1. Caste, Social Backwardness and OBC
Reservations – Mandal – I and II
-- Zoya Hasan (2009)
Search for Equality and Justice – A4

2. Reservation- Equality and Justice
• In the last few decades, both Central and
State governments have implemented
reservation policy that aim to increase
opportunities for backward classes/ castes
in government employment and
education.
• Since 1950, the SCs and STs have been
entitled to reservation.

3. Reservation Policy
• 1994 : Reservation extended to the OBCs in
public employment by PM V P Singh of the
Janata Dal – MANDAL - I
• 2006 : Instituting Reservation for OBCs in
institutions of higher and professional
education by the UPA Government - MANDAL
II

4. Issues
• Two issues have dominated policy debates
regarding reservation of OBCs–
i) On the identification of the category OBC-
Whether caste or economic and occupational
criteria is an indicator of disadvantage ?
ii) Regarding the conception of backwardness itself.

5. Who are the Backward Classes?
• OBCs constitute a more heterogeneous category
than the SCs and STs.
• Not estimated in the decennial censuses, but OBC
population is estimated to range from 25 to 52
percent.
• Most of the OBCs belong to peasant and agrarian
communities, not untouchables, considered
backward because of their low peasant status.
• Traditionally lack education and access to public
institutions.

6. Backwardness ?
• No clarity in the definition and criterion of social
backwardness with regard to the term OBCs
• ‘Backward Classes’ retained a multiplicity of
meanings-
• - ‘lowly’, those comparable to SC/STs, ‘less well-
off’
• - reference to a middle stratum
• - those who suffered discrimination historically

7. Backwardness- ? - II
• Constituent Assembly there was a debate
regarding identifying OBCs- whether ritual
exclusion, or economic criteria of backwardness
or in terms of low status in the caste system?
• The purpose of reservation for the SCs- to right
the historical wrongs, hence to enhance equality
of opportunity
• For the OBCs- to increase representation and
power sharing.

8. “Other Backward Classes” - Origin
• The term Backward Classes had appeared for
the first time in 1870 in Madras Presidency.
• Despite ambiguity the provinces of Bombay,
Madras and Mysore had instituted
reservations of jobs and seats for them in
education before independence.

9. Other Backward Classes- II
• After independence, Nehru coined the term,
“Other Backward Classes” – implying classes
other than the untouchables and the tribes.
• The Constitution refers to ‘Backward Classes’
in Articles 15 (4) and 16 (4), under which the
state is empowered to make special provision
for those socially and educationally backward.

10. Kalelkar Commission -1
• In 1955, the First Backward Class Commission led
by Kaka Kalelkar (a disciple of Gandhi) submitted
its report.
• It drew up a list of 2329 castes (about 32 percent
of the population) as socially and educationally
backward classes.
• - characterized by (1) low social position in the
caste hierarchy, (2) lack of general education, (3)
poor representation in government services, as
well as (4) trade, commerce and industry.

11. Kalelkar Commission -2
• Caste was used as the criteria for identifying
beneficiaries, though Kalelkar gave a
dissenting note. He favoured identification
based on economic criteria, not caste.
• Report tabled, but its recommendations were
not implemented by the Central government.

12. Kalelkar Commission - 3
• Govt. in favour of economic criteria, feared
that the Report will deepen caste divisions.
• Home minister Govind Ballav Pant argued that
it would hinder efficiency in the
administration and business.
• Nevertheless, several states set up Backward
Classes Commissions and instituted
reservations for castes.

13. Political alignments
• Congress leadership- dominated by the upper
castes, backward classes found no space
• Economic interests do not become the basis of
mobilization, caste categories did
• Congress- reluctant to regard caste as the
criteria for reservation of OBC category, yet
caste was the primary criteria for defining
backwardness !

14. Political alignments - II
• At the State level several states granted them
reservations in government employment and
education.
• States in the South among the first to do so,
have been responsive to them since 1920s…
• The long standing political mobilisation of the
backward castes in the regions could not be
ignored at the national level.

15. Political alignments - III
• Opposition to reservations did not rule out
power sharing with other castes,
• Backward class politics played a crucial role in
Tamil Nadu, Karnataka, Kerala, Maharashtra in
supporting political formations
• In UP backward caste groups supported by the
non Congress parties, esp after the defeat of
the Congress in 1977, were mobilised.

16. Political alignments - IV
• Progressive realization that the backward
classes need to be accommodated in the
political system.
• The Backward Class Commissions in the States
too identified backwardness on the basis of
caste.
• When Mandal Commission came up the
economic criteria was almost forgotten!

17. Mandal Commission - 1
• Non-Congress parties took up the backward-
caste issues in a major way from the late
1960s and more forcefully after the defeat of
the Congress in the post-Emergency 1977
elections.
• The Second Backward Classes Commission
(Mandal Commission) constituted in 1978
(Janata Party regime), fully embraced ‘caste’
as the defining criteria for backwardness.

