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Sleyko                                         1




         Poverty and Changing Library Models

                    Katie Sleyko

                      LIS 771

                    Spring 2010

                   April 29, 2010
Sleyko                                                                                              2


         Poverty, while depressingly prevalent in the best of times, has worsened and deepened

because of our country’s recession. We as librarians can serve these populations better, and it

is in our own interest to do so. Though traditional models have helped in bringing some of the

poor to the library, the model for librarianship assumes a patron of the middle-class, in

location choices, creation of fines and the imposing of residency restrictions on library card

usage. In serving poor and homeless patrons, perhaps the best solution is to change the way

the library itself is run, rather than expect conformity to a model not designed for them.

         Eleven percent of all households in the United States don’t have food security; that is,

they don’t know where their next meal is coming from. 1 One out of five children is poor,

which the United States defines as not having enough money for either clothing, food, or

shelter.2 Most of the poor are white and non-Hispanic, though the rates of poverty for the

black and latino/a populations are disproportionate—23% of latinos/as and 27% of blacks are

poor.3 Poverty also correlates highly with low literacy, as well as riches correlating to high

literacy.4 Those with lower literacy, when they have jobs, tend to get menial jobs.5

         Those in poor neighborhoods do not tend to vote. There are two major reasons for this:

the high population of felons who are poor, and who have had their voting rights stripped

from them; and the absence of political engagement within poor communities. 6 This absence

of a political voice in these communities leads to their needs being ignored and their needs for

funding unanswered, which in turn deepens poverty and the ability to get one’s voice heard.


1
  (Household Food Security in the United States, 2007 2008)
2
  (Frequently Asked Questions Related to the Poverty Guidelines and Poverty 2010)
3
  (Poverty: 2008 Highlights 2009)
4
  (National Center for Educational Statistics 2002)
5
  (National Center for Educational Statistics 2002)
6
  (Gimpel 2004)
Sleyko                                                                                                3


         Even with all these statistics, there may be questions as to why librarians should

bother to help the poor in their neighborhoods, let alone start changing library models. First,

the population is one that needs serving, and which continues to be underserved. The ALA

requires that librarians serve all library users to the best of their ability. In serving the poor,

librarians as a whole also help one-quarter of the black and latin@ population, fulfilling the

commitment to diversity that the ALA requires.7 In helping the poor by improving literacy for

the impoverished, earning power and information access increase for an entire community.

Encouraging voting or upping chances to get involved politically can add huge numbers of

votes and backing to several projects, including voting for increased library funding.

         Even with all these needs to serve the poor as outlined by the ALA, actual service to

the poor has been a sticking point, enough so that it has its own site—The Hunger,

Homelessness, and Poverty Task Force, or www.hhptf.org. The website itself is not

particularly forthcoming on any issue in particular, but the links speak volumes. These links

seem not to have been updated since 2006; there are many dead links within the website, and

no link to a document leads to a document written later than 2006.

          The Hunger, Homelessness, and Poverty Task Force website links to criticisms about

the ALA itself and the hypocritical stance of many libraries dealing with the poor and the

homeless. Some libraries have “smell rules:” policies where patrons must not smell strongly

in order to use the library.8, 9 These are intended to keep out unwashed patrons, but must be

applied, if applied fairly, to people who use too much perfume or cologne, or mountain bikers

coming into the library for a drink. There is also documentation of libraries’ hesitation to help

7
  (ALA Council 2010)
8
  (Berman, Classism in the Stacks: Libraries and Poor People 2006)
9
  (Stir Raised by Dallas Body-Odor Rule 2006)
Sleyko                                                                                                  4


the poor as libraries. The poor and the homeless are cited in other literature as feeling that the

library is actively hostile to them.10 There has been some progress has been made in this area,

including the creation of the Hunger, Homelessness, and Poverty Task Force, and a

coinciding Poor People’s Policy, meant to be put on posters and hung in prominent places in

libraries with poor populations. But the little attention paid to the site, including the dead

links, and the little attention it gets from the library establishment, as evinced both from the

separate URL that separates it from the main ALA site and the ALA website burying its link

in a larger roundtable collection, says very clearly that the conventional approach to poverty

and helping the poor is in need of a workout.

