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By Juan Cole, TomDispatch
This piece originally appeared atTomDispatch.

   It’s a policy fierce enough to cause great
suffering among Iranians—and possibly in the
 long run among Americans, too. It might, in
      the end, even deeply harm the global
  economy and yet, history tells us, it will fail
on its own. Economic war led by Washington
(and encouraged by Israel) will not take down
    the Iranian government or bring it to the
      bargaining table on its knees ready to
         surrender its nuclear program. It
might, however, lead to actual armed conflict
         with incalculable consequences.
The United States is already effectively
    embroiled in an economic war against
     Iran. The Obama administration has
  subjected the Islamic Republic to the most
 crippling economic sanctions applied to any
  country since Iraq was reduced to fourth-
 world status in the 1990s. And worse is on
  the horizon. A financial blockade is being
 imposed that seeks to prevent Tehran from
      selling petroleum, its most valuable
    commodity, as a way of dissuading the
regime from pursuing its nuclear enrichment
                    program.
Historical memory has never been an American
 strong point and so few today remember that
    a global embargo on Iranian petroleum is
 hardly a new tactic in Western geopolitics; nor
     do many recall that the last time it was
 applied with such stringency, in the 1950s, it
  led to the overthrow of the government with
 disastrous long-term blowback on the United
 States. The tactic is just as dangerous today.
Iran’s supreme theocrat, Ayatollah Ali
  Khamenei, has repeatedly condemned the
 atom bomb and nuclear weapons of all sorts
as tools of the devil, weaponry that cannot be
   used without killing massive numbers of
      civilian noncombatants. In the most
 emphatic terms, he has, in fact, pronounced
  them forbidden according to Islamic law.
Based on the latest U.S. intelligence, Secretary
 of Defense Leon Panetta hasaffirmed that Iran
  has not made a decision to pursue a nuclear
 warhead. In contrast, hawks in Israel and the
    United States insist that Tehran’s civilian
     nuclear enrichment program is aimed
     ultimately at making a bomb, that the
     Iranians are pursuing such a path in a
   determined fashion, and that they must be
 stopped now—by military means if necessary.
At the moment, the Obama administration and
     the Congress seem intent on making it
 impossible for Iran to sell its petroleum at all
      on the world market. As 2011 ended,
     Congress passed an amendment to the
        National Defense Authorization Act
      that mandates sanctions on firms and
 countries that deal with Iran’s Central Bank or
 buy Iranian petroleum (though hardship cases
       can apply to the U.S. government for
                   exemptions).
This escalation from sanctions to something
    like a full-scale financial blockade holds
   extreme dangers of spiraling into military
 confrontation. The Islamic Republic tried to
 make this point, indicating that it would not
        allow itself to be strangled without
  response, by conducting naval exercises at
        the mouth of the Persian Gulf this
winter. The threat involved was clear enough:
           about one-fifth of the world’s
petroleum flows through the Gulf, and even a
  temporary and partial cut-off might prove
       catastrophic for the world economy.
In part, President Obama is clearly attempting
    by his sanctions-cum-blockade policy to
    dissuade the government of Israeli Prime
  Minister Binyamin Netanyahu from launching
         a military strike on Iran’s nuclear
   facilities. He argues that severe economic
  measures will be enough to bring Iran to the
   negotiating table ready to bargain, or even
                   simply give in.
In part, Obama is attempting to please
    America’s other Middle East ally, Saudi
    Arabia, which also wants Iran’s nuclear
program mothballed. In the process, the U.S.
   government and its allies have even had
     Iran’s banks kicked off international
  exchange networks, making it difficult for
 that country’s major energy customers like
 South Korea and India to pay for the Iranian
            petroleum they import.
And don’t forget the administration’s most
  powerful weapon: most governments and
corporations do not want to be cut off from
 the U.S. economy with a GDP of more than
   $15 trillion—still the largest and most
             dynamic in the world.
Typically, the European Union, fearing
    Congressional sanctions, has agreed to
 ceasetaking new contracts on Iranian oil by
 July 1st, a decision that has placed special
     burdens on struggling countries in its
   southern tier like Greece and Italy. With
European buyers boycotting, Iran will depend
   for customers on Asian countries, which
       jointly purchase some 64% of its
  petroleum, and those of the global South.
Of these, China and India have declined to join
   the boycott. South Korea, which buys $14
       billion worth of Iranian petroleum a
     year, accounting for some 10% of its oil
 imports, has pleaded with Washington for an
 exemption, as has Japan which got 8.8% of its
  petroleum imports from Iran last year, more
    than 300,000 barrels a day—and more in
             absolute terms than South
    Korea. Japan, which is planning to cut its
      Iranian imports by 12% this year, has
            already won an exemption.

