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Journal of Global Fashion Marketing
Bridging Fashion and Marketing
ISSN: (Print) (Online) Journal homepage: https://www.tandfonline.com/loi/rgfm20
“Foreign brands of course!” An ethnographic study
exploring COO image perceptions and its influence
on the preference of foreign clothing brands
Nadine Khair, Elizabeth Lloyd-Parkes & Jonathan Deacon
To cite this article: Nadine Khair, Elizabeth Lloyd-Parkes & Jonathan Deacon (2021) “Foreign
brands of course!” An ethnographic study exploring COO image perceptions and its influence on
the preference of foreign clothing brands, Journal of Global Fashion Marketing, 12:3, 274-290, DOI:
10.1080/20932685.2021.1921608
To link to this article: https://doi.org/10.1080/20932685.2021.1921608
Published online: 21 May 2021.
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2.
“Foreign brands of course!” An ethnographic study exploring
COO image perceptions and its influence on the preference of
foreign clothing brands
Nadine Khair a
, Elizabeth Lloyd-Parkes b
and Jonathan Deacon b
a
Marketing Department, Faculty of Business and Finance, American University of Madaba, Madaba, Jordan;
b
Faculty of Business, University of South Wales, Pontypridd, UK
ABSTRACT
This study explores Jordanian women’s preferences for foreign over
local clothing brands through exploring perceptions of COO image. An
ethnographic approach has been utilized, consisting of 3 data genera­
tion stages: interactive group interviews; shopping observations; and
one on one responsive interviews. This study highlights new reasons
for preference of foreign brands, overlooked in previous studies, stem­
ming from self and social symbolism, consumption symbolism, status
and conspicuous consumption and country of origin image.
Furthermore, a key outcome of this research is the conceptualization
of “Country of Purchase”. Implications are provided for local clothing
brands on ways to improve their image in the eyes of Jordanian
consumers – particularly women. Recommendations regarding local
brands’ pricing, store atmosphere and image, and symbolic value are
highlighted and discussed. Previous research is extended by exploring
different reasons for foreign brand preference in developing countries
and introduces an inductive and interpretive approach to obtain
descriptive and rich data providing understanding of the phenomena
of country of origin and country of purchase in the fashion industry.
ARTICLE HISTORY
Received 4 December 2020
Revised 14 February 2021
Accepted 21 April 2021
KEYWORDS
Country of origin image;
social and self-symbolism;
consumption symbolism;
country of purchase; clothing
brands
1. Introduction
Country of origin (COO) image is a substantially researched area in international
marketing and influences consumption preferences and decisions (Herz &
Diamantopoulos, 2017). COO is an extrinsic attribute that influences perceived quality,
value and risk associated with a product (Touzani et al., 2015). Increasing globalization
and product ranges give consumers the ability to choose between local and foreign
products (Touzani et al., 2015). Consumers’ perception during product evaluation is
influenced by COO effect, and has been robustly researched (Zatepilina-Monacell, 2014).
Extant literature states that consumers in developing countries favour foreign over local
products, due to perception of quality, prestige, imitation of foreign cultures to earn
bicultural identity and trusting foreign products’ performance (He & Wang, 2015).
Previous consumer experience studies focus on behaviours, motivations, and attitudes
based on various scales and surveys that fail to explore the meaning behind consumption
CORRESPONDENCE TO Nadine Khair n.khair@aum.edu.jo Marketing Department, Faculty of Business and
Finance, American University of Madaba, Madaba, Jordan
JOURNAL OF GLOBAL FASHION MARKETING
2021, VOL. 12, NO. 3, 274–290
https://doi.org/10.1080/20932685.2021.1921608
© 2021 Korean Scholars of Marketing Science

3.
and personal preference of foreign brands (Compeau et al., 2016). Notably, Herz and
Diamantopoulos (2013) highlight the role of affective cues that influences consumers’
perceptions of a certain country and its products.
