In 2012, California unions defeated Prop 32, an anti-union measure funded by the Koch Brothers and other corporate interests, by using a unique combination of sophisticated microtargeting and online advertising to supplement a traditional field and media campaign. This effort led to a 13-point victory and produced down-ticket effects, including passing Prop 30 (which taxes the rich) and capturing two-thirds Democratic majorities in the State legislature. This session at Netroots Nation 2013 discussed how labor used ground-breaking microtargeting online and in the field to connect with new and hard-to-reach younger voters who watch little TV or traditionally engage on political issues.
"Reaching Voters Where They Are" - California Labor Federation microtargeting panel at Netroots Nation 2013
1. Reaching Voters
Where they Are:
THE SECRET TO CALIFORNIA LABOR’S
WINNING MICROTARGETING STRATEGY
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2. Million More Voters:
An Overview
Reaching Voters Where They Are:
THE SECRET TO CALIFORNIA LABOR’S
WINNING MICROTARGETING STRATEGY
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3. The 2012 Campaign:
Our Approach
Reaching Voters Where They Are:
THE SECRET TO CALIFORNIA LABOR’S
WINNING MICROTARGETING STRATEGY
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4. • The goal:
– Continue relationship with disengaged progressives
– Win on issues that MMV targets care about
• Questions:
– What issue(s) do we focus on?
– Who do we communicate with?
– How do we reach them?
– What do we say?
The 2012 MMV Approach
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5. A Year of Learning
Phase Date Who Finding
1. Exploratory
Focus Groups
December
2011
Previous
MMV
targets
“Make it clear that the initiative is deceptive
and that corporate elites are using the
initiative process to trick voters into giving
them more power.”
2. Baseline Survey March 2012 Likely voters
SuperPAC Expansion Act has greater
uncertainty; Sales Tax Act has greater support.
3. Special
Exemptions
Focus Groups
April 2012 Likely voters “Exemption” beats “loophole”.
Best arguments :
Cost, Unrestricted SuperPACs, Who’s Behind It
4. Special
Exemptions
Survey
May 2012 Likely voters
5. Microtargeting I June 2012 Likely voters Identify “persuadables”
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6. A Year of Learning
Phase Date Who Finding
6. Phone EIP August 2012
Persuasion
targets
“Special Exemptions Act” increases recall
7. Persuasion
Messaging
Survey
September
2012
Persuasion
targets
The best “villain” depends on party
8. Microtargeting II
September
2012
Likely voters Update model; create model for TV watching
9. GOTV Messaging
Survey
September
2012
GOTV
targets
“Special Exemptions Act” matters for
likelihood of voting
10. Post-Election
Survey
November
2012
Persuasion
targets
Did it work?!
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7. Taking it to the Field
Reaching Voters Where They Are:
THE SECRET TO CALIFORNIA LABOR’S
WINNING MICROTARGETING STRATEGY
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8. Field Campaign At a Glance
Paid program
• 14 field offices
• 13 week program
• 500+ field organizers (increased to 800+ for GOTV)
• More than 720,000 contacts, over half a million NO on
32 IDs
Volunteer program – Alliance for a Better California
partners hosted phoning & walks statewide
• Over 65 different locations by GOTV
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9. Statewide Props 32/30 Vote by County
STATEWIDE VOTE
Prop NO YES
32 6,940,282 - 57% 5,328,207 - 43%
30 5,584,785 - 45% 6,902,562 - 55%
California
Nov 2012
Election
Prop 32
No
Yes
Prop 30
Yes
No
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10. Field Campaign Components
• Targeting & planning
• Convening & coordination of Alliance partners and allies
with field programs
• Support & training for volunteer field programs of
Alliance partners and allies
• Large-scale, paid direct voter contact operation
• Data collaboration and technology
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11. Lessons Learned
• Statewide scale for a statewide issue is key
• Tailoring plan & program to individual strengths &
capacities of participating organizations was very effective
• Close collaboration of Alliance partners with field programs
made us stronger & more efficient – volunteer programs,
data management, divvying up work
• Good modeling, messaging & ads to amplify our message
helped tremendously
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12. Direct Mail
Reaching Voters Where They Are:
THE SECRET TO CALIFORNIA LABOR’S
WINNING MICROTARGETING STRATEGY
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13. Nothing 32 Mail MMV Mail
No TV
Nothing 32 Mail
Some Mail
TV
No Mail
Some TV
Nothing 32 Mail TV Only
No TV
Rarely
Watch TV
4+ Hours
Daily TV
Oppose Undecided Support
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16. Online Tools &
Tactics
Reaching Voters Where They Are:
THE SECRET TO CALIFORNIA LABOR’S
WINNING MICROTARGETING STRATEGY
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17. Look Familiar to Anyone?
