connectedness. The discovery of the same conceptual

representation of loneliness–connectedness in young and older adults and across gender

and ethnicity lends generalizability to these results. Nurmi, Toivonen, Salmela-Aro, and

Eronen (1997) investigated loneliness to the extent of its association with the cognitive

and attributional strategies people apply in social situations. Two studies were carried

out among Finnish students to examine this association. In both studies, a pessimistic

avoidance strategy was associated with subsequent feelings of loneliness, even after

controls for the level of self-esteem. Both an optimistic planning strategy and a self-

serving attributional bias were negatively associated with feelings of loneliness among

men but not among women. Leung (2002) investigated the relationships between self-

disclosure in ICQ (“I seek you”) chat, level of loneliness, and ICQ usage. The results

indicate that loneliness is not related to level of ICQ use, but inversely related to

valence, accuracy, and the amount dimensions of self disclosure in ICQ chat, and that

ICQ usage is significantly related to control of depth and intent of disclosure.

Specifically, it was found that the lonelier the student, the more dishonest, more

negative, and the less revealing was the quality of the self-disclosure in their ICQ

interaction. Conversely, appropriate, honest, positive, and accurate self-disclosure

might lead to decreased loneliness when one feels understood, accepted, and cared

29

about on ICQ. Borys and Perlman (1985) studied gender differences in loneliness, using

the UCLA scale. The results revealed a clear pattern: statistically significant sex

differences are not usually found with the scale but, when they are found, males

typically have higher loneliness scores. In terms of self-labeling, women more

frequently than men admit being lonely. Sex role factors may help explain these

seemingly contradictory results. Of the various possible explanations of the gender

differences in self-labeled loneliness, most assume that social influence processes play a

crucial role. To test this viewpoint, an experiment was conducted. Subjects were

presented with a case history of a lonely person, which varied only the target person's

sex. The subjects were more rejecting of a lonely male than of a lonely female. These

results support the view that women are more apt to acknowledge their loneliness than

men.

A study quite different in context from the foregoing studies but in closer

proximity with the current research is that by Shaw and Gant (2002) which tested the

hypothesis that Internet usage can affect users beneficially. Internet use was found to

decrease loneliness and depression significantly, while perceived social support and

self-esteem increased significantly.

A culture-specific study using loneliness as the dependent variable is cited here

on account of its implications on certain determinants of loneliness. Gierveld and

Tilburg (1999) investigated the effects of differences between the Netherlands and Italy

in the aspect of living arrangements of older adults with and without partners. The

consequences of living alone and of co-residence with adult children have been further

investigated, using loneliness as the dependent variable. Controlled for age, health, sex,

size and support of the network, and for differences in socio-economic resources,

household composition is still the most important determinant of loneliness. Living

30

without a partner in the same household as one's adult children yields country-specific

correlations that correspond with differences in value orientations: less loneliness in

Italy, more loneliness in the Netherlands.

Interpersonal Orientation

"The reciprocal nature of social contacts is apparent: anyone who makes no social
contacts soon finds himself isolated. Society makes the same mistakes toward the
isolated individual as he makes toward society. If you approach people coldly they will
be hard and cold with you.”

"Individual Psychology," by Erwin Weber

Interpersonal Orientation: Theoretical Perspectives

Interpersonal orientation plays a significant role in one’s social development and

adjustment. Interpersonal orientations are ways in which individuals are usually

oriented towards other people as they attempt to interact or respond. When one person

responds in a specific way to another person, this manner of response might be termed

interpersonal orientations (Horney, 1948). Baumeister and Leary (1995) refer the word

‘interpersonal’ to anything relating to the interactions between and among people.

The classifications of interpersonal orientation patterns were developed by

Horney (1948). She identified three general tendencies: moving toward others; moving

against others; and moving away from others. Moving toward others indicates a need

for affection or approval–need for partners, friends, and lovers. This interpersonal

orientation provides responses ranging from mild support to close affiliation, trust, or

love. Moving against others indicates a view of the world as an arena where the strong

overcome the weak and only the fittest survive. Such an orientation indicates a need to

excel, achieve, and attain prestige and recognition. Moving away from others indicates a

need to avoid becoming attached to anybody or anything; self-sufficiency and privacy

31

both serve this need. Independence and detachment are prized. The goal is not to be

involved, influenced, obligated, or challenged. Persons exhibiting this orientation may

conform outwardly in order to avoid friction of obligation inwardly. However, they

reject rules and standards presented by other people. Most of us display more than one

of these interpersonal orientation patterns at different times toward various people.

The primary dimension of interpersonal orientations.