1.1. Context
Previous studies, (e.g. Zatepilina-Monacell, 2014) research developed countries, while
other studies, (e.g. Dogan & Ozkara, 2013; Hu et al., 2008) explore developing countries,
but little research focuses on COO effect in Jordan (Al-Sulaiti & Baker, 1998). Recent
reports classify Jordan as a developing country (United Nations, 2014). Jordan has an
internationally renowned clothing industry (Williams, 2015) but Jordanian consumers
appear to prefer foreign brands and are unaware of the significance of their country’s
garment manufacturing industry. Jordan’s manufacturing industry employs 20% of the
labour force, accounting for 75% of national exports (Fanek, 2015) for which 75 factories
produce clothing (Business of Fashion, 2016). The industry supplies high quality, low-
price products, but the perception of “high quality” is still associated with imported
products.
2. Literature review
The study explores Jordanian women’s preference for foreign brands, particularly
regarding perceptions of COO image influencing individuals’ consumption choices.
The following sections elaborate on self-concept, cultural dimensions, materialism
within culture and social influences.
2.1. Self and social symbolism
Social situations and decisions are often guided by culture, customs and traditions
(Gharaybeh, 2014); understanding the link between the self and characteristics of social
motivation is essential (Ercis et al., 2010). Situation and culture may well influence the
type of self being portrayed (Scott et al., 2013), as projection of a collective self may be
influenced by norms, values and collective habits and therefore, conform to group
standards (Usunier & Lee, 2005).
Self-concept is shaped by personal traits and social surroundings (Ercis et al., 2010);
culture stimulates either an independent or interdependent self (Chentsova-Dutton &
Tsai, 2010). Products and brands allow for transition of self-concept, enabling social
flexibility (Thomas, 2014). Individuals remain concerned about brands’ social accept­
ability, and social value can influence adoption (Compeau et al., 2016).
Individuals seek to self-present in valuable ways (Błachnio et al., 2016), hence,
manipulating one’s symbolic self-image can lead to a more favourable evaluation of
wealth or status (Lee et al., 2015). Consumers in developing countries desire displays of
luxury (Van Kempen, 2004) for brand symbolism rather than quality (Lee et al., 2015).
Social inequality leads to differentiation through social status via brand consumption
(Lee et al., 2015); thus, for both self and social symbolic reasons, individuals in Jordan
visibly consume luxuries to please others (Abu-Shanab & Ala’a, 2014). Therefore, con­
sumers may not desire a product or brand, nor be interested in its characteristics, but
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4.
seek reference group attention through ownership (Han et al., 2010). Conformity is more
important than brand ownership, and so, understanding consumer social influence is
necessary.
2.1.1. Social influences
Individuals make consumption choices that assist the self in socialising (Wattanasuwan,
2005) and thus the self is stimulated and shaped according to social interactions (Grauel,
2016). Social influences can be defined as “the mere presence of other people can have
a profound effect on our behaviour” (Wren, 1999). Conformity and consumption can
therefore construct, develop and maintain social relationships leading to consumption
symbolism (Compeau et al., 2016); for example, “fashion” provides an everyday dilemma
of where to eat, what to wear and how to decorate houses (Tarawneh & Naamneh, 2011)
and social pressures help define consumption norms (Belk, 1999). Collectivist cultures
are thus more likely to be linked to social norms and normative influences (Droeber,
2005).
Schroeder and Dugal (1995) illustrate the relationship between social influences and
materialism. Materialism can result from insecurity (Chang & Arkin, 2002); it is therefore
essential to explore materialism levels in developing countries to understand its influence
on consumption habits.
2.1.2. Materialism
Materialism is “the importance ascribed to the ownership and acquisition of material
goods in achieving major life goals or desired states” (Richins, 2004, p. 210).” Materialism
seems to be more popular in emerging markets (Sharma, 2011) and materialistic indivi­
duals in emerging markets seek social status and prestige, attaching themselves to
imported products at premium prices (Cleveland & Chang, 2009) which helps escalate
social status (Hu et al., 2008). Collectivist culture value relationships and relationship-
enhancing activities, but still exaggerate social status to outsiders (Sharma, 2011).
Emerging collectivist countries can be materialistic (Workman & Lee, 2011) and material
possessions help express individual narratives (Wattanasuwan, 2005) where materialistic
and symbolic activities offset self-related deficiencies (Schroeder & Dugal, 1995). Fashion
and clothing are important symbols, as they reflect social and economic significance
(Grotts & Johnson, 2013) by illustrating prestige, success and power (Flynn et al., 2016).