           The way to work out how to serve poor library patrons better is to find out what it is

that keeps people out of the library. It is easy to see, for example, how late fees would be

reviled and avoided by poor and homeless patrons, especially if their transportation is limited.

If one works many hours a week, and the bus route to get to the library stops just after one

leaves work unless it’s a weekend route, returning a book late to the library may be the only

option. The ways that libraries are placed in a neighborhood reveals assumptions of everyone

using the library driving their own car, especially in a suburban setting. If a library is neither

on nor close to a bus route, many people who cannot afford a car may never see the inside of

the library. The need to establish residence in the area to get a library card means that

homeless or transient populations, like migrant workers, may never check out books. These

assumptions tend to be self-fulfilling, so it is little surprise when libraries, designed to bring in

middle-class patrons and thus full of them, find that the poor and the homeless find them

hostile.
10
     (Robertson 2010)
Sleyko                                                                                              5


           To bring in more poor and homeless patrons, we must change the way we operate.

This is not to say that we must abandon the idea of the library as the center for information.

But we must also realize that when a patron is poor, there are huge environmental and

physical challenges that can affect the ways that patrons get to and access that information.11

Easing the burden of getting to and processing that information—for example, lobbying bus

companies to change routes to be closer to the library, or finding and providing healthful food

if a library is located in a food desert—improves the function, use, and esteem of the library in

light of poor patrons.

           One way to improve library use and esteem is to make the library unavoidable. There

is an interesting experiment going on in Florida with the use of a “front-porch library,” a

library located in the home of a librarian.12 The creator of this concept, Adrian Fogelin, lived

in an economically depressed area and knew that getting to an “official” library would be

nigh-impossible for poor children. The original front porch library is run with donated books,

so if a book goes missing, there is no financial loss to recoup, plus the patron now has a book

of their own. This encourages many checkouts from the poor children, which may never

happen with a poor person in a traditional public library. Fogelin also points out how she

trains children in how to use the library; she demonstrates to children how she records down

their name and the books she checks out to them and keeps them in a file. She also gets

children to volunteer for the library, who then learn about collection organization and

enforcing library rules.




11
     (Evans 2009)
12
     (Fogelin 2009)
Sleyko                                                                                                6


           Though this particular library is aimed at children and is located within a home, this

easily could be made into an adult library located in a home bought expressly for this purpose.

Adult versions of the front porch library could be easily made with books weeded from the

collection in main branches of public libraries, especially with the multiple copies of each

season’s bestsellers that are inevitably ordered and weeded by large libraries, as well as

donations. Additionally, using foreclosed or abandoned properties in neighborhoods as front

porch libraries can help “beautify” or give the appearance of safety and normality in the

much-maligned and avoided poor neighborhoods of a city, and perhaps give a needed public

space in areas where public parks may be unthinkable.

           Another example of a new way of delivering library service is in the creation of library

gardens. In the GreenLeaves project in New York state, the garden serves as a way for non-

violent criminal offenders to do community service.13 These convicts go into libraries which

have never had gardens and create them in the empty lot space that the library doesn’t use.

This results in urban libraries becoming oases in the communities they are located in, which

are overwhelmingly poor and without green spaces. More people want to use the library,

those that don’t view it as a benefit to the community, and the convicts have become mentors

to the community’s children. These applications certainly are valuable, but the article doesn’t

mention how library gardens, if used for food plants, could help alleviate food deserts, places

where there are no grocery stores or otherwise out of reach, such as healthful food being

priced far beyond its value. The library’s man purpose in the community, being the place to

locate information, doesn’t have to be usurped by this event; the library could distribute the

food to volunteers or on a first-come first-served basis.
13
     (Kuzyk 2007)
Sleyko                                                                                                  7


           There are other services coming to the fore which fight food deserts. A program in

Baltimore is starting where library patrons order groceries the same way they check out books

remotely—through the online library website.14 This program helps relieve the food desert

around the library and may eventually convince grocery stores that they would be patronized

well. Since the library is already a part of the community, food stores risk nothing by shipping

groceries there, as they would if they built a location that was rarely patronized or vandalized.

The library, in turn, becomes a food source as well as a public place, and the community

becomes invested emotionally in its success. This program is being funded by federal

stimulus money, but grants could be pursued for the long term.

