Apprentice boys of derry

History Support Service
Supporting Leaving Certificate History
www.hist.ie
Later Modern Ireland
Topic 5, Politics and society in Northern Ireland, 1949-1993
Documents for case study:
Apprentice Boys of Derry
Contents
Preface page 2
Introduction to the case study page 3
Biographical notes page 4
Glossary of key terms page 8
List of documents page 12
The documents page 13
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©2009 History Support Service, County Wexford Education Centre, Enniscorthy, Co. Wexford.
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PREFACE
The topic, Politics and society in Northern Ireland, 1949-1993, is prescribed by the State
Examinations Commission (SEC) for the documents-based study for the 2010 and 2011 Leaving
Certificate examinations.
The case studies for the topic are:
• The Coleraine University controversy
• The Sunningdale Agreement and the power-sharing executive, 1973-1974
• The Apprentice Boys of Derry
The set of documents selected for each of the case studies, and presented herein, is varied in nature
and represents varying points of view, enabling students to look at the case study from different
perspectives.
Each set of documents is accompanied by an introduction which gives an outline of the case study
and the relevance of each of the documents to the different aspects of the case study.
A series of biographical notes relating to people mentioned in the documents is provided, along
with a glossary of key terms. Since there is significant overlap of personalities and terminology
between the three case studies, these notes are unified and repeated for each of the case studies.
The basic template employed is one devised for an initiative of the National Library of Ireland
(NLI) and the National Council for Curriculum and Assessment (NCCA), which produced sets of
documents for the topics prescribed for documents-based study in the 2006 and 2007 examinations.
The success of that initiative prompted the History In-Service Team (HIST) to commission Dr. Jane
Finucane to compile sets of documents on the topics prescribed for the 2008 and 2009 examinations
along similar lines to the NLI/NCCA initiative.
The initial selection of documents was made by Dr. Jane Finucane, Lecturer in Early Modern
History, University of Glamorgan, who also prepared the biographical notes, the glossary of key
terms and the questions on the documents. The materials were edited for publication by the
National Coordinator of the History Support Service, John Dredge.
John Dredge,
National Coordinator,
History Support Service.
July 2009.
Online help: The director of CAIN (Conflict Archive on the Internet), Dr. Martin Melaugh, has
compiled a page that will be of assistance to teachers of Leaving Certificate History at
http://cain.ulst.ac.uk/leaving_certificate/
For further assistance, see the History Support Service website at www.hist.ie.
History Support Service, Documents for case study: The Apprentice Boys of Derry Page 2

THE APPRENTICE BOYS OF DERRY: INTRODUCTION
The Apprentice Boys of Derry is a Brotherhood founded in 1814 to commemorate and celebrate
events of Derry’s siege: the shutting the city gates by the thirteen apprentices (December 1688) and
the end of the siege without surrender to James II (August 1689). The society has branches
throughout the UK and in North America, but the annual celebrations in Derry itself are of
particular importance. Recalling the original apprentices vow of ‘No Surrender’ (Document 1,
Document 5), the Apprentice Boys have at certain times emphasised the need to react against forces
threatening unionism and Protestantism (Document 2, Document 7, Document 8). Their activities
have been viewed as provocative (Document 3, Document 6), and members have participated in
acts of political protest, even, it has been argued, of intimidation (Document 4, Document 7).
However, it has also been asserted that many elements of the parading tradition practised by the
Apprentice Boys and other ‘loyal orders’ can be considered without reference to such defensiveness
or aggression, and can instead be viewed as the expression of the particular culture of certain tight-
knit communities (Document 9, Document 10).
The Apprentice Boys of Derry is a case study for the Culture and Religion perspective of the topic,
Politics and society in Northern Ireland, 1949-1993. The documents presented here cover all of
the elements of this perspective: two views on ecumenism are given in extracts from sermons
(Document 2); religious affiliation and cultural identity can be examined through sermon
(Document 2), song (Document 1), political pamphlet (Document 5) and official correspondence
(Document 7): perspectives from Britain on this matter can be gleaned from journalist commentary
(Document 8, Document 9). Cultural responses to the Troubles can be considered both for the
Republic, represented here in parliamentary record (Document 6), and for Northern Ireland, where
parliamentary reports and news broadcasts show the extent to which displays of cultural identity
could be considered dangerous or powerful in the light of Northern Ireland’s ‘Troubles’ (Document
3, Document 4).
Key personalities and key concepts have been introduced where possible. Ian Paisley’s political
activities provide an opportunity to see the Apprentice Boys active outside their ceremonial roles
(Document 4). This case study is particularly rich, however, in material suitable for the
examination of key concepts. Many of these concepts can be explored through several documents.
Suggested focuses are on ecumenism and bigotry (Document 2); on gerrymandering (Document 8);
on terrorism (Document 4); on cultural traditions (Documents 1, 8, 10) and cultural identity
(Documents 1, 8, 9).

BIOGRAPHICAL NOTES
Commander Albert W. Anderson
Elected representative of the Ulster Unionist Party, Mayor of Derry, 1963-8, Member of Parliament
for the City of Londonderry 1968-72
John Andrews
Leader of the Northern Ireland Senate, 1964-72, in which capacity he frequently acted as deputy
prime minister
Jim Callaghan
A member of the British Labour Party who held a number of senior posts in government in the
1960s and 1970s, and was Prime Minister from 1976-1979. He was Home Secretary in 1969, and
sent British troops to Northern Ireland to restore order. The Labour Party was in opposition in 1972,
when Callaghan described the introduction of Direct Rule as a ‘historic blunder’: he argued that the
British Parliament would not be able to deal effectively with Northern Ireland.
James Chichester-Clark
Leader of the Ulster Unionist Party and Prime Minister of Northern Ireland from 1969 to 1971,
when he resigned from both offices, citing the impossibility of containing the I.R.A. with the
resources and support available.
Brendan Corish
Leader of the Labour Party in the Republic from 1960 to1977
Colmcille/Columba/Columb
Sixth-century Irish saint, said to have founded a monastery in Derry, and considered the patron saint
of Derry city
William [Bill] Craig
Loyalist leader who established the Ulster Vanguard Party and was one of the organisers of the
Ulster Workers’ Council strikes
Austin Currie
Civil Rights activist, founder member of the Social Democratic and Labour Party (SDLP) in 1970
and Minister for Housing in the Northern Ireland power-sharing executive established under
Sunningdale
Seamus Deane
Poet and academic, born in Derry in 1940
Paddy Devlin
Civil Rights activist, founder member of the Social Democratic and Labour Party (SDLP) in 1970
and elected representative of the party in the Stormont Parliament and the Northern Ireland
Assembly of 1973-4
W. T. Ewing
Civil Servant in the Northern Irish Education Ministry and secretary to the Lockwood Committee