Interpersonal orientations have three primary dimensions, according to Griffin

and Patton (1976): the degree of involvement, the emotional tone or feeling involved,

and the amount of interpersonal control. The involvement relates not only to the amount

of interaction between the participants but also to the importance of the interaction to

each of the participants. It indicates the extent to which relationship actually exists. In

the case of two friends working together and talking with each other everyday, there

may be a little interpersonal involvement and not much of a relationship when

compared with a relationship of a father and a daughter who lived in different towns.

We need human contact in both personal and professional areas in our daily

lives; being able to be in contact and get along with others are important to make life

flow smoothly. With well-adjusted human beings, there is a need and desire for positive

relationships. Hanna (1999) said that the social self cannot develop without interaction.

To live in the world is to relate to others. Without self-knowledge, self-love, and

positive communication skills, the individual will encounter difficulties and

disappointments in interpersonal orientation and relations. Hanna also suggests that in

order for a relationship to begin, someone has to act. Initiating interactions is a valuable

interpersonal skill. Personality plays an important role in this stage. If you have an

extraverted personality, you are motivated to reach out to a new person. Attitudes and

32

behavior are also necessary in interpersonal relations. In one’s career, of utmost

importance are interpersonal skills, no matter what job one is working for especially if

the work concerns with helping, giving service, or needs high understanding such as

doctors, nurses, etcetera. Effective interpersonal orientations are very important in

performing such jobs. Besides affective interpersonal skills, effective communication is

also highly desired in helping one’s professional career.

Interpersonal relationships are essential for our personal well-being in many

ways. It is a must to grow and develop cognitively and socially, build a positive and

coherent personal identity, and feel that we are firmly in touch with reality. To Vogt

and Colvin (2003), some people are more highly motivated to develop and maintain

positive interpersonal relationships than others. The psychological construct that

underlies this individual difference has a long tradition within the field of psychology

and can be traced back to Bakan’s (1966) writings on communion, which he viewed as

a fundamental quality of human beings. According to Bakan, communion is

characterized by the need to become one with a group of others. Personal feelings of

pleasure and pain often mirror the circumstances of close others. Communal individuals

are interpersonally oriented and, perhaps while experiencing a cost to their own

emotional well-being, will frequently provide support to friends and loved ones. Given

that Bakan viewed communion as a lens through which people perceive and act upon

their world, interpersonal orientation is best viewed as one facet of communion that

emphasizes the desire and need to have close interpersonal relationships. One way that

interpersonally-oriented individuals might foster positive relationships is through their

attunement to and interest in understanding others. It implies that some individuals are

highly motivated to seek out, maintain, and foster close interpersonal relationships.

These individuals who, in large part, define themselves by their connectedness with

33

others, probably are more likely to spend time interacting with others and to think about

their social interactions than individuals who are less communal (Bakan, 1966).

According to Filsinger (1981) (the designer of the scale employed to measure

interpersonal orientation in the current study), liking people is an aspect of interpersonal

orientation and is conceived as a personality construct which serves a mediational

function in social interaction. People low on liking people spend less time with others,

are more socially anxious, tend to be introverted, and are less adept at judging the

characteristics of other people. A history of contact between people would determine a

large part of the nature of their interaction; the underlying assumption herein is that part

of the reason an individual tends to approach or to avoid people is the degree to which

he or she likes people. Individuals who like people would be expected to put time and

energy into social interaction, whereas those who do not like people would put their

energies into nonsocial pursuits. This particular aspect is a very specific, one-

dimensional domain of interpersonal orientation rather than other measurements of

interpersonal orientations.

Interpersonal orientation: Related Studies

Vogt and Colvin (2003) investigated if individuals who are more invested in

developing and maintaining interpersonal relations are able to provide more accurate

judgments of others’ personality characteristics. Results revealed that psychological

communion was positively associated with judges’ accuracy in rating targets’

personality characteristics. In addition, whereas women were more communal and

provided more accurate judgments than men, the relationship between communion and

accuracy held after controlling for the effect of gender. Finally, findings suggested that

34

interpersonally oriented individuals may sometimes draw on information about

themselves and about stereotypical others to facilitate accurate judgments of others.

Filsinger (1981) conducted three studies during the development of the Liking

People Scale. The first study was administered to undergraduates at a large Eastern

university. There were no sex differences found in this study. The Pearson product

moment correlation between ‘liking people’ and ‘alone behavior’ was significant. The

reported number of close friends and social anxiety were also significantly related to

‘liking people.’ The second study was carried out at a large Western state university.

Sex differences were found with females scoring significantly higher. Liking people

was reported as significantly related to ‘need for affiliation,’ ‘affiliative tendency,

‘introversion/extroversion,’ but negatively related to ‘need for autonomy.’ The third

study was performed on a sample of adults from a large Western metropolitan area.