Fear of negative evaluation can result in the creation of a social identity, public self-
consciousness, self-presentation, social anxiety and materialism (Kim & Jang, 2014). It is
therefore evident that an individual’s self, culture, social influences and materialism can
influence consumer choices.
2.2. Consumption symbolism, status and conspicuous consumption
Consumer symbolism is defined as a form of communication tool that reflects certain
behaviours to significant others (Witt, 2010). If a product or brand is consumed with the
purpose of symbolic communication, then the goal is to achieve social group recognition
(McCracken & Roth, 1989). Consumption symbolism has varying motives (Witt, 2010)
where consumers adopt a product’s social meaning as a guide to social norms (Usunier &
Lee, 2005). Consumers make choices that assist the self in socializing within a particular
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context (Goldsmith et al., 2010). Whilst consumption of certain brands or products may
relate to a person’s self, insecurity, materialism, esteem and confidence (Sivanathan &
Pettit, 2010), this consumption lacks power without social instrumental value (Jamal &
Goode, 2001).
Some consumers practise status consumption, which enhances social status through
brand/product consumption (Eastman et al., 1997). Status consumption of luxury brands
and products improves social standing (Li et al., 2015), offsets self-threat and restores
self-integrity (Pettit & Sivanathan, 2011). However, those lacking self-worth still engage
in status-reinforcing behaviours to signal status (Ivanic, 2015).
Shukla et al. (2016) defined status consumption as the tendency to behave in a way
that values status and results in the consumption of goods that display status.
Although status consumption and conspicuous consumption are separate phenom­
ena (Ercis et al., 2010), they share motives. For example, materialism influences
status (Sharma, 2011), and conspicuous consumption is common in materialistic
cultures (Wiedmann et al., 2007). Social influences may impact consumption,
whether conspicuous or inconspicuous (Ercis et al., 2010); consumers therefore
choose brands for self-presentation motives, social influence, materialism levels and
symbolic benefits.
2.3. Country of origin effect
Country of origin generally predicts positive evaluations between consumers’ perceptions
of quality, and the COO of the brand (Cui et al., 2014). Global brands reveal prestige
which makes consumers feel better about their social class (Guo, 2013). Idealizing the
West and purchasing products to achieve global citizenship relates to a consumer’s
personality, especially when reference groups introduce foreign products, thus encoura­
ging extension of self-concept (Cui et al., 2014).
Luxury brands lead markets by offering the best material, packaging and merchandis­
ing (Lee & Lee, 2011). Global demand has increased, through association with exclusive­
ness, desirability and uncommonness (Kapferer & Valette-Florence, 2018) for symbolic
social and conspicuous benefits, rather than quality (Shukla et al., 2016). Hence, when
considering status and prestige, consumer behaviour changes significantly resulting in
increased desire for luxury brand-ownership and foreign brand-consumption (Marcoux
et al., 1997). In addition, well-known or luxury brands cannot be detached from their
COO, regardless of where they were assembled and designed (Samiee, 2011). The
perception of luxury is also directly related to the degree to which the country of
production is developed (Dogan & Ozkara, 2013). Despite the fact that domestic prestige
brands are valued, the preference for foreign brands still triumphs (Ercis et al., 2010).
Local brands give value for money but fail to address symbolic value (Kinra, 2006). So
the preference of foreign over local goods results from reference-group influence and
self-monitoring (D. Kim & Jang, 2014). The literature indicates many reasons for foreign
brand preference; the following methodology will demonstrate how COO will be
explored as a contributory factor to consumer choice.
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6.
3. Research methodology
This research employs an inductive, qualitative approach which allows analysis, absorp­
tion and development of theories (Bryman & Bell, 2011). Since our purpose is to under­
stand the holistic rather than variables, an interpretive approach has been adopted.
(Carson et al., 2001) and aim to uncover reasons for Jordanian women’s foreign clothing
brand-preference through a flexible approach, allowing specific themes to emerge
(Boyatzis, 1998). Focus is on the participants’ culture, self-related characteristics and
consumption symbolism. The study thus demands an exploratory, flexible and holistic
methodology to examine consumption habits as lived and experienced in a particular
context.
