Re envisioning a nation- media politics and publics in pakistan

Re-Envisioning a Nation: Media, Politics and Publics in Pakistan

A Capstone Experience Manuscript

Presented by

Sabah Baxamoosa

Completion Date:
May 2007

Approved By:
Professor Paula Chakravartty, Communications
University of Massachusetts/Amherst

Professor Vivek Bhandari, Social Sciences
Hampshire College

ABSTRACT

Title: Re-Envisioning a Nation: Media, Politics and Publics in Pakistan.
Author: Sabah Baxamoosa, STPEC
Approved By: Paula Chakravartty, Communications
Approved By: Vivek Bhandari, SS
CE Type: Honors Thesis

General Pervez Musharraf took power in Pakistan in October 1999 and articulated a state
vision of Enlightened Moderation in the wake of 9/11, which was subsequently used to
legitimize his non parliamentarian take over. Enlightened Moderation is a relatively new
phenomenon that has re-politicized Islam within Pakistan. This thesis broadly seeks to
illuminate the complex relationship between religion and politics in contemporary Pakistan,
by particularly explaining its most recent manifestation- Enlightened Moderation in light of
its political project to fashion a new religiopolitical identity, that of the moderate Muslim.
The Enlightened Moderation paradigm encompasses important elements of Pakistani
politics such as Islam, the Army and negotiable foreign interests. Focusing closely on the
rhetoric, this thesis argues that it was formulated as foreign policy which was then co-opted
as national policy. This thesis argues that the ideology of this paradigm fits perfectly in the
pre-established civil military relations in Pakistan; however the subsequent civil and political
engagement is novel to its socio-political context. This thesis examines how Enlightened
Moderation played out in the local context, focusing particularly on discursive and
institutional shifts and argues that the greatest impact was felt in the expanding media
landscape, in particular private broadcast television. Analyzing developments in
programming trends, this thesis argues that the private television industry- which stands as a
distinct bourgeois public- supports the ideology of Enlightened Moderation and participates
in promoting the new moderate Muslim. Conceptualizing the national polity as a multitude,
this thesis argues that structural and discursive changes brought about by Enlightened
Moderation have opened up new spaces for re-negotiated identity formation and for the
multitude to define its own parameters of moderate Islam through avenues of new media,
thereby creating a new kind of public engagement. This thesis articulates a more political
relationship between the State, media and civil and political institutions. By showing the
power of the media and public reason this thesis helps provide alternatives ways of
understanding politics in Pakistan and Muslim politics in general.

Contents

Acknowledgements/ ii

INTRODUCTION
1/ Political Islam in the Context of the New Cold War/ 1

PART ONE
2/ “Moderate” Enlightenment/ 15
3/ Ideological Dreams & Political Realities/ 35

PART TWO
4/ The Mediated Public Imaginary: Creation of the Moderate Muslim/ 50
5/ Managing Religion on Television/ 71

PART THREE
6/ The Mediated Multitude Finally Speaks/ 77

CONCLUSION
7/ Post- Script/ 93

BIBLIOGRAPHY
8/ 99

APPENDIX
9/ In Pictures/ 103

Acknowledgements

This thesis is a culmination of a year long effort with a lot that has transpired in

between- a wedding, the celebration of my final year at college and the loss of two personal

laptops who are dearly missed. I can distinctly remember that my interest in the history and

politics of Pakistan began with stories my grandfather told me about ranging from the days

of a united India to when he first landed in Karachi. I would like to dedicate this thesis to my

late grandfather Taher M. Shaikh Ali and my parents Yasmeen and Shabbir Baxamoosa for

their unconditional love, relentless support and belief in me.

This thesis could not have been possible without a number of people that I would

like to acknowledge here. I want to begin by showing immense gratitude for my committee

members, Paula Chakravartty and Vivek Bhandari who pushed me to strive beyond my

intellectual limits, taught me to think through a concept using multiple lenses, mulling over

its complexities and deriving joy from every new insight gained. I can’t thank them enough

for their support and guidance and seeing this project from its inception to its end. They

made the writing of this thesis - that seemed like an extremely daunting task at first into an

exciting challenge - and I can’t thank them enough for their patience and friendship. I would

also like to thank my advisors Katherine Mallory, Sarah B. and Delsey Thomas whose

excitement and interest in my project made it that much more exciting to write.

This thesis while I am proud to call my own is a result of the musings of many

minds. I would like to extend my gratitude to all my friends who said a kind word every time

they saw me vigorously typing away in the library and to those who sat with me while I

thought through every idea with them providing insight that I would have lost had this been

a solo project. This project while invigorating has been extremely stressful and nerve

wrenching. I would like to thank Astha, Naved, Divij, Nishi and Shaina for patiently listening

to me whine when my stress levels would sky rocket. I thank Inder for saving my life and my

drafts on multiple occasions when my thesis would randomly disappear from the computer.

Finally I want to thank my sister Sanaa and my brother Hasnain, who have read

countless finished, unfinished drafts and parts of this thesis whose meticulous editing

abilities have been an invaluable asset to me. I thank you both for taking this project, making

it your own and helping my words sound better. Lastly, I would like to thank the lovely

ladies of 79, my family at Hampshire College without whose loving home, brilliant minds

and persistent support this thesis could not have been completed.

POLITICAL ISLAM IN THE CONTEXT OF THE NEW COLD WAR

The end of the Cold War brought about a demise of the bipolar structure of the

international political system. Since then many observers, particularly on the left have

asserted that the West, in particular the United States has been on the lookout for a

substitute ogre. Islamic fundamentalism seemed to have all the right qualifications. In order

to ensure unity and cohesion, the West needed to identify a new enemy and the clash of

Islam fit the mould perfectly. Mark Juergensmeyer recognizes that only the end of the Cold

War could have opened the way for this “New Cold War.” In his view, “[t]he new world

order that is replacing the bipolar powers of the old Cold War is characterized… also by the

resurgence of parochial identities based on ethnic and religious alliance”.1 With recent

international political events such as the attacks on the World Trade Center on 9/11 and the

London bombings on 07/07 perpetrated by individuals identified as Muslim terrorists, it is

increasingly difficult to ignore or overlook the salience of religion in public and political life.