There were no sex differences found, which left the existence of population-based sex

differences in doubt. ‘Liking people’ was significantly related to ‘social self-esteem’

and to ‘judgmental ability,’ but was not related to ‘interpersonal effectiveness.’ These

findings indicated that individuals who like people tend to have self confidence in

social situations and tend to feel that they have the ability to read the feelings of and

moods of others. On the other hand, individuals who like people are not necessarily sure

of their ability to get people to do things they wish them to do.

35

Life Satisfaction

“To be able to look upon one’s life with satisfaction is to live twice.”

– Anonymous

Life Satisfaction: Theoretical Perspectives

Life satisfaction, the cognitive aspect of well-being, is the global evaluation by a

person of his or her life (Lucas, Diener, & Suh, 1996). Life satisfaction is a positive

feeling of one’s self that can fluctuate over time. It reflects the personal judgment of the

individual in relation to aging and the perception of life satisfaction made manifest

through feelings of happiness, well-being, and a successful life. These feelings were

often used interchangeably with life satisfaction, according to Miller (1995).

Life satisfaction is an important component for quality of life (Haas, 1999). Life

satisfaction is the ultimate goal that human beings are striving to achieve their entire

lives. To precisely define life satisfaction is a very difficult task because there is no

universally acceptable definition, as this perception varies from person to person and

culture to culture. It appears that the literature concerning life satisfaction and well-

being, although without conclusion, is primarily concerned with how and why people

experience their lives in positive ways. Life satisfaction, happiness, well-being, and

quality of life have been used interchangeably.

Previous research efforts have identified three components of subjective

wellbeing: positive affect, negative affect, and life satisfaction (Diener, Emmons,

Larsen, & Griffin, 1985; Emmons & Diener, 1985). Positive and negative affects are

components based on emotions (i.e., how a person usually feels) whereas life

satisfaction is a component based on cognitive judgments (how a person perceives the

36

pursuit or achievement of personal needs and aspirations). With these distinctions in

mind, well-being can be evaluated by asking individuals about their life in general, or

by asking them about their satisfaction with particular aspects such as their family or

job. From a general perspective, subjective well-being has often been shown to

correlate with variables such as education and age (Diener, Suh, & Oishi, 1997).

Evidence suggests that life satisfaction as a part of subjective well-being is likely to

reflect the fulfillment of personal values and goals, and is involved in the search for

meaningfulness in one’s life (Diener et al., 1997). Accordingly, Emmons (1986)

demonstrated a positive relationship between a person’s life satisfaction and the

importance and successful pursuit of personal strivings.

Subjective well-being and life satisfaction.

According to Diener, Suh, and Oishi (1997), subjective well-being is a field of

psychology that attempts to understand people's evaluations of their lives. These

evaluations may be primarily cognitive (e.g., life satisfaction) or may consist of the

frequency with which people experience pleasant emotions (e.g., joy) and unpleasant

emotions (e.g., depression). Subjective well-being (SWB) refers to how people evaluate

their lives and includes variables such as life satisfaction, marital satisfaction, lack of

depression and anxiety, and positive moods and emotions. The idea of SWB or

happiness has intrigued thinkers for millennia, although it is only in recent years that it

has been measured and studied in a systematic way. A person's evaluation of his or her

life may be in the form of cognitions (e.g., when a person gives conscious evaluative

judgments about his or her satisfaction with life as a whole, or evaluative judgments

about specific aspects of his or life such as recreation). However, an evaluation of one's

life also may be in the form of affect (people experiencing unpleasant or pleasant

37

moods and emotions in reaction to their lives). Thus, a person is said to have high SWB

if she or he experiences life satisfaction and frequent joy, and only infrequently

experience unpleasant emotions such as sadness and anger. Contrariwise, a person is

said to have low SWB if he or she is dissatisfied with life, experiences little joy and

affection, and frequently feels negative emotions such as anger or anxiety.

Life Satisfaction: Related Studies

In this segment, two studies are cited because of their emphasis on the variable

‘life satisfaction.’ Partly similar to the present study in terms of two major variables is

that by Schumaker, Shea, Monfries, and Groth-Marnat (1992). They conducted cross-

cultural research to examine the relationship between loneliness and life satisfaction

among residents of Fukoku, Japan and Melbourne, Australia, using the Satisfaction with

Life Scale. Australian subjects reported significantly less loneliness and significantly

greater life satisfaction than Japanese subjects. A high inverse correlation was found

between loneliness and life satisfaction in Australian subjects, with a much smaller

inverse relationship observed among the Japanese, suggesting that loneliness in

Japanese subjects did not emotionally translate into life dissatisfaction as it did in

Australian subjects. Instead, the experience of loneliness in Japanese individuals may

remain largely independent of general life satisfaction. Wang, Chen, Lin, and Wang

(2008) investigated the influences of leisure satisfaction on life satisfaction among

adolescent online gamers. Results revealed significant positive relationships between

physiological and aesthetic dimensions of leisure satisfaction and life satisfaction.