           In order to truly serve patrons, librarians must also address the selective politicization

at work within the public library. Many librarians feel that refusing to cooperate with the

PATRIOT Act is not a particularly political move, nor is petitioning local governments for

more funds for the public library. The PATRIOT Act does nothing to hinder libraries’

function; it only specifies the desire to see patron records on demand. Though there was some

furor over the refusal to cooperate, the refusal to share patron information is seen as so

apolitical, so basic to the function of the library, that even the ALA opposes it.15 Yet it is not

routine, nor seen as apolitical, to stand up to city councils for grocery stores, equitable

housing and adequate shelters for the homeless, though these have as much to do with patron

quality of life as the protection of patron records, and these policies would benefit the library

much more directly. Standing up for patrons in one area—the protection of their records—and

not in others that would help them use and eventually fund the library—making them


14
     (Owens 2010)
15
     (ALA Council 2003)
Sleyko                                                                                                 8


homeowners, payers of local sales tax and clean job-seekers—does a disservice to poor

patrons and makes clear our biases as librarians.

           Lobbying for patrons, instead of urging patrons to lobby for us, can work in getting the

community invested in the project of the library. There is also the direct approach: giving

users a forum to form and debate political views. Called civic librarianship, the trend of

making the library a hub for local, regional and national politics can have a deep effect on the

political involvement and representation of a community.16 Under programs as prescribed in

civic librarianship, such as bringing in local politicians to discuss policies and decisions,

lecture series on hot-button issues, and reaching out to other public programs in the area, such

as public radio stations and museums, can bring a community together and empower them as

voters and citizens in making choices that will serve them best. Politically represented poor

people are politically powerful poor people, who can create stronger communities, receive

appropriate funding, and also vote library budgets into law. It is in libraries’ own best interests

to see that their poor populations are politically involved, as it can create a loyal voter base for

years to come.

           Though libraries can help build strong communities for the poor and the homeless

surrounding them, sometimes these communities can come into being on their own. Dignity

village is a community of homeless that has private housing, communal restrooms and

kitchens, and its own website. This place in Portland, Oregon started as a tent city and has

since grown into a permanent residence for about 60 homeless people. Even with this

community, they find that public libraries don’t want them, incorporating the libraries’



16
     (Kranich 2005)
Sleyko                                                                                              9


rejection of them into their mission statement.17 Yet this community is a great example of

creating appropriate places for the homeless through public action. If the libraries in the area

became allies of the village, the potential for civic engagement on the part of the villagers,

and the signal boost for the library from the patronage of the villagers, could be beneficial to

the whole area. More campgrounds such as these could be built, less transient or victimized

homeless people, more poor library patrons who feel that the library is no longer hostile, and

more residents of the area who want to see their library thrive. Instead, we see wasted

potential; a group that has come to have local political power who discount the library as

somewhere they are not welcome.

           Library models, as they stand now, do give great service to those who have a middle-

class life: access to outside transportation, extra money to pay late fees, a permanent residence

for access to library cards and close familial relationship and parental permission for minors

to take out books. But the model can be changed to serve the poor better without upending the

century-long mission of the public library of providing information access to all residents. We

can make the library unavoidable, placing front porch libraries in underserved neighborhoods.

We can provide food to places without it. We can get people involved in the project of the

library by making them informed, engrossed citizens.




17
     (Why a need for a "tent city" n.d.)
Sleyko                                                                                                  10


This bibliography has been put together using MS Word Auto-Citations.


Bibliography
ALA Council. "ALA Policy Manual ." ALA.org. 2010.
http://www.ala.org/ala/aboutala/governance/policymanual/index.cfm#S2-
40%20Core%20Values%20and%20Ethics (accessed April 29, 2010).

—. "Resolution on the USA Patriot Act and Related Measures That Infringe on the Rights of Library
Users." ALA.org. 2003.
http://www.ala.org/template.cfm?section=ifresolutions&template=/contentmanagement/contentdi
splay.cfm&contentid=11891 (accessed April 29, 2010).

Berman, Sanford. "A Long Struggle to Force Libraries to Serve the Poor." Street Spirit, January 2001:
12-13.

—. "Classism in the Stacks: Libraries and Poor People." Street Spirit, February 2006.

Evans, Gary W. and Michelle A. Schamberg. "Childhood poverty, chronic stress, and adult working
memory." Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences 106, no. 13 (March 2009).