Brian Faulkner
Member of the Ulster Unionist Party who was Prime Minister of Northern Ireland from March 1971
- March 1972 and Chief Executive of the Northern Ireland power-sharing executive of 1974.
Faulkner attempted to contain republican violence, introducing internment without trial in 1971. He
protested when the Stormont government was suspended in 1972, but took part against the wishes
of many of his party in the negotiations which led to the Sunningdale Agreement. He resigned
under pressure from the UWC strikers in May 1974.
Gerard [Gerry] Fitt
Founding member and first leader (1970-79) of the Social Democratic and Labour Party (SDLP).
He acted as Deputy Chief Executive in the power-sharing executive in 1974.
Garret FitzGerald
Member of the Fine Gael party, Taoiseach 1981-2 and 1982-7. As Minister for Foreign Affairs in
the Fine Gael-Labour coalition of 1973-7, he represented the Irish Government at the Sunningdale
negotiations.
Major John Glen
John Glen, member of the Lockwood Committee. He had acted as assistant-secretary of the
Northern Irish Ministry for Education.
Major Glover
Gerard Glover, Unionist Party Member and Mayor of Derry from 1950-1 and 1961-3. Glover
attempted to persuade the Northern Irish government of the need to support Magee College after the
publication of the Lockwood report, although he was accused of not doing enough in this regard.
Paddy Gormley
Nationalist M.P. 1953-69, representing mid-Londonderry for most of his time as parliamentary
representative. He spoke at parliament against the decision to site the new University in Coleraine,
describing this as a tactic by the Northern Irish government to restrict Derry’s development.
Lord Hailsham / Quintin McGarel Hogg
Conservative and Lord High Chancellor from 1970 to 1974, and from 1979-1989. In this position,
he was speaker in the House of Lords, head of the judiciary and the most senior officer serving the
crown. He defended the introduction of Direct Rule in 1972 as a short-term, necessary measure
which was fully legal.
Edward [Ted] Heath
Conservative Party MP; British Prime Minister 1970-74: Heath suspended the Stormont Parliament
in 1972 and presided over the establishment of the Northern Ireland Assembly (1973-4) and power-
sharing executive (1974).
R.B. Henderson
R. B. (Brum) Henderson. Member of the Lockwood Committee and managing director of Ulster
Televison (UTV).
John Hume
A schoolteacher who became one of the leaders of the Northern Irish civil rights movement and was
elected to parliament in 1969. He led the Social Democratic and Labour Party (SDLP) from 1979
to 2001.

Willis Jackson
Member of the Lockwood Committee, Professor of Electrical Engineering at the Imperial College
of Science and Technology (London)
Edward Warburton Jones
Ulster Unionist, M.P. representing the City of Londonderry 1951-68. Attorney-General, 1964-8.
He warned the government of potential trouble in Derry if Magee College was not safeguarded and
suggested that the College should become part of the new university.
James II
King of England, Ireland, and Scotland from 1685-1688: he was suspected of plans to force a
Catholic revival on his subjects and was overthrown by his daughter Mary and her husband William
III. Plans for James to establish a base for counter-revolution in Ireland failed after his defeat at the
Battle of the Boyne in 1690.
John Lockwood
Chairman of the Lockwood Committee which reported on higher education in Northern Ireland in
1964. Master of Birkbeck College in London, 1951-65. Lockwood had chaired the Secondary
Schools Education Council and had helped to create new universities in Asia and Africa.
Robert Lundy
Commander of the Derry garrison committed to defending the city against James II. When Derry
came under attack, Lundy attempted to surrender to James’s forces, but was prevented from
declaring the surrender and removed from office by some of Derry’s inhabitants. A figure
representing Lundy is burned at commemorations of the siege.
Martin Luther King
American civil rights campaigner, prominent in the movements for equal opportunity for African
Americans, known for his opposition to violent protest
Jack Lynch
Leader of the Fianna Fáil Party, 1966-1979, Taoiseach from 1966 to 1973 and from 1977 to 1979.
Lynch oversaw the Republic’s response to the crisis of 1969. He supported the Republic’s
territorial claim on North Ireland but refused calls to send the Irish army into the North in 1969.
Eddie MacAteer
Derry politician, leader of the Nationalist Party in Northern Ireland from 1964-1969, prominent
campaigner for a University for Derry.
Séamus Mallon
Civil rights campaigner, member of the SDLP from 1970 and Deputy Leader of the party from
1979-2001. He represented Armagh in the Northern Ireland assembly (1973-4) and sat on the
Armagh District Council (1973-89). He argued that Northern Ireland’s crisis could not be resolved
without the assistance of the government of the Republic of Ireland.
W.H. Mol
Member of the Lockwood Committee, Headmaster of Ballymena Academy and President of the
Ulster Headmasters' Association

Miss A. R. Murray
Member of the Lockwood Committee. Vice-President of the British Federation of Business and
Professional Women and Tutor-in-Charge of the University of Cambridge College, New Hall.
Keith Murray
Chairman of the British University Grants Committee from 1953 to 1963
Ruairí Ó Brádaigh [Rory O’Brady]
President of Provisional Sinn Féin (PSF), the political wing of the Provisional I.R.A. 1970-83
Terence O'Neill
Prime Minister of Northern Ireland and leader of the Ulster Unionist Party, 1963-9
Ian Paisley
Clergyman and Politician, founding member of the Free Presbyterian Church in 1951 and of the
Democratic Unionist Party in 1971. The DUP rejected the Sunningdale Agreement and Paisley was
active in the UWC strike of 1974.
Denis Rebbeck
Member of the Lockwood Committee, Managing Director of Belfast shipbuilding company,
Harland and Wolff
Sir Peter Venables
Member of the Lockwood Committee. Principal of the College of Advanced Technology,
Birmingham.
George Walker
Clergyman who helped to organize Derry’s defence against the forces of James II in the 1689 siege
of the city
King William III
King of Britain and Ireland from 1689-1702, following a revolt which deposed his Catholic father-
in-law, James II. Battles between the forces of James and William were fought in Scotland and
Ireland: Derry survived a siege by James’s supporters in 1689.
Harold Wilson
Labour Party MP, British Prime Minister 1964-70 and 1974-76. Harold Wilson became Prime
Minister for the third time in February 1974, replacing Ted Heath whose Conservative government
had overseen the introduction of the Northern Ireland Assembly and power-sharing executive. His
speech on 25 May 1974 condemning the UWC strike aroused huge resentment among unionists.

GLOSSARY OF KEY TERMS
Act of Union
The Act of Union of 1800 united Great Britain and Ireland under the parliament at Westminster,
abolishing a separate Irish parliament. It came into effect on 1st
January, 1801.
Apprentice Boys of Derry
Brotherhood founded in 1814 to commemorate and celebrate two events of Derry’s siege: the
shutting of the city gates by the thirteen apprentices (December 1688) and the end of the siege
without surrender to James II (August 1689). The society has branches throughout the UK and in
North America.
Barry’s Law
Peter Barry was Minister for Foreign Affairs in the Republic of Ireland 1982-7: ‘Barry’s Law’ was
a phrase used by some Unionists hostile to the Anglo-Irish agreement of 1985 to describe the
prospect of being ruled from Dublin.
Battle of the Boyne
Battle between the forces of William III and James II in 1690 which ended with a decisive victory
for William III. Orangemen celebrate the anniversary of the battle on 12th
July.
Bogside
An area outside Derry’s city walls. By the 1960s, the Bogside was an estate where part of Derry’s
Catholic population lived in overcrowded council housing. The Bogside became a centre of radical
nationalism during the Troubles.
St Columb’s Cathedral
Church of Ireland Cathedral in Derry, built in 1633. Celebrations by the Apprentice Boys of Derry
traditionally feature services at St Columb’s.
Council of Ireland
An institution to be established under the Sunningdale Agreement. Members would be
representatives from the governments of Northern Ireland and the Irish Republic. The council
would focus on discussing common policies in certain areas, mostly related to shared economic
problems and ventures. The council’s functions were disputed, and were to be limited, but it was
significant because it would represent an attempt to introduce formal cooperation in the governance
of the North and the Republic.
Direct Rule
The administration of Northern Ireland from Westminster instead of a regional parliament. Direct
rule was introduced to Northern Ireland in 1972 when the Stormont Parliament was suspended.
Since 1972, the British Government has appointed a Secretary for Northern Ireland to oversee direct
rule.
Exchequer
The British government department responsible for government income and spending: informally,
the word is used to refer to the money spent by this department on public projects.
Fountain Estate
A traditionally strongly Loyalist area of Derry