However, the educational dimension of leisure satisfaction has a significant negative

influence on life satisfaction. Findings also revealed a significant negative relationship

between web surfing frequency and life satisfaction in adolescents.

38

Other studies on life satisfaction and demographic variables.

Gender. People may sometimes be satisfied in situations that they perceived as

unfair. According to Inglehart (1990), studies have generally found that women report

more life satisfaction. Levels of life satisfaction are generally found to be marginally

higher among women than men. One explanation of these sex differences is that women

either experience or report positive and negative emotions more strongly than men.

Another explanation, with growing evidence to support it, is that women are more

socially connected and involved than men, resulting in their being more exposed to the

satisfaction and disappointments of those near and dear to them.

Age. Life satisfaction research with adults has shown that the positive levels of

life satisfaction are not just an epiphenomenon, which is a simple by-product of positive

life experiences, personality characteristics, and so forth. These benefits include

positive outcomes in intrapersonal, interpersonal, vocational, health, and education

arenas (King, Lyubormirsky & Diener, 2003). Studies averaging large sample sizes

have found that, on average, life satisfaction is highest among those under 25, fall

gradually in middle age (44-55 years) before rising again in later life. For example, in a

society like Japan where old people are accorded great respect–life satisfaction is

highest amongst those over 65. In Hungary, by contrast, the young are the most

satisfied and satisfaction is lower amongst older generations (Diener, 1999).

39

Online Social Networking

Online Social Networking: Historical Perspectives

The earliest online social networks were arguably the Bulletin Board Systems of

the 80’s that let users post public messages, send and receive private messages, play

games and exchange software. Other websites for community and connection emerged

in the 1990s, including classmates.com (1995), where users register by high school and

year of graduation; Company of Friends, a business-oriented site founded in 1997; and

Epinions, founded in 1999 to allow users to give their opinions about various consumer

products. A new generation of social networking websites appeared in 2002 with the

launch of Friendster. Unlike previous online communities, which brought together

anonymous strangers with shared interests, Friendster uses a model of social

networking known as the “Circle of Friends” in which users invite friends and

acquaintances–that is, people they already know and like–to join their network.

Friendster was an immediate success, with millions of registered users by mid-2003;

MySpace, launched in 2003, quickly surpassed it. Originally started by musicians,

MySpace has become a major venue for sharing music as well as videos and photos. It

is now the behemoth of online social networking, with over 100 million registered

users.

Today, various types of online communities appeared including special interest

groups such as Usenet groups; professional associations and online forums where

people could exchange ideas on specific topics of interest to them; portals, which

provided a single point of entry for individuals and businesses to interact with one

another; chat rooms, where users sought new communities and contacts; and short term

groups where users participated in one-time events such as online competitions,

quizzes, and polls. Some of these communities had moderators and others were more

40

dependent on users to keep them going. For example, The Well, which still exists, is

essentially an online set of forums which are available to users who pay a monthly fee

to participate in discussions on such wide-ranging topics as entertainment and media,

computer tools, and politics.

Nature of social networking sites.

Social networking sites have implemented a wide variety of technical features.

Their backbone consists of visible profiles that display an articulated list of friends who

are also users of the system. Profiles are unique pages where one can “type oneself into

being” (Sundén, 2003, p. 3). After joining a social networking site, an individual is

asked to fill out forms containing a series of questions. The profile is generated using

the answers to these questions, which typically include descriptors such as age,

location, interests, and an “about me’ section. Most sites also encourage users to upload

a profile photo. Some sites allow users to enhance their profiles by adding multimedia

content or modifying their profile's look and feel. Others, such as Facebook, allow users

to add modules (Applications) that enhance their profile.

The visibility of a profile varies by site and according to user discretion. By

default, profiles on Friendster and Tribe.net are crawled by search engines, making

them visible to anyone, regardless of whether or not the viewer has an account.