Political Islam is a very complex phenomenon. Contemporary debates situate it in

the encounter of Islamic civilizations with modernity. Islamic modernism attempts to seek a

synthesis between cultural and institutional modernity and Islam, without rethinking the

traditional Islamic theocentric worldview. The leaders who spearheaded the movement for

an independent and sovereign Pakistan such as Mohammad Ali Jinnah and poet-philosopher

Mohammad Iqbal can be seen as belonging to this school of thought. These leaders are

extremely revered in Pakistan and General Pervez Musharraf2, the present day President of

Pakistan aspires to be counted amongst them. He took over Pakistan through a non-

1
Juergensmeyer, Mark. pp 1. The New Cold War? Religious Nationalism Confronts the Secular State.
Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 1993.
2
I use General Musharraf and Musharraf interchangeably.

parliamentarian bloodless military coup on October, 12th 1999 and has been in control of its

executive ever since.

It is important to clarify here that these men were Western educated secular liberals

who used religion for political purposes. They created political identities that used religious

idioms through direct engagement with modern forms of power.3

Mamdani further articulates:

In their preoccupation with political identity and political power, Islamist
intellectuals were like other intellectuals, whether religious or not. Islamist
intellectuals crafted their ideologies through encounters not only with the
ulema but also with these secular intellectuals who ignored the Islamic
tradition and drew on other intellectual sources, such as Marxism or Western
liberalism. Through this double encounter, they developed political Islam in
multiple directions, both emancipatory and authoritarian.4

It is important to point out that the modernity these statesmen are trying to

construct has to be seen in the specific historical context where liberal-secularism had not

been established as the political norm. Therefore, while these men affected the subjective

personhood of the nation, they also allowed the space to create new conceptions of

modernity. This pre-occupation with creating modernity and seemingly modern identities

has carried on long after independence in postcolonial nations. For example, in Egypt this

modernity can be seen in an increasing hegemony of an assertive religious identity in which

“piety has been made into the characteristic of self”5 and religious and political identities are

coming together. Seen in this light and situated specifically within the contemporary socio-

political context of Pakistan, this thesis broadly seeks to illuminate the complex relationship

between religion and politics in contemporary Pakistan, by particularly explaining its most

3
Mamdani, Mahmood. pp 39. Good Muslims, Bad Muslim: America, the Cold War and the Roots of
Terror. Random House, Inc. 2004.
4
Ibid. 59
5
Mahmood, Saba. pp 131. Politics of Piety: The Islamic Revival and the Feminist Subject. Princeton, NJ:
Princeton University Press, 2005.

recent manifestation- Enlightened Moderation in light of its political project to fashion the

new moderate Muslim. I argue that Musharraf’s Enlightened Moderation paradigm can be

viewed as an initiative participating in the discourse of moderate political Islam. In particular

it can be seen as an effort to negotiate modernity with the increasing prominence of Islam in

public life within Pakistan by fashioning a new religiopolitical identity- the moderate Muslim.

Musharraf defines the moderate Muslim against a more radical Islam that is members

of the traditional ulema, religious clerics, others involved with madrassahs (schools of religious

instruction), and those employing terrorism and violence for religious and political gains. His

rhetoric is comparable to that of the Bush administration post 9/11- “good” and “bad”

Muslims, the driving force behind American foreign policy.6 In the wake of 9/11, Mahmood

Mamdani wrote a book in order to analyze and unpack this rhetoric. Developing his central

thesis, Mamdani asserts:

Good Muslims are modern, secular, and westernized, but bad Muslims are
doctrinal, anti-modern, and virulent. Islam must be quarantined and the devil
exorcised from it by a Muslim civil war. Rather than wait for “good”
Muslims to triumph over “bad” Muslims… the Bush administration is
determined to hasten such a civil war. If necessary, as in Iraq, it is prepared
to invade and bring about a regime change intended to liberate “good”
Muslims from the political yoke of “bad” ones.7

Situating Enlightened Moderation and Musharraf’s regime policies more generally, it is clear

that his state politics reflect a close association with the Bush administration. Apparently,

Musharraf is not an Islamist and would rather consolidate his power through the support of

Washington, rather than by delivering a Friday sermon at the mosque. Since the War on

Terrorism started Musharraf has taken strict action against Radical Islam: banning several

religious militant parties preventing them from participating in insurgencies in Afghanistan

and Kashmir; reforming the madrassah curriculum; and assisting in capturing Al Qaeda

6
Ibid. pp 23
7
Ibid. pp 24

operatives in Pakistan. Musharraf made claims that those opposing him were only a minority

who represented no more than 10 to 15% of the population and he wasn’t worried about an

Islamic backlash. There might be some truth to his optimism as throughout Pakistan’s

history, no religious leader has been able to translate the possibility of a mass based Islamic

revolution into a reality, although many have tried. Religious parties have not been able to

wield enough political power through the ballot or through normative democratic processes.

However for the first time in 2002, the Muttahida Majlis-e-Amal, a conglomerate of religious

political parties made their strongest showing in a general election in Pakistan, securing

11.1% of the popular vote, and 20% of the seats in the lower house of Parliament. Since

then, they have pressed for Taliban style Islamization in the North West Frontier Province

(NWFP). Before, 9/11 they had never been able to make their way to Parliament. Scholars

attribute the success of the Islamists to the war in Iraq and Afghanistan8, which advanced

Islamist rhetoric that the West is bent on destroying all shreds of Islamic culture. Even

though religious parties have seldom been successful in elections, their political clout should

not be undermined as they possess immense symbolic and militant power.

A few religious parties and organizations are worth mentioning right from the onset.

The Jamaat-e-Ulama-e-Islam (JUI) is in the Pukhtoon areas of Balochistan and NWFP where

the party has control of a large number of madrassahs. It is a grassroots party that not only

promotes Islam but also campaigns against social injustices. Its support base is from the

rural masses and the party is led by Maulana Fazlur Rehman prominently known for his anti-

American stance. Conversely, the Jamaat-e-Islami (JI)’s headquarter is in the cities and it gains

most of its support from the urban middle classes. It is an ideological party that advocates

for an Islamic revolution to create a Nizam-e-Islami (world of Islam). It was founded by

8
Aslam, Madeeha. The Process and Impact of Ideologization of Islam in Pakistan.

Maulana Abul Al Maududi who opposed the movement for Pakistan’s independence in

1947. The Jamaat-e-Islami is mostly known for its immense street power and massive

protests. They took to the streets protesting the War on Terrorism in support of their

Afghan and Iraqi Muslim brethren. The JI is probably the most dangerous insofar as it

openly makes claims to vie for political power. The most traditional of religious parties is the

Jamaat-e-Ulema-e-Pakistan (JUP) that has won little to no political power and has been reduced

to a pressure group.9 Another significant Islamic force is the Tablighi Jamaat. They are a

group of religious scholars and students who believe in spreading the message of Islam

through the pen rather than the sword. They are extremely active in recruiting members

from the army which is reflected in the increasingly Islamic outlook of its cadets. It is

important to note here that all the political parties mentioned here subscribe to Sunni Islam.