Grammar School
Selective secondary school: those existing in Northern Ireland in the 1960s were designed to cater
for the top 25% of students.
Hansard
The printed record of British Parliamentary sessions
H.N.C.
Higher National Certificate: work-related higher education qualification, reformed in the 1960s so
that it could act as one route to university programmes
Internment
Internment without trial was used against the IRA on several occasions. Most controversially, in
August 1971, the Northern Irish Prime Minister Brian Faulkner introduced a new law authorizing
the holding of suspected terrorists without trial, and without any limit on the term of imprisonment.
The policy targeted nationalists, with a far smaller number of unionists interned and led to an
immediate escalation in sectarian violence. Internment did not lead to stability and was suspended
in 1975.
IRA
The Irish Republican Army: the main republican paramilitary group involved in the conflict in
Northern Ireland. The I.R.A. had existed in several forms before 1972: in that year the Provisional
I.R.A. emerged as the leader of violence in the republican cause. The I.R.A. is thought to have been
responsible for over 1,750 deaths between 1969 and 1993.
Jalopy
Slang term for an old, battered car
Lampeter
The oldest university in Wales: a small institution for which the Robbins Report recommended
expansion. It built stronger ties in the 1960s with the University of Wales, of which Cardiff
University was a member.
LAW
The Loyalist Association of Workers: founded in 1971 and active until 1974. The organisation was
especially active in protest against the Sunningdale Agreement, and was to a great extent absorbed
into the Ulster Workers’ Council (UWC) in 1973. A journal, also called the Loyalist Association of
Workers was published by this group.
Liberal Arts College
A type of third level institution common in North America, usually focusing on teaching rather than
research, emphasising the virtues of a broad education rooted in the humanities, and small in
comparison with other universities. Liberal Arts Colleges tend to have lower running costs than
research-intensive universities.
Lockwood Committee
The Committee established in 1963 to consider the future development of higher education in
Northern Ireland. The committee’s recommendations, presented in 1965, included the foundation
of a second university, to be located in Coleraine, and excluded the option of granting university
status to Magee College.

Magee College
Founded in 1865 to prepare students to enter the Presbyterian ministry, the College eventually
began to send students wishing to earn degrees in arts and sciences to Trinity College Dublin for the
last two years of their studies. It was hoped that Magee would be raised to university status (and
able to grant its own degrees) as part of a new institution in Derry. After the Lockwood report
recommended that a second Northern Irish university should be founded in Coleraine, protest at the
sidelining of Magee led to the decision in 1969 to incorporate the college into the New University
of Ulster.
Minister in the Senate
Cabinet member who represented the Northern Irish Prime Minister in the Northern Ireland Senate
New City
Craigavon, County Armagh, founded as a new town in 1965 to relieve pressure on Belfast.
Northern Ireland Assembly
For 1973 and 1974, this refers to the elected assembly established to govern Northern Ireland: the
Northern Ireland Constitution Act, 1973, sought to ensure that it would function under a power-
sharing executive, so that Ministers came from both nationalist and unionist parties. The assembly
was closed down with the executive in May 1974 after the UWC strike.
Northern Irish Civil Rights Association
Founded after meetings between representatives of all of Northern Ireland’s political parties, the
NICRA campaigned publicly in support of the rights of the Catholic minority between 1967 and
1972. NICRA organised the anti-internment march of 30th
January 1972 which saw thirteen
protesters shot dead by soldiers from the First Parachute Regiment of the British Army.
Provisional IRA
See I.R.A.
Queen’s University Belfast
Queen's University Belfast was founded as one of three ‘Queen’s Colleges’ in 1845, receiving full
university status in 1908 and was the only university in Northern Ireland until 1968. It had 3570
students in 1960. The Queen’s University’s Student Representative Council was in favour of Derry
as site of the new university.
Robbins Report
The Robbins Report on Higher Education was produced by a committee chaired by Lionel Robbins
between 1961 and 1964. It called for the creation of over 100,000 new university places within the
following decade.
Stormont
Popular name for the Parliament Building, in the grounds of Stormont Castle, which was opened in
1932. The word was also used to refer to the Northern Ireland parliament itself which was
suspended in 1972.
Sunningdale
The ‘Sunningdale Agreement’ was a set of proposals agreed at a conference in Sunningdale,
Berkshire, on 9th
December, 1973. The conference was held to resolve the question of an ‘Irish
dimension’ which had been demanded by nationalists who were involved in the prior agreement to
establish a power-sharing executive. The conference was attended by the parties supporting the

establishment of the executive, as well as representatives of the British and Irish governments. The
most contentious proposal was the planned establishment of a ‘Council of Ireland’.
UDA
Ulster Defence Association: The main Loyalist paramilitary group active during the ‘Troubles’,
established in 1971, operating under the cover-name of the Ulster Freedom Fighters when admitting
to illegal activies. Cooperated with Ulster Vanguard and the L.A.W. in protesting against direct
rule and power-sharing in 1972-4. The U.D.A. was essential to the success of the U.W.C. strike,
during which it organised the road-blocks which paralysed economic life.
Ulster Vanguard
The Ulster Vanguard movement, led by William Craig, was most active in the early 1970s: it
brought together Unionists from several parties who attempted to exert pressure on their fellow
Unionists, believing that Northern Ireland must be prepared to act independently and defend itself.
University Grants Committee (U.G.C)
The University Grants Committee (1919-88) was responsible for judging the needs and
performance of British universities and making recommendations on government policy and
funding.
UWC
Ulster Workers’ Council: Loyalist organisation founded in 1974 by workers previously attached to
the Loyalist Association of Workers. The UWC directed the strike which brought down the
Northern Ireland Assembly and power-sharing executive in that year.
Westminster
Westminster is the seat of the UK Parliament, and the word is often used to refer to the Parliament
itself.
Whitehall
Whitehall Street in London is associated with the civil service attached to the UK parliament.