A key element in conducting ethnography in the marketing field is the understanding
of brand and product meanings. These meanings are to be explored in an everyday
routine and ordinary setting (Hammersley & Atkinson, 1995). Thus, the data-gathering
took place in an immersive environment where consumption and comparison of foreign
and indigenous brands may be observed, which allowed the examination of meanings of
COO image.
To understand the social world first-hand, the researcher should be participative
(Silverman, 2011, p. 117). People belong to a community that shares interpretive features,
and these similarities may include brand preference as a social expression tool (Schouten
& McAlexander, 1995). Jordan has a collectivist culture that emphasises social ties
(Gharaybeh, 2014), hence, understanding Jordanians’ everyday activities uncovers
insights to consumption activities. As a Jordanian, the first researcher’s familiarity with
the respondents’ social environment is essential and gives rich insight. Furthermore, as
part of an ethnographic study, the first researcher was immersed in this study for
18 months.
3.1. Data generation
Data generation was achieved through 3 discrete stages: interactive group interviews,
observations of shopping behaviour and responsive interviews. This research emulates
studies in non-western settings (e.g. Ustuner & Holt, 2010) by using social connections to
recruit participants. Goodwill within the researcher’s social network was utilised
(Holliday, 2016) to generate data for this study, with a total of 18 respondents participat­
ing over the 3 stages of data generation.
3.1.1. Stage 1 – interactive group interviews
The choice of participants is dictated by the aim of this research, as participants are fully
knowledgeable when it comes to their world. Interactive interviews allow interviewees to
teach the researcher with minimum guidance, especially when participants are cognisant
of the researcher’s requirements (Rubin & Rubin, 2012). Here, the researcher has a social
relationship with participants which establishes trust.
Questions were encouraged as part of the interactive process. The researcher probed
when needed and respondents were free to withdraw anything of a private nature from
the data set. Questions were generated through pre-understanding and interpretation of
the importance of COO image and consumption symbolism in developing countries
278 N. KHAIR ET AL.

7.
discussed in previous research and directed by the researcher. The unstructured
approach allowed interviewees to speak freely of their views, perceptions and behaviours
towards foreign brands and their COO image.
3.1.2. Stage 2 – shopping observations
In Stage 2, mall and participant observation was conducted. Prior to participant observa­
tion, general mall observation was made to visualize general settings and consumer
behaviour. The six most popular Jordanian shopping malls had emerged in Stage 1,
and these malls formed the basis of Stage 2 observation. Mall observation was general, yet
field notes related to relevant theoretical constructs (Silverman, 2011), including explor­
ing consumer preferences (local versus foreign brands) and overall consumption choices.
The researcher’s role fluctuated during this stage. At times, the researcher was merely
an observer and later, accompanying all respondents in this study, a researcher-
participant. In qualitative research, the researcher may engage in roles that vary from
being a complete observer to a complete participant (Creswell, 2014). Observations lasted
between four and five hours, where in some cases, the repetition of the shopping trips
occurred naturally. Field notes were made during or after the session and the researcher
was part of the respondent social network, sometimes observing, but mostly participa­
tory, leading the shopping trips.
3.1.3. Stage 3 – responsive interviews
In stage 3, as previously, the generation of data and themes was carried out simulta­
neously to clarify meaning and interpretation through the hermeneutic spiral.
Hermeneutics allow understanding of the text as a whole and interpretation of individual
components, with a consideration of the background environment (Myers, 2004). The
themes generated from stages 1 and 2 were used to guide responsive interviews (Rubin &
Rubin, 2012) with 8 female, Jordanian participants. Themes in stage 3 were recurring and
no new themes were generated, indicating saturation. Following transcription, the
participants reviewed interpretations of their own stories to guarantee that the research­
er’s voice did not override their own.
3.2. Analysis
This study is qualitative in nature and the research process involves data generation in
participants’ natural settings, inductive data analysis to build general themes and the
interpretation of data for meaning making. Furthermore, given that the symbolism of
foreign clothing brands among consumers in developing countries (Jordan) is unclear,
the categories below allow the data to be analysed and interpreted using a hermeneutic
approach. To gain in-depth insights in categories and codes, extracts from the data of
each theme emphasise “situated vocabulary” of participants (Hammersley & Atkinson,
1995) to illustrate the specific, Jordanian, cultural context.