Fogelin, Adrian, Katherine Bowers, and Kary S.Kublin. "The Front Porch Library: Bringing the Library
to the Neighborhood." Florida Libraries 52, no. 2 (2009): 20-22.

"Frequently Asked Questions Related to the Poverty Guidelines and Poverty ." U.S. Department of
Health and Human Services. January 25, 2010. http://aspe.hhs.gov/poverty/faq.shtml (accessed April
29, 2010).

Gimpel, James G., Joshua J. Dyck and Daron R. Shaw. "Registrants, Voters, and Turnout Variability
across Neighborhoods." Political Behavior 26, no. 4 (December 2004): 343-375.

Gimpel, James G., Joshua J. Dyck and Daron R. Shaw. "Registrants, Voters, and Turnout Variability
across Neighborhoods." Political Behavior 26, no. 4 (December 2004): 343-375.

"Household Food Security in the United States, 2007." Economic Research Service. November 17,
2008. http://www.ers.usda.gov/publications/err66/ (accessed April 29, 2010).

Kranich, Nancy. "Civic Partnerships: The Role of Libraries in Promoting Civic Engagement ." Resource
Sharing & Information Networks 18, no. 1-2 (2005): 89-103.

Kuzyk, Raya. "Learning Gardens: New York's GreenBranches Program Links the Library to the Street."
Library Journa 132, no. 17 (2007): 40-43.

National Center for Educational Statistics. Adult Literacy in America. Study Report, Washington D.C.:
Government Printing Office, 2002.
Sleyko                                                                                            11


Owens, Donna Marie. "Check It Out: Get Your Groceries At The Library." NPR.org. April 26, 2010.
http://www.npr.org/templates/story/story.php?storyId=126282239 (accessed April 29, 2010).

"Poverty: 2008 Highlights." US Census Bureau. September 29, 2009.
http://www.census.gov/hhes/www/poverty/poverty08/pov08hi.html (accessed April 29, 2010).

Robertson, Guy. "What Goes Down: Library Experiences of the Urban Poor." Feliciter (Canadian
Library Association) 56, no. 1 (2010): 4.

"Stir Raised by Dallas Body-Odor Rule." American Libraries 37, no. 2 (February 2006): 1/3.

"Why a need for a "tent city" ." Dignity Village .
http://www.dignityvillage.org/content/index.php?option=com_content&task=view&id=37 (accessed
April 29, 2010).

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Changing Library Models to Better Serve Those in Poverty