LIST OF DOCUMENTS
Document 1
“Derry's Walls”: a song commemorating resistance to the Siege of Derry 13
Document 2
Two news items from The Irish Times: a report on the 1964 Relief of Derry celebrations and a
Derry rector’s rejection of the label ‘Lundy’ in October 1965 15
Document 3
Minutes of a meeting of the Northern Ireland Cabinet where restrictions on the Apprentice Boys’
celebrations were discussed, December 1970 17
Document 4
ITN news broadcast on trouble following introduction of internment and banning of Apprentice
Boys’ parade, August 1971 19
Document 5
An extract from an Ulster Vanguard pamphlet, Ulster – A Nation, urging resistance to
“London Lundies” 20
Document 6
Views from the Republic on Derry and the Apprentice Boys: extracts from the debate at Dáil
Éireann on 1st
February 1972 22
Document 7
A letter of invitation to a parade organized by the Keady No Surrender Branch Club of the
Apprentice Boys of Derry, June 1987 24
Document 8
“The siege that lasted 300 years”, by Martin Woollacott, The Guardian, 14th
August, 1989
(extracts) 26
Document 9
Writer Carlo Gebler describes another loyal order’s celebrations of the 300th
anniversary of the
Siege of Derry, The Guardian, 7th
August, 1991 29
Document 10
Two photographs by Eamon Melaugh: members of the Apprentice Boys in Derry, 1969 (?) 32
Document 11
Wider context: the loyalist parading tradition. A cartoon by ‘Mac’ [Stan McMurtry], Daily Sketch,
13th
July 1970 34

Document 1
'Derry's Walls': a song commemorating resistance to the Siege of Derry
The time has scarce gone by boys
Two hundred years ago
When rebels on old Derry's Walls
Their faces dare not show
When James [King James II] and all his rebel band
Came up to Bishops Gate
With heart and hand and sword and shield
We forced him to retreat
Then work and don't surrender
But come when duty calls
We'll guard old Derry's walls
The blood did flow in crimson streams
For many a winter's night
They knew the Lord was on their side
To help them in their fight
They nobly stood upon the walls
Determined for to die
To fight and gain the victory
And hoist the crimson high
Then work and don't surrender
At last, at last with one broadside
The heavens sent them aid
The boom was broke that crossed Foyle's shores
And James he was dismayed
The banner boys that floated
Was run aloft with joy
God bless the hands that broke the boom
And saved Apprentice Boys
We'll fight and don't surrender
Source: This is a popular song, origin uncertain, sung in a number of variations: this is the text as on
Sam Carson, Songs Of The Ulster Protestant. CD Release date: 2008-04-01; Label: Arran Records.
UPC: 884385024420

Exploring the evidence
1. What event does this song commemorate?
2. Do the words of the song give any suggestion of when it was composed?
3. Does the song give much suggestion of what was at stake during the events described?
4. How does the song indicate who was in the right?
5. Can the song be said to evoke a tradition of martyrdom?
6. Can the song be described as something more than a commemoration of historical events?
7. What are the advantages of using songs like this to convey particular historical traditions?

Document 2
Two news items from The Irish Times: a report on the 1964 Relief of Derry celebrations and a
Derry rector’s rejection of the label ‘Lundy’ in October 1965
2a: A report on the 1964 Relief of Derry celebrations
About 35,000 people visited Derry yesterday, for the 275th
anniversary of the Relief of the City in
1689 when the boom across the Foyle was broken and the siege raised in its 106th
day.
Just over 5,000 members of the Apprentice Boys took part in a procession through the city. The
procession included 100 bands and there were contingents from all parts of Northern Ireland, as
well as Co. Donegal, Co. Monaghan, and representatives from Toronto, Philadelphia, Liverpool and
Scotland. The procession, which was 2½ miles long, took seventy minutes to pass through Carlisle
Square.
Initiations
Five hundred members were initiated into the order, including Mr J. W. Kennedy, M.P. for Cromac,
Belfast. More than a dozen men were marching on their 50th
“Relief” parade. A feature this year
was the colourful decoration of the city by a central committee of the Apprentice Boys supported by
local business houses. The Corporation decorated Craigavon Bridge and Guildhall Square and lent
civic decorations to the Apprentice Boys for the decoration of other streets. Crimson flags were
everywhere, including St. Columb's Cathedral, which is associated with the siege and the 90 ft.
pillar on the walls, erected to the memory of Governor [George] Walker of seige (sic) fame.
... Also Lundies
The Rev. E. R. Hastings, Rector of Trillick, Co. Tyrone, who preached the anniversary sermon in
the Cathedral, said: “I feel we are dishonouring the memory and sacrifices of the men of Derry and
those who died at the stake. We are continually talking about Christian unity, but the whole thought
and action is to please Rome in every way, and our leaders are quite well aware that there will be no
unity with Rome except according to our conditions. I am sure there are many in our land who
would be prepared to suffer, and even to die, rather than accept the false teachings and idolatry and
superstition of Rome. In Derry are many who are true to William and the Protestant faith, but there
are also Lundies and those who are prepared to betray their friends and their faith.”
Source: The Irish Times, 13th
August 1964
From The Irish Times digital archive [http://www.irishtimes.com/search/index.html]
Used with the kind permission of The Irish Times

2b: A Derry rector’s rejection of the label ‘Lundy’ in October, 1965
Derry rector applauds ecumenism
Canon V. G. GRIFFIN, rector of Christ Church, Derry, writing in his parochial magazine, says:
“Christians to-day just cannot afford the luxury of indulging in denominational strife. If they do the
world will pass them by as irrelevant and ineffective. On more than one occasion recently those of
us who are ecumenically-minded have been called ‘Lundy's’ and Protestants are warned to beware
of such people.
“These so-called ‘Lundy's’ are depicted as weak in their Protestantism and will to sell out to Rome.
This is a completely wrong idea of the movement. The ecumenical movement recognises that, first
and foremost, unity is ultimately God's work and will come in His good time, not ours.”
Canon Griffin adds: “The movement means the growth of tolerance, charity and mutual
understanding. If promoting tolerance, charity and mutual understanding is to act the ‘Lundy’ then
Our Lord was the greatest ‘Lundy’ of all. Indeed, it was because He was regarded as a ‘Lundy’ and
a traitor to the narrowness and self-righteousness of the Pharisees, that He was crucified.”
Note - Colonel [Robert] Lundy was the traitor during the siege of Derry and each year his effigy is
burned on the walls by the Apprentice Boys' Order.
Source: The Irish Times, 11th
October, 1965
From The Irish Times digital archive [http://www.irishtimes.com/search/index.html]
Used with the kind permission of The Irish Times
1. Why, according to this account of his sermon, did Reverend Hastings object to talk about
‘Christian Unity’?
2. What is Hastings's attitude to the Roman Catholic Church?
2. What was Hastings's audience for this sermon?
3. To what extent can Griffin’s article in his parish magazine be seen as a reply to Hastings?
4. Contrast the use made by Hastings and Griffin of the term ‘Lundy’.
5. What conclusions can be drawn from the fact that Hastings was invited to preach the anniversary
sermon in St Columb's Church?
6. Griffin and Hastings are using different media: what are the implications for the extent of their
influence?
7. Does the Irish Times seem to favour either point of view on ecumenism?