Plus, 56% of women and 65% of men skip TV
commercials!
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18. Why Digital? Media Consumption Shifts Towards Digital
Digital is now the
third most popular
news consumption
medium.
Video is a large part
of this consumption
pattern and growing
larger
Pew Internet “How Media Consumption has changed since 2000” 6.24.10
Pew Internet “Demographics of internet users” May 2011
Online Video Behavior
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19. Truly Integrated Targeting
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• List Match: Swimming in the cookie pool
– We didn’t approximate common targeting, we did it
– List matching lets us customize ads, not shoot for lowest-
common denominator messaging like on TV
• Complementary display and banner ads
– We got the impressions and impact we needed with the budget
we had
• Synchronous multi-channel communications
– Online wasn’t a silo, and it wasn’t “new” media. It was an
interlocking piece of a broader voter contact program
21. Effective Ads in Post-TV World
• Moving past TV does NOT mean moving past video…
• It means connecting with the public where they are, not where we
wish they were…
• The right ad creative delivered to the right audience produces real
results.
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22. Targeted outreach moved polling numbers
VOTER TARGETING WORKED: In late October, the under-35 demographic was
behind in the polls. We used voter-file targeting to specifically isolate this
group, and designed ad creative to appeal to a more youthful audience. This
mirrored offline direct-mail efforts.
22% Swing: In the days following this change in strategy, we saw a movement of
up to 22% in favorability for the NO side.
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23. The 2012 Campaign:
Results
Reaching Voters Where They Are:
THE SECRET TO CALIFORNIA LABOR’S
WINNING MICROTARGETING STRATEGY
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26. How Many Voters Were
Persuaded?
• MMV walk, phone, and mail persuasion accounts for about half the 1.64 million
vote margin.
• Does not include online persuasion, GOTV, or network effects.
Mode
Voters
Contacted
Estimated
Effect
Net No Votes
Percent of
Margin
MMV Walk 194,779 11.98% 46,669 2.8%
MMV Phone 556,837 4.07% 45,327 2.8%
MMV Mail 3,041,288 11.80% 717,744 43.7%
Total 3,792,904 — 809,740 49.3%
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27. Questions?
Reaching Voters Where They Are:
THE SECRET TO CALIFORNIA LABOR’S
WINNING MICROTARGETING STRATEGY
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Editor's Notes
This and the next slide are meant to address the question of how exactly voters were affected by contacts, both to support the validity of the effect estimates for vote choice and to understand more about the results of contacts for the sake of future campaignsThese slides are set up to be independent of those before or after, and so could be skipped/dropped if necessary for time constraints.Vote recall is used as a proxy for awareness of Prop 32, since those who were already familiar with the measure are more likely to remember how they voted better than those who hadn’t heard of it before November 6.
We produced versions of the report’s figures that include only internal MMV contacts, to simplify presentation and sharpen the focus on the results of the MMV’s own contacts. For those not familiar with confidence intervals, the easiest way to explain them is to say that:They’re provided to indicate the level of uncertainty we have about our estimatesThis uncertainty comes from extrapolating upwards from a survey sample, and can be understand as our expectation about what would happen if we repeated the survey and analysis with new samplesThe point estimate given is the median of this distribution: we would expect the result to be higher than that about half the time, and lower the other halfThe intervals represent the range between the 5th and 95th percentiles: we would expect a lower value only 5 of 100 times, and a higher value only 5 of 100 timesIn case someone asks about the correlation/causation question, note the random assignment of contacts and controls within the targeting universe.Walk contacts have high uncertainty because the contact rate in survey was very low (~2%, vs 35% for phone and 39% for mail)Much of the uncertainty in mail effects comes from experimental treatment design---everyone in mail treatment group treated the same (to avoid selection bias) even though only about half actually received mail.
Net votes reflect a swing in the Yes/No vote margin on Prop 32 from voters persuaded by the campaignAs modeled, each persuaded voter is equal to two net votes, since they are one less Yes vote and one more No voteMain takeaway is that this is a very impressive number---if the race were as close as expected, would have been decisiveThis is only a partial reflection of the campaign’s total impact, and doesn’t include:Additional turnout (in general as well as on this question specifically) from GOTV outreachSecondary influence of persuaded voters on friends and familyTargeted online adsTargeting scores and messaging research shared with external partners