Themes fall under five general categories,
● Self and Social Symbolism – In relation to culture and others, the self is worth
exploring (Tunca, 2016). Hence, this category includes the interrelationship of culture
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8.
and self, commonalities, and relationships to consumption. Commonalities include
cultural dimensions, social influences, materialism, self-monitoring and presentation.
Investigating the symbolic value of COO image helps uncover the motive behind brand
preference, illustrating how Jordanian women attach meanings to foreign clothing
brands. COO image-effect differs depending on motives for brand ownership (Dogan
& Ozkara, 2013).
● Consumption symbolism revolves around categorisation of foreign brands, motives
and meanings, in public/private consumption, and relates to individual choice of
products and brands with socially symbolic elements (Ma Mann & Sahni, 2015).
● Status consumption is a form of consumption symbolism reflecting status, here,
regarding Jordanian women. Li et al. (2015) explain that consumers in eastern
societies have different motives for status-related consumption.
● Conspicuous consumption relates to displaying wealth through brand symbolism
(Wiedmann et al., 2007) including individuals’ materialistic nature and their ability
to spend beyond their means.
● COO image includes foreign brand choice, quality symbolism, significance of COO
image and local brands.
It is important to acknowledge the legitimacy of using published literature to derive
concepts and themes that become codes, to link results to existing literature (Rubin &
Rubin, 2012). Findings in stage 1 highlight the general themes of culture and self as
consumption influences. Findings from stage 2 identify subthemes of culture and self as
symbolic reasons behind the influence of COO. Although the “country of purchase”
theme has emerged in stage 2, findings from stage 3 reveal its influence on symbolic
consumption activities.
4. Findings and discussion
4.1. Self and social symbolism
Participants mention materialism, social influences, and fear of stereotyping and people’s
expectations as motives for foreign brand consumption. This gives insight into how
referent others expect individuals to dress, what brands they should consume, type of car
they should drive, and matters generally related to a person’s projected image. Such
expectations relate to indirect cultural influences resulting in altered behaviour.
R1: “Istiklal Mall is designed for different people, more of a lower class.”
R2: “I agree. When you know someone in a high position or is a doctor or has his public
status, people expect him to be wearing foreign brands.”
As participants express their opinions of malls, people and locations, meanings and
expectations are illustrated. R1 stereotypes those who visit Istiqlal Mall as lower class. R2
believes that if someone has public or work-related prestige, others expect them to wear
foreign brands.
280 N. KHAIR ET AL.

9.
4.2. Consumption symbolism
Jordanian women attach meanings to the goods and brands they consume; those shared
meanings are familiar to their groups. One of the most common attributes of foreign
brands and their COO is uniqueness.
R3: “So I decided to save up and not buy from here at all; so, I would travel and buy the
foreign brands I want from foreign countries because they have a variety that are not
available here.”
R4: “Will not buy from Primark because you will find everyone wearing the same clothing.
I want to be different.”
R5: “ if I had to buy a dress, then I will go to local boutiques that have normally one dress of
each design and get it rather than going to a foreign brand. I simply prefer something unique
and customized.”
R6: “You know the shirt I bought from Crew Clothing, well it is nice, and I know that 99% of
the people surrounding me in Jordan won’t recognize it. But it makes me feel good and
presentable.”
Participants mention uniqueness as a primary motive for consumption; however, each
differs as to why they seek uniqueness. While R3 wants to travel to buy what is
unavailable in Jordan, R4 refuses to buy from places like Primark because she does not
wish to wear similar items to others. R5 agrees with R4, but surprisingly refuses to choose
a foreign brand because she believes that others may have similar items. R6 describes
unique foreign brands as making her feel “good” and “presentable” regardless of others’
recognition of the brands.
4.3. Status consumption
Eastman et al. (1999) defines status consumption as portraying desired social standing
through symbolic consumption. Motives associated with status consumption include
self-threat, insecurity and status-enhancement.