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group of south korea springhill: Why Washington’s Iran Policy Could Lead to Global Disaster

  • 1. By Juan Cole, TomDispatch
  • 2. This piece originally appeared atTomDispatch. It’s a policy fierce enough to cause great suffering among Iranians—and possibly in the long run among Americans, too. It might, in the end, even deeply harm the global economy and yet, history tells us, it will fail on its own. Economic war led by Washington (and encouraged by Israel) will not take down the Iranian government or bring it to the bargaining table on its knees ready to surrender its nuclear program. It might, however, lead to actual armed conflict with incalculable consequences.
  • 3.
  • 4. The United States is already effectively embroiled in an economic war against Iran. The Obama administration has subjected the Islamic Republic to the most crippling economic sanctions applied to any country since Iraq was reduced to fourth- world status in the 1990s. And worse is on the horizon. A financial blockade is being imposed that seeks to prevent Tehran from selling petroleum, its most valuable commodity, as a way of dissuading the regime from pursuing its nuclear enrichment program.
  • 5. Historical memory has never been an American strong point and so few today remember that a global embargo on Iranian petroleum is hardly a new tactic in Western geopolitics; nor do many recall that the last time it was applied with such stringency, in the 1950s, it led to the overthrow of the government with disastrous long-term blowback on the United States. The tactic is just as dangerous today.
  • 6. Iran’s supreme theocrat, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, has repeatedly condemned the atom bomb and nuclear weapons of all sorts as tools of the devil, weaponry that cannot be used without killing massive numbers of civilian noncombatants. In the most emphatic terms, he has, in fact, pronounced them forbidden according to Islamic law.
  • 7. Based on the latest U.S. intelligence, Secretary of Defense Leon Panetta hasaffirmed that Iran has not made a decision to pursue a nuclear warhead. In contrast, hawks in Israel and the United States insist that Tehran’s civilian nuclear enrichment program is aimed ultimately at making a bomb, that the Iranians are pursuing such a path in a determined fashion, and that they must be stopped now—by military means if necessary.
  • 8. At the moment, the Obama administration and the Congress seem intent on making it impossible for Iran to sell its petroleum at all on the world market. As 2011 ended, Congress passed an amendment to the National Defense Authorization Act that mandates sanctions on firms and countries that deal with Iran’s Central Bank or buy Iranian petroleum (though hardship cases can apply to the U.S. government for exemptions).
  • 9. This escalation from sanctions to something like a full-scale financial blockade holds extreme dangers of spiraling into military confrontation. The Islamic Republic tried to make this point, indicating that it would not allow itself to be strangled without response, by conducting naval exercises at the mouth of the Persian Gulf this winter. The threat involved was clear enough: about one-fifth of the world’s petroleum flows through the Gulf, and even a temporary and partial cut-off might prove catastrophic for the world economy.
  • 10. In part, President Obama is clearly attempting by his sanctions-cum-blockade policy to dissuade the government of Israeli Prime Minister Binyamin Netanyahu from launching a military strike on Iran’s nuclear facilities. He argues that severe economic measures will be enough to bring Iran to the negotiating table ready to bargain, or even simply give in.
  • 11. In part, Obama is attempting to please America’s other Middle East ally, Saudi Arabia, which also wants Iran’s nuclear program mothballed. In the process, the U.S. government and its allies have even had Iran’s banks kicked off international exchange networks, making it difficult for that country’s major energy customers like South Korea and India to pay for the Iranian petroleum they import.
  • 12. And don’t forget the administration’s most powerful weapon: most governments and corporations do not want to be cut off from the U.S. economy with a GDP of more than $15 trillion—still the largest and most dynamic in the world.
  • 13. Typically, the European Union, fearing Congressional sanctions, has agreed to ceasetaking new contracts on Iranian oil by July 1st, a decision that has placed special burdens on struggling countries in its southern tier like Greece and Italy. With European buyers boycotting, Iran will depend for customers on Asian countries, which jointly purchase some 64% of its petroleum, and those of the global South.
  • 14. Of these, China and India have declined to join the boycott. South Korea, which buys $14 billion worth of Iranian petroleum a year, accounting for some 10% of its oil imports, has pleaded with Washington for an exemption, as has Japan which got 8.8% of its petroleum imports from Iran last year, more than 300,000 barrels a day—and more in absolute terms than South Korea. Japan, which is planning to cut its Iranian imports by 12% this year, has already won an exemption.