Islam has a hybrid character in Islam. However, the above political parties promote a

Wahabbi10 interpretation of Islam, and therefore do not reflect the true nature of Islam in

Pakistan.11

The Domestic Context: Mixing Religion with Politics

Pakistan is one of the most complex nations of the twenty first century. It is a myriad

of contradictions: it is a client state of the United States, yet its citizens are deeply resentful

of US intervention; its northwest frontier has been a training ground for movements such as

the Mujahideen and Al Qaeda, yet at the same time it is a key ally of the US in the war against

terrorism; its political and economic elite are strongly tied to the interests of the military, yet

9
Jones, B, Owen. pp. 5-7. Pakistan: Eye of the Storm. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2002
10
Wahabbism is the school of thought that encourages a more literal interpretation of the tenets of the Holy
Quran and the deeds of the Prophet. It is widely believed to be the most conservative version of Islam.
11
Islam in Pakistan is quite a complex phenomenon, with myriad sects and variations ranging from the
more mystical Sufis to the hardlined Sunnis and Shias. However, I will not be able to elaborate further as
that discussion lies beyond the scope of this thesis. I will engage with Islam as a popular religion.,
collapsing all its nuances into a single category.

they are kept in check by an fiercely resistant, free press and media; it has volatile relations

with neighboring India and Afghanistan and it is a declared nuclear power; it is a successful

secessionist movement of the 20th century, and one of the few countries founded on the

basis of religion. In an age of “freedom and democracy”, it is the only nation which has a

military dictator at the head of the state and an active army running the government,

particularly in the South Asian context. Pakistan begs scholarship because of its complicated

governance strategies and its eminence in the US’ war against terror making it one of the

most strategically important nations in the international order today.

Pakistan was created on the premise that the oppressed Muslims of India needed a

separate homeland to live in peacefully. The two-nation theory- the foundation for the

inception of Pakistan- put forth by the poet philosopher Iqbal posited that Hindus and

Muslims are two separate nations that have different cultural values, ways of living with

distinct ancient roots, and most importantly religions. Therefore they cannot co-exist under

one state without potential for conflict. Consequently Pakistan came into being as the

“promised land” for Indian Muslims; however its founding ideology was never clearly

defined. The Father of the Nation Mohammad Ali Jinnah passed away in1948 a year after

the country’s birth and state institutions and ideologies could not be consolidated thereafter.

The complicated position Pakistan finds itself in today stems from a peculiar and

complex birth, a lack of leadership and two other main reasons. The first involves Indo-Pak

relations and geo-politics of the region. Pakistan was born out of the great anti-colonial

movement- independence from British India. However, at the same time its founders also

intended to free it from another threat- that of Hindu India. Its antagonistic relationship

with its twin neighbor has formed the basis for its foreign policy. The authorities in Pakistan

are always working to protect it from the threat of an Indian invasion. Their anxiety is not

far-fetched as there have already been four armed conflicts in 1948, 1956, 1971 and 1999

between these two nations.

A second cause for the peculiar nature of Pakistan was the new state’s relations with

Islam and with the ummah, the community of the faithful. Religious movements like the

Jamaat-e-Islami which subscribed to the universalistic logic of Islam were strictly opposed to

the partition of the Indian subcontinent. Nevertheless, these groups eventually supported

the creation of Pakistan accepting Iqbal’s claim that as a state willed into existence, Pakistan

should be open to the development of an Islamic solidarity. However “still to be resolved

was the contradiction between a nationalist concept of the state and the universalizing ideal

of a Muslim civil society.”12 In other words, there remained the crucial question that has

plagued Pakistan’s existence from its very inception whether it was to be a modern

democratic nation which was a homeland for Indian Muslims or a truly Islamic state

economically, politically and socially.

From a geo-political perspective the utopian notion of a universal, united Muslim

ummah deliberately overlooked the very real religious differences and power plays between

Muslim nations. The Middle East wanted to take control of the Muslim world due to its

established and ancient roots in Islamic history; Pakistan however was hoping to play a

crucial role due to the sheer number of Muslims that inhabited it; while the Arab nationalist

movements understood India’s anti colonial struggle better than Pakistan’s secession. 13

Therefore, Pakistan’ relationship with Islam was ambiguous within the state and without.

It becomes evident then that Pakistan’s foreign policy revolves around three main

entities: its love-hate relationship with India; shifts with changing personalities in power in

the two countries and the great powers of the West, in particular the US; its position in the

12
Christophe Jaffrelot, pp 98. Ed. A History of Pakistan and its Origins. Anthem Press, 2004.
13
Ibid.

Muslim world and the religious dimension of its national identity, reaffirmed by the name

given to its new capital in 1967: Islamabad.14 Many governments since 1948 have tried to

negotiate a settlement between these competing forces that affect foreign policy and hence

the state of Pakistan. Field Marshall Ayub Khan and General Yahya Khan concentrated their

efforts on the question of India; Zulfikar Ali Bhutto focused on Islam in order to win

popular support; General Zia ul Haq intensified this effort and aimed at creating a truly

“Islamic” state. Many previous government have articulated national state visions for

Pakistan, however no one has addressed all three factors at once- except for General Pervez

Musharraf in his Enlightened Moderation archetype.

General Musharraf’s authoritarian government is an absolutely pivotal stage in

Pakistani politics. Plenty of changes have been made to Pakistan’s foreign policy: Pakistan

has stopped supporting the Taliban, made its presence felt on the international political

scene, consolidated its position in the Muslim world and proved itself to be a faithful ally of

the West. All these events took place under Musharraf’s rule which led to the proposition of

Enlightened Moderation. The birth of Enlightened Moderation took place in tenuous

circumstances which make it an absolutely fascinating subject. However, there is no

literature or scholarly work published at the moment on it, although articles, online web

posts and news reports are printed about it with every passing day. This thesis attempts to

lessen that gap and start scholarship on Musharraf’s vision for Pakistan and in his view the

world.

While General Musharraf is making grand plans for a Renaissance in Pakistan, the

reality speaks of something different. Pakistan has experienced major political instability in

sixty years of its existence. In less than sixty years, Pakistan has had four cycles of military

14
Ibid, pp 97

rule and three democratically elected civilian leaders who have been forced out of office

before completing their term. Civilian politics have been tarnished by corruption and

inefficiency, and military intervention has rendered the people to lose hope in the political

process. However in recent times, the largely fragmented multitude, the citizens of Pakistan

are claiming their space through active participation in public life facilitated by the mass

media- in particular the private television industry.