  • 1. Sleyko 1 Poverty and Changing Library Models Katie Sleyko LIS 771 Spring 2010 April 29, 2010
  • 2. Sleyko 2 Poverty, while depressingly prevalent in the best of times, has worsened and deepened because of our country’s recession. We as librarians can serve these populations better, and it is in our own interest to do so. Though traditional models have helped in bringing some of the poor to the library, the model for librarianship assumes a patron of the middle-class, in location choices, creation of fines and the imposing of residency restrictions on library card usage. In serving poor and homeless patrons, perhaps the best solution is to change the way the library itself is run, rather than expect conformity to a model not designed for them. Eleven percent of all households in the United States don’t have food security; that is, they don’t know where their next meal is coming from. 1 One out of five children is poor, which the United States defines as not having enough money for either clothing, food, or shelter.2 Most of the poor are white and non-Hispanic, though the rates of poverty for the black and latino/a populations are disproportionate—23% of latinos/as and 27% of blacks are poor.3 Poverty also correlates highly with low literacy, as well as riches correlating to high literacy.4 Those with lower literacy, when they have jobs, tend to get menial jobs.5 Those in poor neighborhoods do not tend to vote. There are two major reasons for this: the high population of felons who are poor, and who have had their voting rights stripped from them; and the absence of political engagement within poor communities. 6 This absence of a political voice in these communities leads to their needs being ignored and their needs for funding unanswered, which in turn deepens poverty and the ability to get one’s voice heard. 1 (Household Food Security in the United States, 2007 2008) 2 (Frequently Asked Questions Related to the Poverty Guidelines and Poverty 2010) 3 (Poverty: 2008 Highlights 2009) 4 (National Center for Educational Statistics 2002) 5 (National Center for Educational Statistics 2002) 6 (Gimpel 2004)
  • 3. Sleyko 3 Even with all these statistics, there may be questions as to why librarians should bother to help the poor in their neighborhoods, let alone start changing library models. First, the population is one that needs serving, and which continues to be underserved. The ALA requires that librarians serve all library users to the best of their ability. In serving the poor, librarians as a whole also help one-quarter of the black and latin@ population, fulfilling the commitment to diversity that the ALA requires.7 In helping the poor by improving literacy for the impoverished, earning power and information access increase for an entire community. Encouraging voting or upping chances to get involved politically can add huge numbers of votes and backing to several projects, including voting for increased library funding. Even with all these needs to serve the poor as outlined by the ALA, actual service to the poor has been a sticking point, enough so that it has its own site—The Hunger, Homelessness, and Poverty Task Force, or www.hhptf.org. The website itself is not particularly forthcoming on any issue in particular, but the links speak volumes. These links seem not to have been updated since 2006; there are many dead links within the website, and no link to a document leads to a document written later than 2006. The Hunger, Homelessness, and Poverty Task Force website links to criticisms about the ALA itself and the hypocritical stance of many libraries dealing with the poor and the homeless. Some libraries have “smell rules:” policies where patrons must not smell strongly in order to use the library.8, 9 These are intended to keep out unwashed patrons, but must be applied, if applied fairly, to people who use too much perfume or cologne, or mountain bikers coming into the library for a drink. There is also documentation of libraries’ hesitation to help 7 (ALA Council 2010) 8 (Berman, Classism in the Stacks: Libraries and Poor People 2006) 9 (Stir Raised by Dallas Body-Odor Rule 2006)
  • 4. Sleyko 4 the poor as libraries. The poor and the homeless are cited in other literature as feeling that the library is actively hostile to them.10 There has been some progress has been made in this area, including the creation of the Hunger, Homelessness, and Poverty Task Force, and a coinciding Poor People’s Policy, meant to be put on posters and hung in prominent places in libraries with poor populations. But the little attention paid to the site, including the dead links, and the little attention it gets from the library establishment, as evinced both from the separate URL that separates it from the main ALA site and the ALA website burying its link in a larger roundtable collection, says very clearly that the conventional approach to poverty and helping the poor is in need of a workout. The way to work out how to serve poor library patrons better is to find out what it is that keeps people out of the library. It is easy to see, for example, how late fees would be reviled and avoided by poor and homeless patrons, especially if their transportation is limited. If one works many hours a week, and the bus route to get to the library stops just after one leaves work unless it’s a weekend route, returning a book late to the library may be the only option. The ways that libraries are placed in a neighborhood reveals assumptions of everyone using the library driving their own car, especially in a suburban setting. If a library is neither on nor close to a bus route, many people who cannot afford a car may never see the inside of the library. The need to establish residence in the area to get a library card means that homeless or transient populations, like migrant workers, may never check out books. These assumptions tend to be self-fulfilling, so it is little surprise when libraries, designed to bring in middle-class patrons and thus full of them, find that the poor and the homeless find them hostile. 10 (Robertson 2010)