Document 3
Minutes of a meeting of the Northern Ireland Cabinet where restrictions on the Apprentice
Boys’ celebrations were discussed, December 1970
CAB 4/1567/13 (5) [Page stamped 'Secret']
The Prime Minister [James Chichester-Clark] informed the Cabinet of the decision taken by the
Joint Security Committee on the previous day that the burning of Lundy of Londonderry on 19
December should be prohibited, as in 1969. The flying of the Apprentice Boys' flag on the Walker
Monument would be permitted and the effigy might be burned at the Fountain. The Committee had
accepted a police recommendation based on an assessment of the situation and having regard to the
harmful effect on relations between the police and the people of the Bogside if the celebrations
provoked trouble. The Army were opposed in principle to the celebrations. Notification as regards
a decision on the matter was awaited by the Apprentice Boys but this had been delayed so that the
political effects of implementing the decision might be considered.
In discussion the following points were mentioned as grounds for re-assessing the Committtee's
decision -
(a) Peaceful conditions prevailed and it might be argued that the celebrations should proceed as part
of normality.
(b) The celebrations were not provocative in the degree associated with parades.
CAB 4/1567/13 (6) [Page stamped 'Secret']
(c) Prohibitive restrictions might be contrasted with the permitting of republican celebrations.
(d) An outright ban on the celebrations now might make it impossible ever to permit them again.
(e) If the numbers taking part could be limited by a restriction to local members of clubs, and
provided proper discipline was observed, the risk of a confrontation should be minimal.
On the other hand the Minister of State at … Home Affairs held that the Government would be
politically exposed if the celebrations proceeded as usual and rioting ensued. Censure would be
directed against them in Parliament by the Opposition who would criticise the rejection of police
advice based on an assessment made on the spot. The Minister of Agriculture pointed to the
inevitable damage which might be inflicted on the Government's standing in the view of the public
at large by propaganda consequent on any rioting caused by the celebrations.
Ministers agreed that a further police assessment should be sought through the Chief Constable
before a final decision was taken on the conditions which should govern the holding of the
celebrations.
Source: Minutes of Cabinet meeting, 4th
December 1970, PRONI, CAB 4/1567

1. What problem is discussed by the Northern Ireland cabinet here?
2. What arguments were presented against permitting certain aspects of the Lundy Celebrations?
3. The document does not explain why certain elements of the proposed celebrations were
acceptable, and some were not. What did the Joint Security Commission plan to permit, and why
might these elements have been permitted?
4. What do points (d) and (e) suggest about the attitude of some cabinet members to the Apprentice
Boys?
5. What priorities seem to emerge from this discussion?
6. Why would this discussion have been secret?
7. With reference to this document, discuss the advantages and disadvantages of using sources
which were not made public at the time of the events described.

Document 4
ITN news broadcast on trouble following introduction of internment and banning of
Apprentice Boys’ parade, August 1971
DESMOND HAMILL: In Norther[n] Ireland it’s been a day of funerals for some of those killed in
the shootings since internment was introduced at dawn on Monday. In the Protestant Shankle (sic)
Road in Belfast thousands of people lined the streets for the funeral of 17 year-old John Beatty. He
was shot through the heart by a sniper early on Tuesday morning while he was in his father’s van.
And in the heart of Ballymurphy a requi[e]m mass for Fathers Mullens who died the same night.
Both Catholic and Protestant churchmen were in the congregation. The circumstances of his death
are still no[t] absolutely clear. But eye witnesses say he was shot while he was administering the
last rites to someone who'd already been hit by gunfire. At dawn in the city the army were clearing
away barricades in the Falls Road area. They started some earlier in pitch darkness but they were
interrupted several times by sniper fire and a woman was hit in the arm by riccashaying
[ricocheting] bullets. Later in the morning Rev. Ian Paisley led a group of supporters to Stormont.
Many of them were wearing the flashes of the Apprentice Boys of Derry whose annual parade in
Londonderry today was banned at the same time internment was announced. They were there to
protest against what they call the breakdown of security in the province. When the Prime Minister
[Brian Faulkner] arrived at his office they greeted him with shouts of Lundy -- the name of the man
who is said to have betrayed the Apprentice Boys in the seige (sic) of Londonderry, almost 300
years ago. In Londonderry itself today there's been little let up in trouble. At one stage a group of
about 200 people from the Bogside attacked troops as they finished removing a barriacde (sic).
Some soldiers laid down a screen of CS gas to cover their withdrawal. Today's incidents there
came on the second anniversary of the event that is now accepted to have been the starting point of
the current troubles in Northern Ireland. The Marchof (sic) the Apprnetice (sic) Boys in 1969 and
the reactions to it.
Source: Script for News Broadcast, 12th
August 1971, ITV News, 22.00
1. Which victims of violence in Northern Ireland are discussed here?
2. What is the overall impression of events in Northern Ireland created by this report?
3. How, according to the report, did the Apprentice Boys explain their demonstration at Stormont?
4. What other reasons may have prompted the Apprentice Boys to demonstrate?
5. What is identified as the starting point for the troubles in Northern Ireland? Does this
identification seem reasonable?
6. What impressions of the Apprentice Boys would a viewer receive from this news report?
7. Would you consider this a balanced report?
8. How well presented is this report? Does the presentation affect its value as a source?

Document 5
An extract from an Ulster Vanguard pamphlet, Ulster – A Nation, urging resistance to
“London Lundies”
Recent experience suggests that a Westminster administration of Ulster affairs would be
representative of the social mores [habits and customs] of the larger island and insensitive towards
the rather old fashioned Ulster, which progressives rather despise. In a Westminster parliament
Ulster would be swamped and her voice carry little weight. In all these circumstances Direct Rule
would be likely to set up more strains within the new relationship than it could endure. In any case
British society is already showing signs of instability itself as it is overtaken by the crisis of social
and moral values that has come upon advanced western societies. Legislative and administrative
integration with Great Britain will expose Ulster to disintegrating stresses more directly than need
otherwise be the case.
The deaf impersonality of distant administrative and bureaucratic control from London would lack
the quality that only Ulster’s home-made system could provide. The difference was apparent
between the Stormont and Whitehall departments with which Ulster people have had to deal. There
is an intimacy of contact in dealing with the one that is absent from the other, not because the
officials are different but because the machines they serve are different.
In a system of fully integrated direct rule the vital interests of Ulster would inevitably take second
place. Ulster would always be an expendable commodity should the need arise to sacrifice a mere
province in what Westminster politicians conceived to be the national interest. Since all political
parties in Great Britain believe that it is in the interest of these islands to solve the Irish question at
Ulster’s expense and since they profess to be converted to the justice of Eire’s claims on Ulster, it
would surely be folly to entrust Ulster and her destiny into their hands completely. No copper-
bottomed guarantees from them could off-set the risks Ulster would inevitably run from the very
realities inherent in the situation itself.
A re-integration with Great Britain on the terms suggested would be an historic blunder, as Jim
Callaghan said, but not in the way he meant. It would be a throw-back to the Act of Union of 1800
stated to be “for ever”. It did not lead to national unity. It concentrated the pressure for
disintegration at the weakest point—the Westminster politicians, who after a century of “reforms”
capitulated. In doing so they would have sold Ulster had they been accorded that form of loyalty
Lord Hailsham seems to expect of Ulster loyalists today. The Apprentice Boys of the Siege
accorded to another Crown representative then the loyalty he deserved. Even today, whether the
enemy is within or without our walls, Ulster’s response must still be No Surrender. Not only shall
we not surrender to oblige London Lundies, we shall follow the brave precedent that the Apprentice
Boys have given us and take our defence into our own hands and out of theirs.
Source: Ulster - A Nation by Ulster Vanguard (1972). Paperback 15pp Out of Print. Originally
published by Ulster Vanguard, April 1972
Pamphlet transcript available at http://cain.ulst.ac.uk/othelem/organ/docs/vanguard72.htm

1. From the first two paragraphs, give three points which the authors makes in arguing that rule
directly from Westminster would be bad for Ulster?
2. According to the author, what is the Westminster government’s attitude to the Irish Republic’s
claims on Ulster? (paragraph 3)
3. What proposed change to Ulster’s government is being discussed here?
4. What historical example does the author use to justify resistance to the planned change?
5. Do the references to the Apprentice Boys here in any way suggest that the author is calling for a
violent response?
6. Who was Lundy, and who might the author have in mind when he refers to the ‘London
Lundies’?
7. On the basis of this extract, would you agree that the Apprentice Boys were always associated
with loyalty to the British government?
8. Explain the symbolic importance of the Derry Apprentice boys for the members of the Ulster
Vanguard movement.