In this thesis I examine the complex relationship between religion and politics in

contemporary Pakistan, by particularly looking at the politics of the Enlightened Moderation

in light of its political project to fashion the new moderate Muslim. Moreover, I will show

how the bourgeois public and the mediated masses are engaging with this State attempt to

create a new religiopolitical identity.

Enlightened Moderation is a relatively new phenomenon in the politics of Pakistan

and I did not find any secondary literature or published material on it, except for the

occasional personal blog. I therefore turned to General Musharraf’s official personal website

where I found government reports and transcripts of speeches articulating his program. I

also read his autobiography in order to gain a better understanding of who Musharraf is by

looking at his political and personal history.

In order to situate Enlightened Moderation within a specific context, I began to look

at books and scholarly journals to form an understanding of the political landscape of

Pakistan. I began this project by wanting to focus on voting patterns and electoral

participation. However, as I continued to read on civil military relations, political institutions,

the civil bureaucracy, I began to notice that Pakistani governments are not responsible to

their electorates. Instead, the Army has the power to veto the electorate’s choices through

direct intervention. I realized that it would therefore be ineffective to embark upon a project

that simply looks at parliamentary democracy and electoral participation in Pakistan as that is

an inconsequential component of politics in Pakistan.

My background reading began to inform my understanding of politics within

Pakistan and I began to see the complexities involved in domestic politics. I also saw

emerging trends in Pakistani politics and recognized that the Enlightened Moderation

paradigm and Musharraf encompassed them all- Islam, the Army and negotiable foreign

interests. I therefore focus very closely on the way Musharraf articulates his scheme and

began looking at his interviews, television appearances and articles. I found that Pakistanis

supported him immensely and believed in his words, and therefore I chose not to dismiss

the articulation of Enlightened Moderation as state rhetoric. Instead, I analyzed it to argue

that it was formulated as foreign policy which was then co-opted as national policy. I then

began to look at the circumstances in which the military entered politics in Pakistan and

found a trend. Enlightened Moderation fit perfectly in the pre-established civil-military

relations in Pakistan. Moreover, I found that foreign policy was very closely tied to domestic

policy and almost always influenced it. I therefore turned my attention to the effects of

Enlightened Moderation within Pakistan and found that it was articulated very differently in

a local context. Within Pakistan, it took on a life of its own bringing about institutional and

discursive changes.

In part two, I look at the institutional shifts, particularly in the television industry.

Institutionally Pakistan began to do very well registering unprecedented economic growth.

However, my interest was quickly captured by the evolving media scene- changes in

programming trends on television. I saw that the private television industry was booming

and creating more socially responsible news and current affairs programming. I looked for

scholarship on media in Pakistan but found little. The literature on media and politics is

extremely limited and descriptive in nature. I read whatever secondary literature I could find

ranging from independent journalist group reports to interviews of media personalities. My

thesis adds to this body of literature as I articulate a more complex, political relationship

between the media and political institutions in Pakistan.

Most of the information for this section comes from how I perceive the institutional

shifts in media programming to be. In line with recent studies on media, politics and modern

nationalisms in India and Egypt, I also examine the state’s relationship with the media

historically. I was very influenced by the work of Abu Lughod and Rajagopal and they have

informed my analysis of the relationship between media and politics. Like them, I also

choose to engage with television as the central medium of communication. Television is a

key institution in modern nation states for the production and sustenance of a national

culture and identity. It is a mass medium with unprecedented appeal that transcends all

boundaries of temporal space and time. In his study of the influence of media, in particular

television, on the career of Hindu nationalism in India, Rajagopal shows the power of

television rests in two central characteristics: the medium itself and in the act of viewing

television. He posits that television compresses different temporalities into one, such that it

brings about freedom from everyday life where the view feels his/her autonomy and

individualness provides the critical distance that makes it possible to “reflect on society as an

external object of thought independent of their place in it”.15 At the same time television
16
“establishes a shared feeling of community, closeness and reciprocity” which helps to

imagine and construct a united national polity. Television and other new media set up

circuits of communication across the realms of politics, economics and culture and reshape

15
Rajagopal Arvind. pp 6 Politics After Television: Religious Nationalism and the Reshaping of the Public
In India. (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 2001).
16
Ibid. pp 5

the “context in which politics is conceived, enacted, and understood”.17 Television bridges

the divide between the elite and the masses because in the act of viewing television

everybody exists in a homogenous time and space. Simultaneously, however it emphasizes

the differences by making clear distinctions between the ‘haves’ and the ‘have-nots’.

Television sits in the homes of the people as a part of their private lives at the same time

connecting them to the world outside through news about local, national and international

issues and politics. The characteristics of television largely blur the strict margins of the

public and private spheres which affect the conception of a modern democratic polity.

The blurring of private/public spheres led me to engage with Habermasian theory

and its critiques. It is important to re-think the public sphere due to increasing new

informational networks that allow access to and engagement with more than just rational

critical debate. The strict separation of state and civil society does not exist any more.

Instead I found Partha Chatterjee’s articulation of political society more adequate in

expressing the complex procedures of politics in post colonial contexts. He points out that

with the emergence of mass democracies, while the theoretical modern nation state had to

constantly reaffirm the unity of its citizens, there was in reality no one massive public.

Instead there were multiple publics, “always a multiplicity of population groups that were the

objects of governmentality- multiple targets with multiple characteristics requiring multiple

techniques of administration.”18

However, Chatterjee’s “political society” is based on class and caste interests and

distinguishes very strongly between different sections of society. While his argument is

useful in understanding that a national polity is not united or singular despite the rhetoric,

17
Chatterjee, Partha. pp 21-29. The Politics of the Governed: Reflections on Popular Politics in Most of the
World. NY:Columbia University Press, 2004.
18
Ibid. pp 35-36

his theory falls short of the unity a fragmented national polity can display based on

commonalities. I therefore use the concept of the multitude; for it allows the different

sections to come together, and yet maintain those internal differences. Negri and Hardt

conceptualize:

The multitude, designates an active social subject, which acts on the basis of
what the singularities share in common. The multitude is an internally
different, multiple social subject whose constitution and action is based not
on identity or unity (or, much less, indifference) but what it has in common.19

Organization of this Thesis

This thesis consists of three parts. This chapter introduces the underlying theme in

my examination of the re-politicization of religion in Pakistan. Religion becomes a focal

point when discussing the politics of Pakistan, because its creation is premised on being a

Muslim nation and this idea of Pakistan has been instrumental in its political development.