Alternatively, LinkedIn controls what a viewer may see based on whether she or he has

a paid account. Sites like MySpace allow users to choose whether they want their

profile to be public or “Friends only.” Facebook takes a different approach–by default,

users who are part of the same “network” can view each other's profiles, unless a profile

owner has decided to deny permission to those in their network. Structural variations

around visibility and access are one of the primary ways that social networking sites

41

differentiate themselves from each other. After joining a social network site, users are

prompted to identify others in the system with whom they have a relationship. The label

for these relationships differs depending on the site–popular terms includes “Friends,”

“Contacts,” and “Fans.” Most social networking sites require bi-directional

confirmation for Friendship, but some do not. These one-directional ties are sometimes

labeled as “Fans” or “Followers,” but many sites call these Friends as well. The term

“Friends” can be misleading, because the connection does not necessarily mean

friendship in the everyday vernacular sense, and the reasons people connect are varied

(Boyd, 2007).

The public display of connections is a crucial component of social networking

sites. The friends list contains links to each friend's profile, enabling viewers to traverse

the network graph by clicking through the friends lists. On most sites, the list of friends

is visible to anyone who is permitted to view the profile, although there are exceptions.

For instance, some MySpace users have “hacked” their profiles to hide the Friends

display, and LinkedIn allows users to opt out of displaying their network. Most social

networking sites also provide a mechanism for users to leave messages on their Friends'

profiles. This feature typically involves leaving “comments,” although sites employ

various labels for this feature. In addition, Social networking sites often have a private

messaging feature similar to webmail. While both private messages and comments are

popular on most of the major social networking sites, they are not universally available.

Beyond profiles, Friends, comments, and private messaging, social networking

sites vary greatly in their features and user base. Some have photo-sharing or video-

sharing capabilities; others have built-in blogging and instant messaging technology.

There are mobile-specific social networking sites (e.g., Dodgeball), but some web-

42

based social networking sites also support limited mobile interactions (e.g., Facebook,

MySpace, and Cyworld). Many social networking sites target people from specific

geographical regions or linguistic groups, although this does not always determine the

site's constituency. Orkut, for example, was launched in the United States with an

English-only interface, but Portuguese-speaking Brazilians quickly became the

dominant user group (Kopytoff, 2004). Some sites are designed with specific ethnic,

religious, sexual orientation, political, or other identity-driven categories in mind. There

are even social networking sites for dogs (Dogster) and cats (Catster), although their

owners must manage their profiles. While social networking sites are often designed to

be widely accessible, many attract homogeneous populations initially, so it is not

uncommon to find groups using sites to segregate themselves by nationality, age,

educational level, or other factors that typically segment society, even if that was not

the intention of the designers.

While MySpace attracted the majority of media attention in the U.S. and abroad,

social networking sites were proliferating and growing in popularity worldwide.

Friendster gained traction in the Pacific Islands, Orkut became the premier Social

Networking sites in Brazil before growing rapidly in India (Madhavan, 2007), Mixi

attained widespread adoption in Japan, LunarStorm took off in Sweden, Dutch users

embraced Hyves, Grono captured Poland, Hi5 was adopted in smaller countries in Latin

America, South America, and Europe, and Bebo became very popular in the United

Kingdom, New Zealand, and Australia. Additionally, previously popular

communication and community services began implementing social networking sites

features (See Appendix C for the range of current online social network population on a

global scale).

43

Online Social Networking: Theoretical Perspectives

Social network theory.

Social network theory is concerned with the properties of social support

networks and resource exchanges among network members. From a social network

perspective, a social network involves a set of actors and the relations that connect

them. Actors, either individual people or aggregated units such as organizations or

families, exchange resources. These resources may include data, information, goods and

services, social support, and financial support.

According to social network theory, an individual's social networks comprise

strong ties and weak ties. A tie simply refers to the relationship between a certain

individual and a particular network member. Strong ties are more intimate and involve

more self-disclosure and various forms of resource exchange. People who are strongly

tied tend to show similarities in attitudes, background, and experience. While strong ties

can provide informational support and validation, the close relationships among strong

ties may play an effective role, which can satisfy an individual's emotional needs.

(Marsden & Campbell, 1984). On the matter of weak ties, Ye (2006) cited a number of

differing perspectives. Weak ties involve fewer intimate exchanges and less frequent

maintenance. Weak-tie relationships exist independently of the pressures and dynamics

of close social relationships (Adelman, Parks, & Albrecht, 1987). Weak-tie

relationships have their unique advantages: for instance, they offer anonymity and

objectivity that are not available in close relationships (Walther & Boyd, 2002).

Furthermore, weak ties may be especially valuable in the flow of new information

(Granovetter, 1982). Those who are loosely acquainted are likely to have access to

different information since their social networks involve different members. Therefore,

a weak tie can bring an individual resources that are unobtainable from close associates

44

(Granovetter, 1973). Overall, weak-tie relationships allow people to diversify their

networks or connections, thus providing a helpful alternative for social support.