Document 6
Views from the Republic on Derry and the Apprentice Boys: extracts from the debate at Dáil
Éireann on 1st
February 1972.
Statements on Northern Ireland Situation
The Taoiseach [Jack Lynch]: This is the saddest occasion on which I have ever addressed this
House. We share with the people of Derry the tragedy which has befallen them.
Derry has a special place in the history of Ireland. It was there that Columcille founded a church
and it was from there that he carried his torch to Iona. Columcille is claimed as much by Protestants
as by Catholics as one of the great Irish pilgrims of Christianity.
Derry has been magnificent also in other ways. It has been fought over, been attacked and defended
heroically. Derry is a city which could be beautiful. Its people have the desire, the ability and, above
all, the pride to make it so. To have misunderstood this about Derry's character is the most ignoble
thing of all.
The madness that brought death to Derry last Sunday will never be forgotten. In time it will be
forgiven—out of charity. I can say no more about this and nothing better than Columcille said:
Is aire charaim Doire ar a réide, ar a gloine;
ar is iomlan aingel finn on chinn co n-ice ar-oile.
Which translated, means “This is why I love Derry, it is so calm and bright; for it is all full of white
angels from one end to the other”.
What we can do now and resolve to do is to bend every effort to ensure that these days and months,
indeed years, of refusal to govern justly in Northern Ireland shall end and never again will recur.
The Government consider that there must now be
(i) an immediate withdrawal of British troops from Derry and Catholic ghettos elsewhere in the
North and cessation of harassment of the minority population;
(ii) an end to internment without trial; and
(iii) a declaration of Britain's intention to achieve a final settlement of the Irish question and the
convocation of a conference for that purpose
…
Mr. [Brendan] Corish [Labour]:
…
The [Northern Ireland] Civil Rights Association has announced its intention to proceed with a
peaceful march on Sunday in Newry in a just demand for civil rights. It must not be interfered with.
This is a peaceful demonstration for a just cause by a deprived people and must be totally
distinguished from those Orange marches such as the Apprentice Boys, which are nothing more
than provocative demonstrations of power and superiority. The whole world will be watching

Newry next Sunday. The British Government must not allow its name to be written once more in
blood in the world's headlines.
Source: Dáil Éireann - Volume 258 - 01 February, 1972
Available at: http://historical-debates.oireachtas.ie/D/0258/D.0258.197202010003.html
1. What event has prompted this discussion in the Dáil?
2. What does Brendan Corish try to achieve with his references to the events planned for Newry?
3. According to Corish, what is the difference between civil rights marches and the Apprentice
Boys’ parades?
4. How does Jack Lynch describe Derry and its people?
5. Is Lynch’s statement on Derry compatible with the traditions of the Apprentice Boys?
6. What evidence can be found in this text for the symbolic importance of marches in Derry and in
Northern Ireland during the Troubles?
7. Lynch begins his discussion by saying that this is the “saddest occasion on which I have ever
addressed this House”. Should historians use sources from times when emotions ran high?

Document 7
A letter of invitation to a parade organized by the Keady No Surrender Branch Club of
the Apprentice Boys of Derry, June 1987
HUTTON J
"Dear Sir & bro;
The Officers and Members of the Keady No Surrender Branch Club of the Apprentice Boys of
Derry extend a cordial invitation to your Band to attend a parade and banner unfurling Ceremony in
Keady on Friday 8 August 1986 at 7.30 pm (DV) [God willing]. All Brethren and bands are to
assemble at Keady Orange Hall at 6.45 pm before parading to the junction of the Crossmore road
and Steins Lane where the banner will be unfurled. Prominent Loyalist politicians will then address
the gathering and this will be followed by a parade of all Clubs, Lodges and Bands through the
town of Keady before returning to the Orange Hall where tea will be provided.
It is common knowledge that the border town of Keady has an overwhelming Nationalist
population, most of whom have scant regard for our Protestant culture and certainly no love of our
Protestant religion. In recent years they have tried to stop Loyalist parades in Keady without
success. Now, with the aid of the RUC who seem intent on implementing ‘Barry's Law' upon us,
and with the elevated status of South Armagh's professional mouthpiece Seamus Mallon, we fear
that Loyalist parades in this town are in great danger of being wiped out. In 1960 our present banner
was unfurled and paraded over the same route as we have chosen this time, and it is our intention
that our new banner should also get the same traditional maiden outing.
This invitation is being sent to approximately 100 of Derry Clubs and to as many Bands and Orange
Lodges. With your support this event can be made into a massive demonstration which the RUC
would find impossible to effectively ban, especially when you consider the many roads and fields
from which access to the town could be found. We remember the actions of the brave thirteen and
we feel that it is long past the time that Protestants must again take their stand for what is right. We
would appeal to you to give this parade your fullest support so that the Crimson Flag may continue
to fly in Keady. To assist the organisers with the catering arrangements we would appreciate it, if
you would advise me of the approximate numbers attending.
Finally we wish your Officers and Members every success and best wishes in the future.
Yours in the Cause.
Andy Tecey
Source: Evidence produced in R v Secretary of State for Northern Ireland ex parte Atkinson
QUEEN'S BENCH DIVISION (CROWN SIDE), HUTTON J, 24 JUNE 1987.
1. Who is offering this invitation, and what groups are invited?
2. Why, according to Tecey, is the parading tradition particularly endangered in Keady this year?

3. Why does Tecey claim to need to know the numbers attending in advance? Are there other
reasons which he does not explain?
4. What is the attitude to the police in this document?
5. What recent events may have prompted this invitation and explain Keady's reference to Peter
Barry, Minister for Foreign Affairs, 1982-7?
6. In what ways does this document use the appeal to history and tradition to encourage those
invited?
7. Should this be considered a private letter or a public document? Is it written only to be read by
those invited? Does this matter to the historian?