Discussing religion here will also help to provide a conceptual framework in trying to

understand the reasons behind ‘Enlightened Moderation’ which has an attitude towards

religion and its position in the state of Pakistan largely implicated in it. Moreover, I also

situate my thesis in contemporary debates around Political Islam, particularly Islamic

modernism/reformism in an effort to understand Musharraf within a specific context.

In Part one I introduce the crux of my inquiry which is General Pervez Musharraf’s

paradigm of ‘Enlightened Moderation’ articulated since 2003 that is used to legitimize his

unconstitutional, non parliamentarian takeover of power in October 1999. In the first

chapter of this part, I argue that Enlightened Moderation came about largely as a political

maneuver, a foreign policy initiative articulated to gain legitimacy in international circuits and

ensure continued military and economic support from the United States. I will explain the

19
Hardt, Michael & Negri, Antonio. pp 100. Multitude: War and Democracy in the Age of Empire. NY:
Penguin Press, 2004.

program strategy of Enlightened Moderation, highlight the main themes, show its ambiguity

and raise several concerns about it. In the second chapter of part one, I review Pakistan’s

political history in order to explain how Pakistan politically arrived at General Musharraf’s

Enlightened Moderation paradigm. What events caused religion to get so closely tied to its

politics in its history? In order to this, I will highlight some of the key political players who

have tinkered with Islam and Pakistani politics over the past 60 years of its existence. I will

show that Enlightened Moderation can be seen as a continuation and to an extent a

culmination of state initiatives that preceded it. The historical overview will also show how

long religion and politics have been intertwined in Pakistan.

In Part two, I will argue that the greatest impact of these policy changes was seen

and felt in the expanding media landscape. This newly and truly liberalized media

atmosphere created spaces and opened up avenues which enabled the private broadcast

television industry to engage with the state vision of Enlightened Moderation. Based on

developments that have occurred in programming trends, I argue that the private television

industry- which stands as a distinct bourgeois public- supports the idea of Enlightened

Moderation and actively participates in promoting the idea of a new moderate Muslim.

In the final part of this thesis, I will show that the influence of Enlightened

Moderation goes beyond the normative bourgeois public sphere. Instead the structural and

discursive changes brought about by Enlightened Moderation have opened up new spaces

for these publics to participate in their own identity formation and define for themselves the

parameters of being a moderate Muslim. In particular I will argue that these publics are

looking towards Islamic scholars and intellectuals in an effort to negotiate the idea behind

Enlightened Moderation in their own personal lives, thereby creating a new kind of public

engagement.

“MODERATE” ENLIGHTENMENT

The Beginnings of Enlightened Moderation

“I have given considerable thought to the present violence in Pakistan, the
unstable conditions in our region, the destabilized condition of the Muslim
world, and the violence around the world. Most unfortunately, all the
violence is centered on the Muslims. These thoughts haunt me frequently.
The idea of “enlightened moderation” dawned on me in my study one night
when I was meditating on all this.”20 Pervez Musharraf, 2006.

Musharraf’s Enlightened Moderation is in the hearts and minds of every Pakistani,

even remotely interested in local and international politics. It is discussed on television in talk

shows and the news; developments are regularly reported in print; politicians, analysts, NGO

activists and media celebrities deliberate over it; and it is regularly featured in Musharraf’s

speeches and addresses delivered to the nation. It is General Musharraf’s vision for Pakistan

to fashion a moderate, enlightened Islamic state that reverts back to the core values of

tolerance and peace and eschews terrorism and extremism. The people of Pakistan have very

mixed reactions to this objective. Some view it with cynicism dismissing it as one more failed

initiative in the tarnished history of Pakistani politics. Others support this view hoping that

Musharraf can deliver Pakistan out of its misery.

Enlightened Moderation appears to be a set of goals that Musharraf believes all the

nations of the world have to achieve, particularly Pakistan if there is to be peace and justice

in this world. For Musharraf, Pakistan serves an extremely critical role in the international

political arena because it is a frontline state in the war on terror, part of the Islamic world,

neighbors regions like the Middle East and shares borders with Afghanistan. Consequently,

since the idea was first unveiled in September 2003, he has made it his top priority to

successfully implement these goals in Pakistan and prove himself a worthy statesman.

20
Musharraf, Pervez. pp. 295 In the Line of Fire: A Memoir. London: Simon and Schuster UK Ltd, 2006.

Enlightened Moderation comes across as a public relations stunt that has been in the works

very soon after October 1999, as a means to legitimize the non-parliamentarian, yet

bloodless take over executed by the army. It is shrouded in notions of enlightenment,

moderation, modernity, justice and peace which are reminiscent of the European Age of

Enlightenment in the 18th century.

Enlightened Moderation, brainchild of Musharraf is a strategy put forward in order

to face the challenges of the 21st century. The beginning of the 21st century saw escalating

violence and wars in Afghanistan, Iraq, Kashmir and Palestine, and led to the further

destruction and demise of the Muslim world. Musharraf announced his vision of reconciling

the rift between the West and the Muslim world in an address delivered at the 58 th United

Nations General Assembly in the aftermath of these wars. He stated:

I believe the way forward is to adopt a two-pronged strategy a double pincer
to build harmony, promote moderation, oppose extremism, and ensure justice.
I call this strategy: “Enlightened Moderation”.21 (2003)

The idea of Enlightened Moderation comes at a time when most of the

contemporary conflict-ridden states are Muslim majority areas, whether it is Afghanistan,

Kashmir or Palestine. The objective in Musharraf’s view is to diminish the rift that exists

between the Muslim world and the West in the international political arena. His logic lays in

his “two-pincer strategy.” Musharraf is deeply troubled with the dilapidated state of the

Muslim world plagued by war, radicalism, terrorism and economic deprivation, which is

further worsened by Western misconceptions of Islam and the imposition of economic

sanctions on an already weak Muslim world. He points out that the prosecution of Muslims

throughout the 80s which continued to the 90s saw the emergence and expansion of pan-

21
Special Report on Enlightened Moderation: The Post 9/11 Scenario, Senate Foreign Relations
Committee, Pakistan, October 2004, pp 12. [italics mine]

Islamic militancy, and led to the growth of clandestine networks such as the Taliban and Al-

Qaeda. Both the perpetrators and the victims of these wars and the ensuing political violence

were Muslims. Such a state of affairs consequently led the international community to be

under the misconception that Islam is a religion of intolerance, militancy and terrorism. He

asserts that the West believes that Muslims are fundamentalists and extremists who

propagate jihad (holy war) at any cost. Musharraf reasons that this poses a special challenge

for the ummah, the Muslim community at large. On one hand, the West views Muslims with

suspicion, mistrust and perceives them as hell-bent on destroying Western culture, assets and

values. The tragic events of 9/11 carried out by Al Qaeda operatives in the name of Islam

added fuel to the fire, as it confirmed the suspicions of the West and strengthened the

misperception that the Islamic world is irrational, volatile and prone to violence. These

events projected Islam as a religion that creates and supports terrorism.