R5: “If I dated someone in Jordan and realised that he is brand oriented I would feel that
there is something missing in that person and he is covering with being into brands and his
outer image.”
Data indicate that Jordanians pursue status consumption due to self-threat and insecur­
ity, including comparison to others, and covering shortfalls. R5 is sceptical of dating
a brand-oriented male who uses brands as a disguise because she feels it reflects an
imperfect inner image.
Furthermore, Jordanian women see status enhancement as a motive for status-related
consumption of foreign brands. They reveal motives for status enhancement based upon
improvement and demonstration of social status. Illustration of this includes shopping in
high-end status-related malls on sale days, to reveal better presentation. Some examples
follow:
R7: “Not all who buy international brands from Taj mall actually have the money!
I introduced my friend to LV, and she is now addicted to it! Her salary is barely 1500
JODs and she has about 7-8 bags! Like how?”
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10.
R13: “Most of them end up going to different lower-class places in disguise so no one would
know them. Women talk, you know how it is.”
Participants criticize others for consuming foreign brands to enhance their social stand­
ing. R7 refers to her friend who owns many LV bags, and clearly disapproves. Although
R7 introduced her friend to LV, she sees her friend exaggerating her behaviour. R13
emphasises the symbolic, status-related meanings associated to brands and places and
details attempts to “disguise” oneself to avoid being the subject of a judgmental
conversation.
4.4. Conspicuous consumption
People use consumption of goods and services to ensure the visibility of wealth (Trigg,
2001), and this is confirmed by participants who indicate that foreign brands aid
conspicuous consumption to display or project an image of wealth.
R9: “Not as much money as that the fact that I can, and I will buy these names.”
R4: “They believe that money talks, and even if they didn’t have the money to buy it, they
still do to gather people.”
Participants believe displaying wealth is a major motive for conspicuous consumption
and link this to foreign brands. R9 explains that having money is not as important as the
ability to purchase foreign brand names; this supports the finding that low-income
individuals consume conspicuously, but wealthy people may deliberately mystify their
conspicuousness (Sivanathan & Pettit, 2010) and consumption of foreign products
normally reveals wealth (Khan et al., 2012). R4 and R9 agree that some may not have
adequate money, but R4 explains that wealth is displayed in Jordanian society to attract
people. Jordanians believe that money talks. Desired ownership of conspicuous objects is
highly determined by social groups (O’Cass & Frost, 2002).
R10: “They are known to be expensive and those who are wealthy, or celebrities wear these
brands. So, it sends a message that I’m wealthy and up to date with foreign and fashion
trends.”
R11: “Based on a personal experience, girls in particular care about buying specific brands that
have visible logo or are well-known.”
R10 says foreign brands are expensive, meant for wealthy people and celebrities; these
brands then become desirable and a tool for keeping up with trends, whilst R11 discusses
the preference for visible logos corroborating the finding that high self-monitoring
women choose conspicuous, materialistic goods to trigger positive behaviour from others
(Tyler et al., 2016).
4.5. Country of origin image
Participants’ perceptions of foreign brands and associated quality which may determine
the reasons for foreign clothing brands’ elevated image is investigated. Most participants
believed that foreign brands are always desired irrespective of quality for reasons of
societal meaning, including showing off, dressing to impress, complying with or
282 N. KHAIR ET AL.

11.
imitating others, projecting social-class and feeling better overall. In spite of negative
experiences with foreign clothing brands, participants still choose them over local
brands.
R9: “their reputation is ahead of them, although you may end up buying from Zara and
finding out that it is rubbish, and the quality is horrible.”
R12: “Even if I am aware that these copycat brands are not quality, it is still different because
people will see that I can buy foreign brands regardless if I know that it is a copycat brand.”
Quality is a component of foreign-brand preference, but is not the reason for purchase.
R9 admits that some foreign brands have “horrible” quality or are uncomfortable, but
due to their symbolism, Jordanians prefer them. R12 disregards quality as she buys
copycat brands, which are inferior to genuine foreign brands. Participants state that COO
make foreign brands a big deal. Some participants stated that when the brand is obviously
foreign then COO is not significant but checking the label for the COO information is
important when the brand is unknown. However, when participants discuss preferences
and compare made-in-Jordan vs. Italy brands, they preferred foreign brands manufac­
tured overseas.