Document 8
“The siege that lasted 300 years”, by Martin Woollacott, The Guardian, 14th
August, 1989
(extracts)
The siege that lasted 300 years: James II failed to take Londonderry, but today's Catholics have
succeeded in his stead - the city's changing fortunes
GOVERNOR Lundy's shoes are five feet long, and stuffed with straw. His legs stand a good 12 feet
high in another corner of what used to be the Fountain Estate's bar, and his huge blue and gold
cockaded hat hangs from the wall. The Apprentice Boys of Londonderry re-assemble Lundy, like a
dismembered Gulliver, every year to mark the anniversary of the siege of the city in 1689. One of
the high points is the burning in effigy of Robert Lundy, failed commander and traitor. It is a thing
they like to do in style, and on a large scale.
The siege of Londonderry, as every Ulster protestant knows, and as every Englishman has
forgotten, was a critical engagement in a war of world-historical importance, in which the
Protestant cause in Britain and Europe was saved on Irish battlefields. “The factor which
distinguishes the siege of Derry”, says the historian A. T. Q. Stewart, “from all other sieges in the
British Isles is that it is still going on.”
The intensity with which the siege is re-enacted demonstrates every year, it is argued, how much
Ulster Protestants still see themselves as an embattled minority in a hostile land. But, in another
sense at least, it can be said, the siege of Londonderry is finally over. As the tercentenary of the
relief of the city and the 20th
anniversary of the commitment of troops in the present troubles are
nearly simultaneously marked, the descendants of the besiegers have all but taken Derry and the
descendants of the besieged have been all but driven from it.
All that is now left of the old Protestant Londonderry, where the power of a Unionist minority over
a Catholic majority was one of the main targets of the Civil Rights Movement 20 years ago, is the
battered Fountain estate - where Lundy's parts are manufactured and an adjoining enclave around
the old Church of Ireland cathedral of St Columb's.
“It’s hard enough being a Protestant in this town,” says Cecil McKnight, an Ulster Defence
Association council member and chairman of the UDA connected political party, the Ulster
Loyalist Democratic Party, “but it's even harder here in the Fountain.” Bunting flutters over the
Fountain's mean streets - undistinguished low blocks of stuccoed flats, shuttered with steel wire
against missiles.
On their northern side, the flats abut Bishops Gate, whose defenders 300 years ago fired on the
deposed James II when he rode within musket range to appeal for the surrender of the city. The
carved stone of the gate is now topped by a blackened army hangar from which peeps a TV lens.
“It's a wee place and there are only 300 houses”, says young Ken Cavanagh, paint pot in hand
before a King Billy mural, “but it's all we've got left in the city.”
In the last 20 years, the estimated 14,000 Protestants - some say many more - who used to live in
the historic city have dwindled to the 2,500 left in the Fountain and a few other places. The reasons,
they say: murders, intimidation, threats, bombs, phone calls in the middle of the night, the usual
Ulster mixture.

Over the city wall from the Fountain lies St Columb's, which has been twice damaged by bombs in
the last twelve months. The bombs were aimed at the city's court house, but there is little doubt in
the minds of Protestants that the collateral damage to the cathedral and the other historic Protestant
buildings around it was welcome enough to those who planted the bombs.
Seated in his study at the Deanery, the Georgian facade of which was battered by the blasts, Dean
Cecil Orr says: “They didn't really care what happened to the people living here or to these ancient
buildings. To be quite honest, they saw those who were living here as expendable.” Dean Orr's
curate has since moved on, and the rector of the nearby St Augustine's church has also moved out of
the city.
It was from the roof of the cathedral that the leaders of Londonderry watched for ships coming up
the Foyle to relieve the city during the long weeks of siege in 1689. But, says Dean Orr, “It's
important to stay here … so that this side of the River remains a balanced community.”
Many would say that the cause is already lost. The real Protestant community of Londonderry is
now spread out over the high ground on the east side of the Foyle estuary, an area known as
Waterside. This is where the Protestants now live, in old working class housing at the foot of the
hill and in increasingly luxurious estates higher up.
Derry Protestants lost their formal political power in the city when the old gerrymandered council
structure was swept away. They lost their population base in the city proper in the years that
followed, and a further humiliation came in 1984 when the area council which had replaced the
previous local authorities renamed itself Derry District Council. This officially repudiated the
'London' element of the name, given when the city was founded in the early 17th
century by London
guilds and liveried companies.
...
THE PAINFUL retreats of the last 20 years mean that some special lessons hang in the air for
Londonderry Unionists. They have had to come to terms with their own minority status. They have
had to face the fact that if they wished to avoid being totally ghettoised and to retain some hold on
the historic city and their sacred places, they could not afford policies of boycott and non-co-
operation.
Finally, and tentatively, some of them are connecting their own needs and experience with that of
the province as a whole by suggesting that the key to an internal settlement may rest in the proper
treatment of local minorities - a trade-off which could be a central element in any agreement.
It would be too much to say that Londonderry Protestants have learned humility, and that we can
now consign Governor Lundy to some kind of Ulster Disneyland. But something has changed here
for the better.
Source: Martin Woollacott, “The 300th
anniversary of Derry’s siege”, The Guardian, 14th
August,
1989
© Copyright Guardian News and Media Ltd 1989

1. What changes in the population and settlement patterns of Derry are noted here?
2. What is the historical significance of St Columb's church?
3. Why, according to Martin Woollacott, can the siege of Derry be said to be over by 1989?
4. “It's hard enough being a Protestant in this town,' says Cecil McKnight ... 'but it's even harder
here in the Fountain.” Using the evidence presented in the article, suggest what McKnight may
mean.
5. According to Woollacott, what changes in behaviour and attitude have the Unionists of Derry
undergone as a result of events since 1969?
6. Both Woollacott's article and Document 7 (Keady Invitation) deal with Unionist behaviour in
areas where they form a minority. Is it useful to consider events at Keady when assessing
Woollacott's conclusions here?
7. How would you describe Woollacott's attitude to Derry's Unionists?
8. This is a newspaper article printed in a London newspaper. What might be some effects of an
article like this on British readers generally, and on Unionists in particular?

Document 9
Writer Carlo Gebler describes another loyal order’s celebrations of the 300th
anniversary of
the Siege of Derry, The Guardian, 7th
August, 1991
Days of the drums (extracts)
The year Carlo Gebler spent in the double-faced society of Northern Ireland for his book The Glass
Curtain included two of the most joyous, frightening and eccentric festivals: August 12, 300th
Anniversary of the Derry siege- and July 12, Tercentenary of the Battle of the Boyne
...
THE TWELFTH of August 1989 was the 300th
anniversary of the siege, and in Fermanagh the
village scheduled for the marching was Maguiresbridge. It was a day of grey, threatening skies
alternating every few minutes with tantalising glimpses of blue and shafts of sunlight on the distant
hills. Outside the village, cars were jammed along the verges, and a handwritten placard hung on a
gate into a field: “Parking £1. Money to the Methodist Church - Repairs”.
...
These men were not Orangemen or Apprentice Boys but Blackmen and members of another Loyal
order, the Royal Black Institution, or to use the proper title, the Imperial Grand Black Chapter of
the British Commonwealth, whose day August 12 really is. About half of all Orangemen are in this
more exclusive order. You have to be an Orangeman before you are invited to join. Although there
are fewer political speeches at its demonstrations, it is just as committed as the Orange Order to
Unionism and the defence of Protestantism.
On the crossroads outside the village, hundreds of people milled around under a black sky. I went
over the stalls at the the side of the road. The first sold Union Jacks, some with pictures of the
Royal Family on them. The next was crowded with teddy bears and the soft cuddly animals made of
synthetic fibre which Ulster drivers love to have in their cars. A group of adolescent girls from a
band passed by. They wore uniforms of white blouses and tiny, tight red skirts, with matching red
forage caps on their heads. In Ulster eyeliner still reigned supreme, and to a girl their eyelids were
all either black or turquoise.
A few yards away they stopped to talk to some boys, who were wearing blue jackets with gold braid
and peaked hats. One was a drummer, and everyone laughed as he used his drumsticks like
chopsticks to lift off the hat of a pretty girl. Suddenly the wind howled and the hat was carried off.
The party broke as the girls ran after the hat. The boy called something out and his girl shouted
back. I could not catch the words, but the innuendo was clear, and I kept bumping into more of the
same throughout the rest of the day.
Marching might be all about ‘Protestant triumphalism’ as the academics call it, but in my notebook
I wrote “The day is like Mardi Gras, it is about revelry, licence, misrule and meeting members of
the opposite sex.” I wandered on through the crowds, admiring the sashes. There was wide variety
in colour and length of fringing and even wider variety on the badges pinned on to them. I noticed
the skull and crossbones, the seven pointed star enclosing the cross, Jacob's ladder, the Masons'
dividers and set-square, the staff of Hermes, what seemed like a tree (or Abraham's Bush?) and
much more besides. What did it all signify? I had no idea, but what I did sense was that this was the