However on the other hand, he reminds us that Islam as a religion did not breed

violence or enmity against the West; it was the political situation that Muslims were caught in

and the unyielding attitude of the West that fostered antagonism and extremism. Musharraf

points out that most of the political conflicts in the world involve Muslims living under

foreign occupation as in Kashmir, Palestine, Afghanistan and Iraq. The violence in these

regions was heightened as US foreign policy became stricter in the post 9/11 world, which

further marginalized Muslims and increased hostility towards the West.

In other words, Musharraf argues that Muslims feel as if their community and their

religion are under attack by the rest of the world, while the West misconstrues Muslim

reaction as blind fanaticism. In such a state of affairs, Muslims are left in a dead-lock. The

challenge “to drag [Muslims] out of the pit of despondency through individual exaltation and

collective socio-economic emancipation”22 remains unfulfilled. As a response to this

challenge Musharraf proposes the initiative of Enlightened Moderation. He states:

The suffering of the innocent multitudes, particularly my brethren in faith-
the Muslims- at the hands of militants, extremists, terrorists, has inspired me
to contribute towards bringing some order to this disorderly world. It was
this very urge which led me to expound the strategy of Enlightened
Moderation.23 (2004)

Enlightened Moderation was first conceptualized as a two-fold strategy aimed

towards building cooperation and sustainable peace between the Muslim world and the

West. Implicated within it were steps that both groups- the Islamic world and the great

powers of the West- had to take concurrently in order to ensure that Enlightened

Moderation was a success. However, what began as a “global solution” to combat terror and

rectify misperceptions about Islam has in its short existence become reduced to a national

initiative only for Pakistan.

In 2004 it was a strategy of co-operation on both political and military fronts

between the West and the Muslim world to fight fanaticism, and only a year later it aimed

mainly at the socio-economic uplift of the despondent Muslim ummah. Finally, in 2006 it also

included human resource development such as women’s emancipation as one of its main

objectives due to specific socio-political developments in Pakistan. While perhaps it is too

early to coherently analyze Musharraf’s Enlightened Moderation paradigm because this

strategy is still unfolding and constantly changing, I argue that it is precisely this ambiguity

that allows him to appease multiple publics and consolidate support for his government.

The strategy of Enlightened Moderation is seemingly quite complex and fraught with

contradictions. It tries to bring together a couple of different ideas which are worth

22
<www.presidentofpakistan.gov.pk/Enlightened Moderation.aspx>
23
Ibid.

mentioning right from the onset: the core essence of Islam as a religion; political Islam;

global conflicts; the Islamic world; the West; and Pakistan’s delicate and precarious

relationship with each of them. There are two main actors in the strategy: the Islamic world

consisting of Pakistan itself, other Muslim nations in civil strife and member countries of the

Organization of Islamic Conference (OIC); and the Western powers particularly the US and

the United Nations as a multilateral organization that will participate in conflict resolution

initiatives. While the logic and rationale for the necessity of Enlightened Moderation varies

with the audience Musharraf is addressing, the strategy remains the same. On one hand, the

Islamic world has to be responsible for becoming a united polity that fosters peace by

rejecting militant extremism and moving towards economic uplift and development. While

on the other, the West -the US in particular- has to simultaneously commit itself to resolving

all political conflicts and redressing grievances that arise from foreign occupation in the

Muslim world. The West will also have to give aid and assist in the process of socio-

economic development. According to Musharraf, once these two things occur

simultaneously the world will have averted a “clash of civilizations” and reached an age of

Enlightened Moderation in which we can finally secure peaceful and just resolutions.

In order to implement and carry out Enlightened Moderation, Musharraf also

outlines a few structural procedures and parameters. With respect to the disposition of the

state, Musharraf points out that an Islamic state should be Islamic insofar as its head of state

is a Muslim. He does not advocate an Islamic state based on Islamic law or Sharia. For him

the majority of the people of an Islamic state should be Muslim and therefore, the impetus

of the implementation of Enlightened Moderation in its first public appearance falls largely

on the Muslim world. He states:

We have to concentrate on human resource development, and the best way
for that is through poverty alleviation, greater education, better health and

assured social justice… we have to adopt the path of moderation, a conciliatory
approach, a pacific[ist] approach in order to cleanse ourselves of the charge
that Islam is a religion of militancy and is averse to modernization,
democracy and secularism.24 (2004)

Moreover, Muslims are cautioned to acknowledge that the root causes of militancy

and extremism lie in political injustice and in the denial and deprivation of rights; not due to

a certain foreign occupying force. He posits that being under foreign occupation coupled

with extreme poverty and illiteracy renders the Muslim ummah hopeless and makes them easy

targets of religious extremism. As a remedy, he urges Muslims to concentrate on the

betterment of human resources, to encourage research and development in science and

technology, and to gain knowledge form the West. These steps in Musharraf’s view will lead

to Enlightenment and help combat terrorism and religious fanaticism.

Political Expediency

Having outlined the general themes and underlying principles of Enlightened

Moderation, I now want to examine each case more closely. At the speech given at the 58th

General Assembly of the United Nations, Musharraf begins with a discussion of the effects

of 9/11 on the international political scene and assures the West of Pakistan’s resilience and

continued cooperation in the war against terror.