18. Mandal Commission - 2
• Headed by B P Mandal, the Commission
estimated the population of OBCs to be around
52 percent.
• Recommended a reservation of 27 percent for
OBCs in all services and public sector
undertakings, in addition to 22.5 percent.
• Report was submitted in 1980, the Congress
Party was in power, unwilling to act on the
report. “It’s a can of worms, I won’t touch it”. –
Rajiv Gandhi.

19. Mandal – I (1)
• In 1990, non-Congress coalition government
led by Prime Minister V. P. Singh proposed the
implementation of Mandal Commission
recommendations (Mandal – I).
• Widespread disturbances and violence in the
country, an upper-caste backlash, especially in
Delhi, Orissa, Bihar and UP including instances
of self immolation by upper caste students.

20. Mandal – I (2)
• For its proponents, Social Justice (rectification
of social inequalities in status and power, not
primarily economic inequalities) was the goal.
• Mandal CRITERIA of Backwardness: ELEVEN
INDICATORS: Social Backwardness – 4,
Educational Backwardness – 3 and Economic
Backwardness – 4 indicators.
• Historical discrimination rather than current
inequalities got more importance.

21. Mandal 1 (3)
• Caste based social backwardness was crucial,
educational and economic backwardness linked
to it.
• Main principles :
- Caste membership rather than individual class
- Low social ranking rather than individual income
- Inadequate representation in government
services, in trade, commerce, industry
- Religious and linguistic groups cannot qualify for
inclusion

22. Mandal 1 (4)
• Main difference was in the conception of social
justice.
• In the pre-independence Constituent Assembly
debates, disadvantage was conceived in terms of
reduction of socio-economic disparities between
groups.
• Now emphasis would be on reducing power and
inequalities of status between groups.
• Political power primary engine of social
transformation.

23. Mandal –I (5)
• Legal disputes over the primacy of caste vs
class, whether caste stands for class
• Lack of clear guidelines regarding definition,
composition, identification, scheduling-
triggering discontent

24. Mandal – I (6)
• Congress favoured excluding the privileged
among OBCs and to accommodate the
underprivileged amongst the upper castes;
proposed 10 percent reservation for ‘other
economically backward sections of people’.
• However, the Supreme Court upheld the 27
percent reservation for OBCs, not the 10 percent
for ‘other economically backward sections of
people’. The Court upheld caste as a criterion.

25. Mandal – I (7)
• In 1990, the OBCs had a negligible presence of
about 2 percent in government employment,
when the Mandal – I recommendations were
accepted.
• By 2000, the SCs, STs and OBCs together
accounted for more than 55 percent of the
total recruitment in the Union Civil Services.
• However, dominant groups and castes (within
the OBCs) have monopolized benefits.

26. Mandal – II (1)
• In 2006, the Central government planned to
extend reservations to OBCs in Central
educational institutions (Mandal – II).
• A huge public debate began. Supporters believed
it would promote social justice and inclusion in
upper-caste dominated system of higher
education. Opponents warned that India’s edge
in the knowledge economy would dwindle,
competitiveness erode, MNCs move away.

27. Mandal – II (2)
• Official argument offered two principal
justifications:
• First, extending quotas in higher education
was the continuation of preferential treatment
in public employment to the OBCs.
• Second, it came up in 2006 mainly in the
context of the legislation on private unaided
institutions.

28. Mandal – II (3)
• Unlike the Mandal – I decision, which was rushed
through without adequate consultations, this
legislation was the result of wide-ranging
consultations with MPs and political parties and
was also routed through the Cabinet and various
government departments.
• However, controversies and countrywide protests
followed led by the doctors at the AIIMS,
students from IITs and IIMs and Youth for Equality
– a newly formed protest group.

29. Market Reforms and Socio-economic
changes
• Change in political and economic landscape
since Mandal – I.
• Market reforms have broken down the
Nehruvian consensus on a mixed economy
and the Congress social coalition of upper
castes, minorities and SCs.
• High GDP growth and high consumption.
• Growth of Media, IT revolution, service sector,
knowledge economy – affluent middle class.

30. Shifts in Public Debate
• A large section of Indian public now believe
that market reforms have leveled out social
distinctions and disadvantages.
• Recent dimensions of OBC reservation politics:
– A) Justice versus merit issues
– B) All parties now accept the logic of quotas
– C) A consequent disengagement of Reservation
issues from the political process.
– D) Increasing reliance on judiciary and the media.

31. Emerging Issues - 1
• By the time of Mandal – II, caste and class has
become inseparable.
• Exclusion of creamy layer or privileged within
the OBCs, despite fear of political reactions.
• Affirmative action for religious minorities.

32. Emerging Issues - 2
• Why Reservations – pursuit of justice or
pursuit of votes?
• A need to revisit the framework of affirmative
action, need for regular review, need for
foundational changes, more sophisticated
affirmative action than reservations.
• Freedom of equality and justice issues from
the mechanical caste and class concerns.