richest example of folk culture I had ever come across in the British Isles and its mystery was part
of its charm.
...
THEN the last of the bands passed, and we heard their music disappearing down the street.
Everyone now turned to follow them to The Field. When they got there, Preceptory members, or Sir
Knights as they are called, and spectators gathered round the platform. The meeting started like an
AGM. There were welcomes extended, especially to those from across the border, a message was
read out from the Provincial Grand Black Chapter of Scotland, and then Sir Knight Molyneaux
started reading out the resolutions: “We, the members of the Imperial Grand Black Chapter reaffirm
our devotion and loyalty to the Throne and Person of Her Majesty Queen Elizabeth the Second . . .
The Royal Black Institution reaffirms its loyalty to the essential doctrines of the Reformed
Protestant faith . . . On behalf of all who care about Ulster and its people, we demand the restoration
of stability through reappraisal of the Anglo-Irish Agreement . . .”
In his address, Sir Knight the Rev. Robert J. Coulter, Imperial Deputy Grand Chaplain, returned his
listeners to a particular moment in the past. He reminded them that they were also celebrating the
Battle of Newtownbutler, when the Protestants of Enniskillen had trounced the Catholics of James
II. According to the newspaper the Impartial Reporter, he told them to “remember those days 300
years ago when their forefathers were the men who came out from the town of Enniskillen to face
the enemy in greater numbers on the field beside Newtownbutler. So great was the consternation
among the enemy that they fled from the field of battle when confronted by the swords and pikes of
the men of Enniskillen. He found the same sort of courage on the field that day . . .”
Here it was again, the siege mentality, Protestant triumphalism, and an abnormal connection to the
past, dramatised for everyone to see. However, it was hard to hold on to such ideas as I watched the
platform with expressions of attention but not of fervour. These were 'rural' faces, with watery blue
eyes, cheeks with broken red veins snaking across them, broken ears and crooked teeth stained by
tannin and nicotine. The Knights were all trying to look serious, but every time they caught sight of
people they knew, the mask slipped as they winked and smiled at them.
After the national anthem I went back to Maguiresbridge, pased under the 'Welcome' banner, which
I now notice had 'Safe Home' written on the reverse side.
It had been an extraordinary occasion, I kept trying to think of comparisons as I drove away; the
Day of the Dead in Mexico; Corpus Christi in Southern Spain; village fiestas I've attended in
southern Italy; Croagh Patrick, Co. Mayo, a pilgrimage in which thousands, many in bare feet,
struggle to the top of a stony Irish mountain; maypole dancing at Windsor in Midsummer. It was
folk art, if you blanked out the politics part of it.
...
FROM MY JOURNAL: “Two weeks after it is the Enniskillen Festival. The climax is a parade led
by drum majorettes in short red skirts and Quality Street hats, after which the town centre is overrun
by buskers and street performers. Mr Holland sidles up: ‘With everyone enjoying themselves, you
wouldn't know there's a war on, would you?’ and walks away.
“After a few hours, I leave; this is unfortunate because, as I learn the next morning, at the end of the
evening in Magee's Spirit House the crowd sing Nationalist and then Loyalist party songs The Men
Behind the Wire and The Sash back to back. On the Monday following, I am telephoned by the
editor of a Dublin magazine and asked for piece on Enniskillen. After relating what happened in

Magee's I suggest something about relations in the community. ‘You mean, there were Protestants
and Catholics at this thing together?’ said the voice. ‘Oh yes, and they even sang their songs
together’, I say. Dublin, for the record, is 120 miles away, but for this editor the distance between
the two may as well have been a million miles.”
1. What events were commemorated at the Maguiresbridge gathering?
2. What conclusions does Gebler draw from observing the adolescent girls taking part in the
parade?
3. Gebler gives us detail of the physical appearance of the Blackmen and of the adolescent girls on
parade. Why are these details important to his account?
4. What point does Gebler make in the final section about the Dublin perspective on Northern
Ireland?
5. How does the view of unionist parading tradition presented here compare with what is offered by
Martin Woollacott in source 7?
6. Gebler presents this as an outsider's view. Does he come to the event without preconceptions?
7. Is an outsider's view a valuable historical source? Consider with reference this source or more
generally.
8. The document shows aspects of the wider context in which the Siege of Derry was celebrated and
that its celebration was not exclusive to the Apprentice Boys. What aspects of the Blackmens’
celebrations, as described here, are similar to those of the Apprentice Boys (as described in
documents you have studied)?

Document 10
Two photographs by Eamon Melaugh: Members of Apprentice Boys in Derry, August 1969(?)

Images © Copyright Eamon Melaugh
(1) Title: Apprentice Boys of Derry (1) [No.F5P1] (www.cain.ac.uk)
(1) Title: Apprentice Boys of Derry (2) [No.F5P1] (www.cain.ac.uk)
1. What symbol in image 1 indicates the involvement of the Apprentice Boys of Derry in this
activity?
2. What aspects of these images suggest general involvement by the community in these
celebrations?
3. Is there evidence of in the photographs of tight security around these parades?
Should we expect to see such evidence?
4. In Document 8, Martin Woollacott refers to the development of the Fountain area over the next
twenty years. Does image 1 help to explain population changes in this area?
5. These are images from ‘behind the scenes’. What would be the effect of publishing such images
alongside the more common ones of marching bands?
6. The Apprentice Boys are frequently associated with a ‘siege mentality’. Does the
photographer's framing of these images tend to confirm this association?
7. Based on these images, comment on the advantages and disadvantages of photographs as a
source for historians.

Document 11
Wider context: the loyalist parading tradition. A cartoon by Mac [Stan McMurtry], Daily
Sketch, 13th
July 1970
Cartoon by Mac / Associated Newspapers Ltd. ©
1. What battle is ‘Mick’ planning to talk about?
2. Why is the march route placed in such a prominent position?
3. Why has the cartoonist included ruined buildings in the background?
4. What is the cartoonist suggesting about the priorities of loyalist paraders?
5. From other primary sources examined, do you consider this a reasonable representation
of the weight given to formal discussion of history at loyalist parades?
6. What is likely to have been the effect of cartoons like this on the British public generally,
and on Northern loyalists particularly?
7. This cartoon relates to a march of the Orange Order rather than an Apprentice Boys’
parade. To what extent are the issues it raises relevant to a study of the Apprentice Boys?

Apprentice boys of derry

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