Social network theory is applicable to describe human relationships developed

in a face-to-face context or through electronic means (Birnie & Horvath, 2002). It is

particularly relevant to the examination of how the Internet helps maintain old ties and

establish new ties. Similar to other interactive media (e.g., telephone), the Internet

supports existing social networks by expanding the means and opportunities for

interaction, allowing connection across time and space. In addition, it extends

individuals' social networks by allowing them to be involved in various online

communities and to communicate with others about their shared interests and concerns.

According to Turner and her colleagues (2001), online communities can provide “weak

tie” support. Online communication fosters the development of weak ties because

discussions often focus on the topic most salient to the user. In addition, compared to

strong-tie groups of close personal relations, members of such groups tend to have a

greater variety of backgrounds and experiences and thus “more expertise may be

brought to bear on the problem” (p. 235). Empirical evidence has lent support for the

benefits of online weak ties (Sharf, 1997).

Online Social Networking: Related Studies

A review of the literature revealed a couple of studies that focused on the aspect

of online social networking. A longitudinal study by Kraut, et al., (1998) was one of the

first to assess the causal direction of the relationship between Internet use and social

involvement and psychological well-being. The association of Internet use with changes

in the social and psychological variables showed that participants who used the Internet

more heavily became less socially involved and more lonely than light users and

45

reported an increase in depressive symptoms. Ellison, Steinfield & Lampe (2007)

examined the relationship between use of Facebook, a popular online social network

site, and the formation and maintenance of social capital. In addition to assessing

bonding and bridging social capital, they explored a dimension of social capital that

assesses one's ability to stay connected with members of a previously inhabited

community, which was referred to as maintained social capital. Regression analyses

conducted on results from a survey of undergraduate students suggest a strong

association between use of Facebook and the three types of social capital, with the

strongest relationship being to bridging social capital. In addition, Facebook usage was

found to interact with measures of psychological well-being, suggesting that it might

provide greater benefits for users experiencing low self-esteem and low life satisfaction.

46

CHAPTER III

Research Methodology

The primary purpose of this study was to investigate significant differences in

loneliness, interpersonal orientation, and life satisfaction among online social

networkers as a function of gender, age, marital status, number of friends online, and

number of hours spent online. The study also attempted to explore the interrelationships

among loneliness, interpersonal orientation, and life satisfaction. The present chapter

presents details on the following: research design, participants of the study, research

instrumentation, data collection procedure, and data analysis.

Research Design

The present study is a causal-comparative study as it attempted to compare

loneliness, interpersonal orientation and life satisfaction across demographic

characteristics, and correlational as it attempted to explore the interrelationships among

loneliness, interpersonal orientation, and satisfaction with life among online social

networkers. This quantitative study used both descriptive and inferential statistical tools

to analyze the data obtained with the use of a survey questionnaire.

Participants of the Study

In the absence of data on the precise number of Thai online social networkers,

the present researcher deemed it sufficient for the purposes of this exploratory study to

have a sample group of 300 respondents to test the research hypotheses. The

respondents (both members and non members) were obtained by convenience sampling

through online distribution of a survey questionnaire. The snowball technique

47

facilitated the distribution process in that respondents were asked to invite their online

friends, who met the inclusion criteria, to participate, and so on. The inclusion criteria

for respondents consisted of the following: a) Must be a Thai online social networker;

b) can read and write in English or Thai; c) aged over 18 years; and d) must be willing

to participate in the study.

Research Instrumentation

The research instrument employed was a self-administered survey questionnaire

that was e-mailed out from the researcher’s own database. Respondents were given the

option to complete either the English or Thai version. A cover letter was provided to

explain the nature and purpose of the questionnaire. The questionnaire proper consisted

of four parts. Part I was a Personal Information section to be filled in with regard to the

demographic variables selected. Part II consisted of the Revised UCLA Loneliness

Scale (RULS). Part III consisted of the Liking People Scale (LPS). Part IV consisted of

the Satisfaction with Life Scale (SWLS). The following section provides more details

about each segment of the questionnaire.

Part I: Personal Information

The first part of the questionnaire was a researcher-constructed set of questions

designed to ask about the respondent’s gender, age, marital status, number of friends

online, and number of hours spent online utilizing the networking site. To maintain

confidentiality, personal information that are not related to the study and which would

directly identify respondents were not included in the questionnaire.