  • 5. Sleyko 5 To bring in more poor and homeless patrons, we must change the way we operate. This is not to say that we must abandon the idea of the library as the center for information. But we must also realize that when a patron is poor, there are huge environmental and physical challenges that can affect the ways that patrons get to and access that information.11 Easing the burden of getting to and processing that information—for example, lobbying bus companies to change routes to be closer to the library, or finding and providing healthful food if a library is located in a food desert—improves the function, use, and esteem of the library in light of poor patrons. One way to improve library use and esteem is to make the library unavoidable. There is an interesting experiment going on in Florida with the use of a “front-porch library,” a library located in the home of a librarian.12 The creator of this concept, Adrian Fogelin, lived in an economically depressed area and knew that getting to an “official” library would be nigh-impossible for poor children. The original front porch library is run with donated books, so if a book goes missing, there is no financial loss to recoup, plus the patron now has a book of their own. This encourages many checkouts from the poor children, which may never happen with a poor person in a traditional public library. Fogelin also points out how she trains children in how to use the library; she demonstrates to children how she records down their name and the books she checks out to them and keeps them in a file. She also gets children to volunteer for the library, who then learn about collection organization and enforcing library rules. 11 (Evans 2009) 12 (Fogelin 2009)
  • 6. Sleyko 6 Though this particular library is aimed at children and is located within a home, this easily could be made into an adult library located in a home bought expressly for this purpose. Adult versions of the front porch library could be easily made with books weeded from the collection in main branches of public libraries, especially with the multiple copies of each season’s bestsellers that are inevitably ordered and weeded by large libraries, as well as donations. Additionally, using foreclosed or abandoned properties in neighborhoods as front porch libraries can help “beautify” or give the appearance of safety and normality in the much-maligned and avoided poor neighborhoods of a city, and perhaps give a needed public space in areas where public parks may be unthinkable. Another example of a new way of delivering library service is in the creation of library gardens. In the GreenLeaves project in New York state, the garden serves as a way for non- violent criminal offenders to do community service.13 These convicts go into libraries which have never had gardens and create them in the empty lot space that the library doesn’t use. This results in urban libraries becoming oases in the communities they are located in, which are overwhelmingly poor and without green spaces. More people want to use the library, those that don’t view it as a benefit to the community, and the convicts have become mentors to the community’s children. These applications certainly are valuable, but the article doesn’t mention how library gardens, if used for food plants, could help alleviate food deserts, places where there are no grocery stores or otherwise out of reach, such as healthful food being priced far beyond its value. The library’s man purpose in the community, being the place to locate information, doesn’t have to be usurped by this event; the library could distribute the food to volunteers or on a first-come first-served basis. 13 (Kuzyk 2007)
  • 7. Sleyko 7 There are other services coming to the fore which fight food deserts. A program in Baltimore is starting where library patrons order groceries the same way they check out books remotely—through the online library website.14 This program helps relieve the food desert around the library and may eventually convince grocery stores that they would be patronized well. Since the library is already a part of the community, food stores risk nothing by shipping groceries there, as they would if they built a location that was rarely patronized or vandalized. The library, in turn, becomes a food source as well as a public place, and the community becomes invested emotionally in its success. This program is being funded by federal stimulus money, but grants could be pursued for the long term. In order to truly serve patrons, librarians must also address the selective politicization at work within the public library. Many librarians feel that refusing to cooperate with the PATRIOT Act is not a particularly political move, nor is petitioning local governments for more funds for the public library. The PATRIOT Act does nothing to hinder libraries’ function; it only specifies the desire to see patron records on demand. Though there was some furor over the refusal to cooperate, the refusal to share patron information is seen as so apolitical, so basic to the function of the library, that even the ALA opposes it.15 Yet it is not routine, nor seen as apolitical, to stand up to city councils for grocery stores, equitable housing and adequate shelters for the homeless, though these have as much to do with patron quality of life as the protection of patron records, and these policies would benefit the library much more directly. Standing up for patrons in one area—the protection of their records—and not in others that would help them use and eventually fund the library—making them 14 (Owens 2010) 15 (ALA Council 2003)