We are acting against Al Qaeda and its associates effectively. We have also
acted against other organizations or groups involved in any form of
terrorism. Pakistan will remain in the forefront of the war on terrorism. The
war against terrorism must be fought comprehensively, on a global front,
with vision and understanding…. It must not be allowed to engender a clash
of civilizations a clash between Islam and the West.25 (2003)

24
<www.presidentofpakistan.gov.pk/Enlightened Moderation.aspx>
25
Committee, Pakistan, October 2004, pp 12

He argues that the war on terror must be fought on a global front and Islam should

not be linked with terrorism. Even though the “terrorists” might be Muslims, it is not viable

to conclude that this will lead to an inevitable “clash of civilizations” between the West and

Islam. He plays the role of a diplomat in this speech because he acknowledges both that

Muslims feel attacked and demonized by virtue of their religion, and that the West perceives

them with mistrust and suspicion. Furthermore, he clarifies misconceptions and presents the

“true” nature of Islam on this platform. He states:

Islam is a faith of peace, harmony and justice. Islam is a democracy in action.
It upholds human rights, social equality, non-discrimination, freedom of
speech … our Faith is dynamic, promoting constant renewal and adaptation,
through the process of Ijtehad (or interpretation through consultations),
Islam’s vision is not trapped in any one period in history; it is modern and
futuristic. Islam must not be confused with the narrow vision of a few
extremists.26 (2003)

It is clear then that Musharraf is apologetic for the actions of Muslims who are at the

forefront of politics presently. He vilifies fanatics and promotes Islam as a religion that is

progressive and modern to suit the needs of the present century. The 21st century is

characterized by unprecedented growth in science and technology, universal and

particularistic notions of modernity, competition between the superpowers, resurgence of

religious politics and a renewed belief in primordial associations. In light of this, for

Musharraf the only way towards the emancipation of the ummah is through the development

of human resources. It is interesting to note that he speaks of the Muslim world as if he is

not a part of it. He acknowledges the need to improve Muslim countries economically and

socially; yet at the same time he distances himself from these countries; perhaps because in

his view, Pakistan is already on its journey to seek Enlightenment. He believes Pakistan can

spearhead the movement for Enlightened Moderation in the Muslim world.
26
Ibid.

They [Muslim nations] are at the crossroads. They must eschew terrorism
and confrontation. They must embrace the march of human civilization.
They must address the deficits in their social and economic development.
They must seek science and technology, higher education and human
resource development.27 (2003)

Being aware of the stature of the United Nations General Assembly, Musharraf goes

back to a discussion of international political disputes that are crucial to the success of his

strategy. Here he also points out the role that the West must play in Enlightened

Moderation. The primary goals of the Western world in this strategy are to resolve all

conflicts in Muslim areas; to condone attempts made to equate Islam with terrorism; and to

assist the Islamic world economically in this Muslim Renaissance. He points out that

solutions need to be reached for the wars in Afghanistan, Kashmir, Iraq and particularly

Palestine. He identifies that:

The fate of the Palestinian people is the principal factor in determining
public and political perceptions in the entire Islamic world.28 (2003)

Palestine has become a rallying cry for the entire Muslim ummah. The atrocities

committed there are symbolic of years of colonialism and Western domination. The Muslim

world feels that the great powers of the West, particularly the US must compensate for the

decrepit state of the Muslim world. He discusses the current conflicts in Iraq, Afghanistan,

Palestine and Kashmir and suggests solutions for each. However the question remains,

should the international community be interested in Kashmir? It has little to offer in terms

of global natural resources or oil, although it is crucial to Pakistan’s existence as Kashmir is

the source of its water supply, but it is vital to Musharraf for purely ideological reasons.

Kashmir is his Iraq. Kashmir has always been a bone of contention between India and

27
28
Ibid. pp 13

Pakistan and the primary reason for fragile regional security in South Asia. There have

already been three29 armed conflicts over Kashmir in 1948, 1965 and 1999. The Indo-Pak

conflict of 1999 known as the Kargil War was led by Musharraf who was the then Chief of

Army Staff. Pakistan had to withdraw its troops from the border and the onus of the failed

mission fell on Musharraf. For Musharraf then, the Kashmir question is very personal. He is

also aware of the growing popularity of India on the global market and wants to win over

international support for his nation. He therefore denounces India for the continued

oppression of the Kashmiri people. He states:

India continues to suppress the legitimate struggle of the Kashmiri people to
exercise their right to self-determination… it [India] knows fully well that the
Kashmiri struggle is indigenous. India seeks to exploit the international anti-
terrorist sentiment after 9/11, to de-legitimize the Kashmiri freedom
struggle. On the contrary is it India which violates International Security
Council resolutions and preparing gross and consistent violations of human
rights in Kashmir.30 (2003)

Again at the speech delivered in front of the OIC:

India must be made to realize that it cannot succeed in its strategy of militant
suppression of the Kashmiris. Its confrontation with Pakistan is dangerous
and pointless. We have shown that Pakistan will never submit to Indian
military coercion or blackmail.31 (2003)

With this in mind coupled with the other conflicts in the Muslim world, he articulates the

need for the United Nations to play its part in this route to “Enlightenment”. He says:

The crises and conflicts have enhanced, not diminished, the relevance of the
United Nations. The United Nations remains the central forum for dialogue
and diplomacy. It must be strengthened… The United Nations has a crucial
role to play in the conception and execution of the strategy of Enlightened
Moderation.32 (2003)

29
There have been four conflicts with India, three over Kashmir: 1948, 1956, 1999. The war in 1971 was
for the secession of East Pakistan, now Bangladesh.
30
31
Ibid. pp 20
32

Negotiating Islam in the New World

The global initiative of Enlightened Moderation was all set to bridge the gap between

the West and the Islamic world in September 2003 but it changed its focus to Islam and the

Muslim world in its second appearance just a month later; perhaps because of the audience it

was delivered to. General Pervez Musharraf spoke at the 10th OIC Seminar in Kuala

Lumpur, where the heads of state of myriad Islamic nations were present. In this

formulation, the rationale for Enlightened Moderation changed from a focus on Muslim

grievances in the political sphere, to redressing internal crises within the Muslim world. He

states:

I have in all humility suggested a two pronged strategy to advance the
internal and external aspirations of the Islamic world.33 (2003)

Musharraf points out Islamic countries suffer from under-development which has

allowed radical factions and extremists to flourish in their societies. Here, the responsibility

of the Muslim world and its efforts are to be directed at a Muslim Renaissance guided by

Reason. At the General Assembly meeting Musharraf spoke of the eminence of the UN in

his strategy. However, just over a month later in October at the 10th OIC Summit in Kuala

Lumpur, he asserts that:

The OIC has a critical role to play in the successful execution of the strategy
of Enlightened Moderation. It is the only forum that reflects the collective
voice of the Islamic ummah… the OIC should become the catalyst for the
Ummah’s regeneration. It must transform itself into a dynamic functional
organization.34 (2003)

There is no mention of cooperation between the UN body and the OIC. To him the

importance of the OIC stems from it being the only multilateral body that can collectively

represent the Muslim world. To him the OIC is about Islam and therefore a religious

33
Ibid. pp 18
34
Ibid. pp 20

political platform for the Muslims. To this end, the political disputes in Afghanistan,

Kashmir, Iraq and Palestine acquire a new relevance and develop into “Islamic causes” or

causes for the Islamic movement. They become Muslim lands under foreign occupations

with an emphasis on injustices committed against Muslims. In Musharraf’s understanding,

these Islamic nations are at the core of an Islamic “just cause”35 because these nations are

defending Islam against a foreign threat. Therefore, the basis for the conceptualization of

Enlightened Moderation for the Muslim world is strongly rooted in the core essence of

Islam and the plight of Muslims.