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Part II: Revised UCLA Loneliness Scale (RULS)

The Revised UCLA Loneliness Scale (RULS) was developed and published by

Russell, Peplau, and Cutrona in 1980 and is currently used as a tool to measure

loneliness in a variety of populations. This questionnaire is a 20-item scale. This and

earlier versions have been used in a number of studies that show loneliness as a

common and distressing problem for many people. Loneliness has been linked with any

number of other problems, including personality characteristics such as shyness, feeling

of alienation, alcohol abuse, adolescent delinquent behavior, suicide, and physical

illness. This version of the scale used in the current study was revised to minimize

response bias, social desirability response set, and lack of potential uses for practice in

identifying lonely individuals whose loneliness is a problem in and of itself, or as

related to other problems.

Scoring: After reverse-scoring items 1, 4-6, 9, 10, 15, 16, 19, 20, the scores on

all 20 items are summed, producing a possible range of 20-80 with higher scores

indicating greater loneliness.

Validity: The RULS has good concurrent validity, correlating with a number of

mood and personality measures (e.g. the Beck Depression inventory, the Texas Social

Behavior Inventory) and particularly with a self-labeling loneliness index. In addition,

people who were more lonely on the RULS reported more limited social activities and

relationship and more emotion theoretical linked to loneliness. Finally, results show the

RULS to be unaffected by social desirability response set as measured by Marlowe-

Crowne Social Desirability Inventory.

49

Reliability: The RULS has excellent internal consistency, with an alpha of .94

(Russell, Peplau, & Cutrona, 1980).

Part III: Liking People Scale (LPS)

The Liking People Scale (LPS) was developed and published by Erik E.

Filsinger in 1981 and is currently used as a tool to assess the level of interpersonal

orientation. The questionnaire contains 15 items used to measure one aspect of

interpersonal orientation–the general liking of people. Interpersonal orientation plays a

significant role in one’s social development. The theoretical point of departure of the

LPS is that the degree of liking people influences whether one approaches or avoids

social interaction.

Scoring: The respondents rate each item on their agreement or disagreement

according to their feelings. The ratings are quantified from 1 to 5 in terms of “strongly

agree” to “strongly disagree.”

Item numbers 1, 2, 3, 5, 7, 11, 12, 13, 14 are scored as above.

Item numbers 4, 6, 8, 9, 10 and 15 are reverse-scored.

Higher scores indicate more liking of people or higher interpersonal orientation.

Scoring Interval: The total scores are the sum of all items which range between

15 to 75 points. After having the sum score, the researcher divided the level of

interpersonal orientations into 3 levels by using the mean score and standard deviation

from the sample as follows:

Level Score

Low 15-40 points

Moderate 41-62 points

High 63-75 points

50

Reliability: The reliability of the LPS was estimated using Cronbach’s alpha to

test internal consistency. The LPS has good to very good internal consistency from two

samples of college students (.85 and .75) coefficient alpha was .78 from random sample

of adults (all as cited in Fischer & Corcoran, 2007).

Part IV: Satisfaction with Life Scale (SWLS)

The Satisfaction with Life Scale (SWLS) was developed and published by

Diener, Emmons, Larsen, and Griffin in 1985. The SWLS consists of five statements

about satisfaction with life, referring to the cognitive-judgmental aspects of general life

satisfaction. Thus, in contrast to measures that apply some external standard, the SWLS

reveals the individual’s own judgment of his or her quality of life. Satisfaction with life

is often a key component of mental or subjective well-being.

Scoring: Each item is scored from 1 to 7 in terms of “strongly disagree” to

“strongly agree.” Item scores are summed for total score, which ranges from 5 to 35,

with higher scores reflecting more satisfaction with life.

Reliability: The 5 items on SWLS were selected from a pool of 48 based on

factor analysis. The instrument’s internal consistency is very good; with an alpha of

0.87. The instrument has excellent test-retest reliability, with a correlation of 0.82 for a

two month period, suggesting it is stable (all as cited in Fischer & Corcoran, 2007).

Instrument translation.

The Revised UCLA Loneliness Scale was translated into Thai by the researcher

and back-translated by a bilingual expert. The other research instruments–Satisfaction

with Life Scale (SWL) and Liking People scale (LPS) have been translated by previous

researchers in earlier unpublished studies and have been deemed reliable.

51

Data Collection Procedure

Data collection consisted of the following procedural steps:

1. A pretest of the Thai version of the survey questionnaire was conducted prior to the

actual study on 20 members of online social networking sites and 20 non-members

who were recruited online through convenience sampling. The pretest exercise

checked for any difficulty respondents might have with regard to the questionnaire

directions and item statements as well as to determine the reliability of the

instrument.

2. As there were no problems encountered in the pretest and the major instruments

were found to be reliable, the researcher proceeded to conduct the actual study by

an electronic mail blast. The strategy of viral E-mail (snowballing) was employed to

facilitate the distribution of questionnaires online. The researcher requested that the

completed questionnaires be sent back to the researcher by e-mail. The whole

process of distribution and collection of the questionnaires took approximately one

month.