  • 8. Sleyko 8 homeowners, payers of local sales tax and clean job-seekers—does a disservice to poor patrons and makes clear our biases as librarians. Lobbying for patrons, instead of urging patrons to lobby for us, can work in getting the community invested in the project of the library. There is also the direct approach: giving users a forum to form and debate political views. Called civic librarianship, the trend of making the library a hub for local, regional and national politics can have a deep effect on the political involvement and representation of a community.16 Under programs as prescribed in civic librarianship, such as bringing in local politicians to discuss policies and decisions, lecture series on hot-button issues, and reaching out to other public programs in the area, such as public radio stations and museums, can bring a community together and empower them as voters and citizens in making choices that will serve them best. Politically represented poor people are politically powerful poor people, who can create stronger communities, receive appropriate funding, and also vote library budgets into law. It is in libraries’ own best interests to see that their poor populations are politically involved, as it can create a loyal voter base for years to come. Though libraries can help build strong communities for the poor and the homeless surrounding them, sometimes these communities can come into being on their own. Dignity village is a community of homeless that has private housing, communal restrooms and kitchens, and its own website. This place in Portland, Oregon started as a tent city and has since grown into a permanent residence for about 60 homeless people. Even with this community, they find that public libraries don’t want them, incorporating the libraries’ 16 (Kranich 2005)
  • 9. Sleyko 9 rejection of them into their mission statement.17 Yet this community is a great example of creating appropriate places for the homeless through public action. If the libraries in the area became allies of the village, the potential for civic engagement on the part of the villagers, and the signal boost for the library from the patronage of the villagers, could be beneficial to the whole area. More campgrounds such as these could be built, less transient or victimized homeless people, more poor library patrons who feel that the library is no longer hostile, and more residents of the area who want to see their library thrive. Instead, we see wasted potential; a group that has come to have local political power who discount the library as somewhere they are not welcome. Library models, as they stand now, do give great service to those who have a middle- class life: access to outside transportation, extra money to pay late fees, a permanent residence for access to library cards and close familial relationship and parental permission for minors to take out books. But the model can be changed to serve the poor better without upending the century-long mission of the public library of providing information access to all residents. We can make the library unavoidable, placing front porch libraries in underserved neighborhoods. We can provide food to places without it. We can get people involved in the project of the library by making them informed, engrossed citizens. 17 (Why a need for a "tent city" n.d.)
  • 10. Sleyko 10 This bibliography has been put together using MS Word Auto-Citations. Bibliography ALA Council. "ALA Policy Manual ." ALA.org. 2010. http://www.ala.org/ala/aboutala/governance/policymanual/index.cfm#S2- 40%20Core%20Values%20and%20Ethics (accessed April 29, 2010). —. "Resolution on the USA Patriot Act and Related Measures That Infringe on the Rights of Library Users." ALA.org. 2003. http://www.ala.org/template.cfm?section=ifresolutions&template=/contentmanagement/contentdi splay.cfm&contentid=11891 (accessed April 29, 2010). Berman, Sanford. "A Long Struggle to Force Libraries to Serve the Poor." Street Spirit, January 2001: 12-13. —. "Classism in the Stacks: Libraries and Poor People." Street Spirit, February 2006. Evans, Gary W. and Michelle A. Schamberg. "Childhood poverty, chronic stress, and adult working memory." Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences 106, no. 13 (March 2009). Fogelin, Adrian, Katherine Bowers, and Kary S.Kublin. "The Front Porch Library: Bringing the Library to the Neighborhood." Florida Libraries 52, no. 2 (2009): 20-22. "Frequently Asked Questions Related to the Poverty Guidelines and Poverty ." U.S. Department of Health and Human Services. January 25, 2010. http://aspe.hhs.gov/poverty/faq.shtml (accessed April 29, 2010). Gimpel, James G., Joshua J. Dyck and Daron R. Shaw. "Registrants, Voters, and Turnout Variability across Neighborhoods." Political Behavior 26, no. 4 (December 2004): 343-375. Gimpel, James G., Joshua J. Dyck and Daron R. Shaw. "Registrants, Voters, and Turnout Variability across Neighborhoods." Political Behavior 26, no. 4 (December 2004): 343-375. "Household Food Security in the United States, 2007." Economic Research Service. November 17, 2008. http://www.ers.usda.gov/publications/err66/ (accessed April 29, 2010). Kranich, Nancy. "Civic Partnerships: The Role of Libraries in Promoting Civic Engagement ." Resource Sharing & Information Networks 18, no. 1-2 (2005): 89-103. Kuzyk, Raya. "Learning Gardens: New York's GreenBranches Program Links the Library to the Street." Library Journa 132, no. 17 (2007): 40-43. National Center for Educational Statistics. Adult Literacy in America. Study Report, Washington D.C.: Government Printing Office, 2002.
  • 11. Sleyko 11 Owens, Donna Marie. "Check It Out: Get Your Groceries At The Library." NPR.org. April 26, 2010. http://www.npr.org/templates/story/story.php?storyId=126282239 (accessed April 29, 2010). "Poverty: 2008 Highlights." US Census Bureau. September 29, 2009. http://www.census.gov/hhes/www/poverty/poverty08/pov08hi.html (accessed April 29, 2010). Robertson, Guy. "What Goes Down: Library Experiences of the Urban Poor." Feliciter (Canadian Library Association) 56, no. 1 (2010): 4. "Stir Raised by Dallas Body-Odor Rule." American Libraries 37, no. 2 (February 2006): 1/3. "Why a need for a "tent city" ." Dignity Village . http://www.dignityvillage.org/content/index.php?option=com_content&task=view&id=37 (accessed April 29, 2010).