Participants express their opinions of COO significance as follows:
R3: “yes, it is the country of origin of the brand that makes the brand a big deal or foreign
which sends out an impression to others.”
R13: “I believe that deep inside it should be made in foreign countries if the brand is foreign.
I still believe that it is better if nothing local was involved. Even if deep inside I know it may
be excellent I still would rather buy a made in foreign country brand.”
R14: “Yes, and it does influence the way I think and buy. Made in Jordan in Jordan itself is
negative, but if it would be abroad then it may be positive due to different standards.”
R3 describes COO image importance and believes COO image gives the brand societal
impact. Well-known brands link positively to a COO image by minimizing negative
associations that might link to the product’s country of assembly, manufacture or design
(Godey et al., 2012). The negative image of made-in-Jordan brands is mentioned by R13
and R14 as they describe its effect on consumers’ perceptions and choices. R13 prefers
consuming a made-in-foreign-country brand and believes that the fewer local associa­
tions, the better. R14 explains that COO image also influences her view of the product
and her consumption decisions and attributes a negative image within Jordan to indi­
genous brands.
4.6. Country of purchase
When exploring participants’ foreign brand preference and the significance of COO
image, participants expressed the importance of “country of purchase” and the associated
image.
R7: “I order online from Forever 21 in the US.”
R14: “I realised after my trips abroad . . . I did not want to buy brands from Jordan because
they are triple the price in other countries.”
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12.
For R7 and R14, ordering foreign brands online from the US resembles uniqueness,
differentiation and better quality. Respondents emphasised the significance of obtaining
foreign brands at a cheaper price and bringing them to Jordan.
R3 “ my husband’s sister asked me to buy her a foundation from Maybelline. The one there
is an original, the ones here are fake. I was surprised but yes most people think that way.”
Consumers mistrust foreign brands sold in Jordan, because of the potential for deceit.
R3’s sister-in-law asked her to buy Maybelline foundation from the US because she
believes that fakes are sold in Jordan. She believes most Jordanians think similarly and
would prefer foreign brands from foreign countries. Trust is therefore an important
consideration in the country of purchase and can impact upon consumers.
R15:“She buys loads of brands in the USA and brings them back to Jordan and everyone
thinks she is so well off.”
R13: “It is a form of prestige, status, show off maybe . . . when you say that what you are
wearing is from the US, people would want to know more and are interested about it as they
perceive it differently to when you say this is from Jordan.”
Whether it is consuming a well-known or unknown foreign brand, it is positively
perceived if purchased in a foreign country. R15 explains that her cousin buys clothing
from the US and brings them back to Jordan, signalling her affluence. For R13, anything
purchased overseas is significant to her and referent others. Even though the brand may
have consumer symbolism, “country of purchase” carries more significance.
5. Implications
5.1. Theoretical implications
This research responds to implications of previous research, where meanings that
influence perception of products from specific countries have been overlooked
(Compeau et al., 2016). Here, the symbolic value of foreign brands is uncovered along
with impact on individuals’ self, social groups and culture (Witt, 2010). Exploring COO
in different geographical and product-related contexts was recommended by Shukla,
(2010). This research is the first to incorporate the influence of COO image on prefer­
ences and consumption decisions related to clothing in the Jordanian context.
Little research has linked COO image, culture, self and consumption symbolism. This
study explores symbolic meanings of foreign brands and COO image, and their influence
on consumer preferences and decisions. Due to the significance of COO image in
international marketing (Dogan & Ozkara, 2013; Touzani et al., 2015) it is important
to grasp meanings associated with country and foreign product-image to better under­
stand the influence of COO image on foreign brand preference.
The influence of COO image is culturally symbolic (Torelli & Ahluwalia, 2011).
Extending one’s self-concept is a reason for foreign brand preference (Cui et al., 2014).
This research employs a different approach to illustrate the relationship between related
themes and understand the symbolic meanings associated with foreign brands and COO
image. Better understanding is gained of Jordanian women’s preference for foreign
brands, integrating COO, self/social symbolism and consumption symbolism and this
284 N. KHAIR ET AL.

13.
paints a holistic picture (Handberg et al., 2015) by addressing the shortfall in academic
literature.