3. After collection of all the completed questionnaires, the researcher individually

inspected the questionnaires to check for possible errors in completion which, for

the purposes of the study, would be deemed invalid. Only the valid questionnaires

were subsequently subjected to statistical analysis; a total of 306 questionnaires

qualified.

52

Data Analysis

After completion of the data collection process, the respondents’ data were

encoded, processed, and analyzed using the Statistical Package for Social Sciences

(SPSS).

Data Analysis was accomplished through the following statistical treatments:

1. Descriptive statistics: Frequency and percentage distributions were used to analyze

the respondents’ demographic data. Mean scores were utilized in the analysis of the

respondents’ scores.

2. Inferential statistics: Appropriate statistical methods and tools including ANOVA,

Eta, Post Hoc Multiple Comparisons, and Pearson Product Moment Coefficient of

Correlation were employed to test the three research hypotheses of the study.

Significant differences in loneliness, interpersonal orientation, and satisfaction with

life as a function of the five demographic characteristics were tested at the .05 level

of significance, and the statistical interrelationships among the three main variables

were also tested at the .05 level of significance.

53

CHAPTER IV

Presentation and Analysis of Data

This chapter presents the results of the SPSS-based analyses of data which were

obtained from participants through a self-administered online survey questionnaire. The

study involved a total of 306 participants (n=306).

The findings of the study are presented in the following order:

Section 1. Descriptive Statistics: Tabular presentation of the demographic profile of the

respondents with corresponding analysis and interpretation.

Section 2. Inferential Statistics: Individual hypothesis testing with corresponding

tabular presentation, analysis, and interpretation. The order of hypotheses testing

followed the original sequence of the research hypotheses; hence, the focal points of

analysis are as follows:

1. Difference in loneliness, interpersonal orientation, and life satisfaction as a

function of gender, age, marital status, number of friends online through social

networking sites, and number of hours spent online for social networking sites.

2. Relationship between loneliness and interpersonal orientation among members

and non-members of online social networking sites.

3. Relationship between loneliness and life satisfaction among members and non-

members of online social networking sites.

4. Relationship between life satisfaction and interpersonal orientation among

members and non-members of online social networking sites.

54

Reliability of Data Collection Tools

Several instruments were utilized in this study, namely, Revised UCLA

Loneliness Scale (RULS), Liking People Scale (LPS), and Satisfaction with Life Scale

(SWLS). Apart from these, the instruments were accompanied by a personal

information form that was used to elicit information about the demographic

characteristics of the participants.

The following Cronbach Alpha values were observed in the three main

instruments used for this research:

1. Revised UCLA Loneliness Scale (RULS) = .8032 (n = 306; No. of items = 20)

2. Liking People Scale or (LPS) = .7017 (n = 306; No. of items = 15)

3. Satisfaction with Life Scale (SWLS) = .7822 (n = 306; No. of items = 5)

The reliability coefficient values obtained were fairly high and acceptable for

psychological research and application.

Section 1: Descriptive Statistics

Sample Distribution

In total, 306 members of online social networking sites and non-members took

part in the survey conducted by the researcher. These were obtained through a

convenience sampling procedure via e-mail invitation. The participants were grouped

according to their gender, age, marital status, number of friends online through social

networking sites, and numbers of hours spent online through social networking sites, as

follows:

55

Demographic Profiles of Participants

Table 1

Frequency and Percentage Distribution of Gender

Gender Frequency Percent Valid Percent Cumulative Percent
Male 113 36.9 36.9 36.9
Female 193 63.1 63.1 100.0
Total 306 100.0 100.0

Table 1 indicates the majority of participants who took part in this study were

females, consisting of 193 (or 63.1%) out of the total 306. There were 113 (or 36.9%)

males.

Table 2

Frequency and Percentage Distribution of Age

Age Frequency Percent Valid Percent Cumulative Percent
25 and below 59 19.3 19.3 19.3
26-32 167 54.6 54.6 73.9
33-39 56 18.3 18.3 92.2
40 and above 24 7.8 7.8 100.0
Total 306 100.0 100.0

Table 2 shows that the majority of the population who took part in this study are

in the age range of 26-32 years, consisting of 167 (or 54.6%) out of the total 306; 59 (or

19.3%) are in the age range of 25 years and below; 56 (or 18.3%) are in the age range

of 33-39 years; and 24 (or 7.8%) are in the age range of 40 years and above.

Online social networkers' loneliness and life satisfaction

Online social networkers' loneliness and life satisfaction

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