After exploring the meanings allocated to foreign brands and COO image, the
significance of the unique theme of country of purchase (COP) has been uncovered.
“Place” influences perceptions associated with brands and products and thus, affects
consumption preferences. In spite of the various studies regarding the influence of COO
image in the international marketing field (Balabanis & Diamantopoulos, 2016;
Zatepilina-Monacell, 2014), no previous authors, to the best of the researchers’ knowl­
edge, have uncovered the significance of COP. This research therefore introduces COP
and its meanings as a new contribution to theory and practice not only in the Jordanian
context, but also potentially, globally.
5.2. Methodological implications
The approach uncovered socially-constructed meanings associated with foreign brands
and COO image among Jordanian consumers. The 3 stages of data collection allowed an
in-depth exploration of the relevant constructs. This ethnographic research relied on the
researcher fully interacting, longitudinally, with respondents. The evolution of knowl­
edge over the 3 stages enabled awareness of the consumer’s decision-making processes
through researcher-participant involvement. Other research styles would not provide
such in-depth insights; as a result, and due to the lack of ethnographic research in the
COO image field, this is an important methodological contribution.
5.3. Practical implications
Although Jordanian clothing manufacturers are recognized internationally for producing
high quality products (Williams, 2015), Jordanian consumers still prefer foreign clothing
brands. Within this study, Jordanian women illustrate why they avoid local brands. As
a result, this research recommends enhancing Jordanian consumers’ perceptions of
quality and symbolic value of local clothing brands by increasing prices. High prices
indicate better quality and value among consumers resulting in commercial success.
Moreover, local copycat brands seem to satisfy consumers’ participation in symbolic
consumption rather than enforcing symbolic value in their own brands. Local clothing
brands are undesirable to modern Jordanian women as styles are often traditional and
religious. Store design is often not conducive to attracting Jordanian consumers and store
image influences consumers’ interpretation of brand image as it also affects in-store
behaviours and purchase decisions (McColl & Moore, 2013). Therefore, for a culture that
cares about external appearance, prestige, position, wealth and public image, investing in
brand image, clothing and store designs are crucial.
Findings also suggest that local clothing brands should pay close attention to adver­
tising, social media and endorsements to promote their products to assist identification
with virtual communities for purposive value, self-discovery and social enhancement
(Sook Kwon et al., 2014). Local brands should focus on emotional branding to engage
consumers through personal feelings and experiences (Kim & Sullivan, 2019). Results
reveal that Jordanian women follow designers, fashionistas and friends on social media,
resulting in exposure to diverse brands. Additionally, women are unaware of Jordanian
JOURNAL OF GLOBAL FASHION MARKETING 285

14.
clothing brands due to the lack of advertisements. Local brands lack social-media
presence and celebrity endorsement. This lack of awareness and personal connection
often results in foreign-clothing brand-preference.
6. Limitations/future research
Results indicate that Jordanian culture is identical to Arab culture. Jordanian women
describe Jordanian culture by referring back to Arab cultures. Therefore, future studies
could adopt this methodology to investigate symbolic meanings associated with foreign
brands and the influence of COO image on consumption behaviour, provide insights into
Middle Eastern cultures. Further studies could additionally explore the influence of COO
image on consumption habits of male consumers. The methodology and results from this
study will allow comparison of meanings allocated to foreign clothing brands and COO
image influence between genders.
A significant contribution of this research is the symbolic value and significance of
country of purchase; future studies may explore its influence on consumer habits.
A study that investigates COP and its symbolic meaning to consumers will help brands
understand meanings consumers attach to place. Finally, this study explores the COO
image effect on clothing because of the symbolic messages clothing can carry. Future
research could explore the influence of COO image on other product categories.
Disclosure statement
No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).
ORCID
Nadine Khair http://orcid.org/0000-0001-9974-4971
Elizabeth Lloyd-Parkes http://orcid.org/0000-0003-1596-2248
Jonathan Deacon http://orcid.org/0000-0002-5180-5904
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