We must act to keep alive the immutable message of Islam and the glorious
legacy of which we are the heirs. The message brought by Islam in the 6 th
century- that of humanity, egalitarianism, moderation, tolerance, coexistence-
was revolutionary in its appeal… unfortunately however neither Islam nor
the Muslim world today is known with reference to true Islamic teachings,
our glorious past, or our core humanistic values.36 (2003)

Moreover, an important aspect of Islam that is often forgotten amongst the hype of

political and religious extremism is that it stands for moderation. He reminds us that Islam

was the bedrock of learning in the middle Ages where people were taught to have faith in

human exaltation and enlightenment through knowledge. He reminds us that Islam has

always stood for tolerance, justice and peaceful co-existence. He urges Muslims to hark back

to an epic Golden Age, to remember those humanistic ideals and abandon distorted

ritualistic notions about Islam in order to achieve Enlightened Moderation.37

He further argues that the Muslim world today is in a state of abyss because it has

forgotten the core values and true essence of Islam, which in his view is moderation. He

35
“Such actions do not promote the just causes that these extremists claim to espouse” (2003, pp 18)
36
Special report on Enlightened Moderation the post 9/11 scenario, Senate Foreign Relations Committee,
Pakistan, October 2004, pp 18
37
Jaffrelot, Christophe. Ed. Pp 234. A History of Pakistan and its Origins. Anthem Press, 2004.

argues the Muslim world is perceived as violent due to the extremist actions of a tiny

minority that only exists on the fringe of Muslim societies. He states:

This minority interprets our progressive and forward-looking religion in a
very narrow, rigid and static framework… it seeks to cynically manipulate the
anger in our societies against Western policies to sell sectarianism and anti-
modernism.38 (2004)

He points out that even though these acts might be few and far between, recently they have

become the face of Islam. Therefore Musharraf asks the Muslim world to break their silence,

reclaim their religion and promote a true, moderate and tolerant Islam. He asks “will this

lead to our emancipation and to the resolution of our problem?”39 This can be identified as

the point where Enlightened Moderation ceases to be a socio-political strategy and becomes

about religious expediency. It ceases to be about equal cooperation between the West and

the Islamic world, instead it asks the Muslim world to submit itself to the dictates of the

West and beg them for economic and political mercy.

Particularly important here is the way in which he uses the arguments that Islamists

use in order to promote a “moderate” and “enlightened” Muslim world. He talks of an epic

Golden Age where Islam flourished and attempts to recreate it fashioned around the needs

of the modern world. Arguably then, at the OIC he primarily uses Islam as the foundation to

build his strategy. The injustice to the Muslim world is shown as the plight of the Muslim

ummah, as opposed to a result of geo-political forces at work. Musharraf also clarifies his

recommendations for the OIC and shows his resolve about making it the sole platform for

the Muslim world. However, the tables are completely turned in 2006 and his rationale for

Enlightened Moderation drastically changes.

38
39
Ibid.

He states:

I have no pretensions to being an Islamic scholar, but I am a Muslim and I
understand in my soul the essence and spirit of Islam even if I am not,
intellectually, entirely familiar with its minutiae. (But then, who is?). In any
case, Enlightened Moderation has nothing to do with Islam and its teachings. It has more
to do with Muslims and their emancipation.40 (2006)

A Clash of Civilizations

In Musharraf’s view, central to the necessity of Enlightened Moderation in this post

9/11 world is the hypothesis of a “clash of civilizations” ; he argues that it must be averted

at all costs otherwise it would be detrimental for the Muslim world. The clash of civilizations

was promoted by Samuel P. Huntington, a conservative US political scientist well known in

the White House, particularly for analyzing the relationship between civil governments and

the military. It states that people’s primordial relations like their cultural and/or religious

identity will be the main source of conflict in the 21st century. His theory gained salience

after the tragic events of 9/11. Musharraf seems extremely threatened by this argument and

condemns it very strongly, perhaps because he unconsciously subscribes to its logic. The

manner in which he puts forward his strategy- referring to two distinct, separate and

mutually exclusive spheres the Islamic world and the West- is proof of this fact. Moreover,

as he develops this idea further at the World Economic Forum in 2004, he poses that the

foremost challenge of the 21st century is:

How to retrieve the essence of our respective faiths from the clutches of
misperception, misunderstanding and misinterpretation? How to prevent the
extremist creed from sowing discord amongst us?41 (2004)

40
Musharraf, Pervez. pp. 297 In the Line of Fire: A Memoir. London: Simon and Schuster UK Ltd, 2006.
[italics mine].
41
Special Report on Enlightened Moderation The Post 9/11 Scenario, Senate Foreign Relations Committee,

Accordingly he believes that “a renewed and vigorous effort needs to be launched to

inculcate respect for all religions.”42 He argues that Islam and Christianity are religions of the

Book and both revere and believe in each other’s Prophets. Their core ideals, values and

essentially belief systems are the same. Therefore the divide sown between them is a

misconception that should be rectified. In other words, he asserts that there is no legitimacy

in advocating a “clash of civilizations” between Islam and the West.

Musharraf greatly emphasizes the need for an authentic and real Islam. He argues for

its tolerance, moderate and peaceful ideas. He boasts about the lost glory of Islam:

A proud civilization once flowered across the Islamic lands from which
flowed a glowing spirit of inquiry and scholarship. Islamic contributions to
science, astronomy, mathematics, medicine and philosophy are well known.
These advances enabled the rhythm of human progress.43 (2004)

It is clear from his line of argument that Musharraf is not against the cause of the

Islamists; he too believes that the conflicts they participate in rest at the core of a just Islamic

cause; he too wants to bring back glory to Islam and the Muslim world; he simply rejects

their approach of militancy and violence.

Sub se Pehle Pakistan (First and foremost Pakistan)44

While Enlightened Moderation was posed as a global solution for the world,

Musharraf also made it the national vision for Pakistan. Soon after this paradigm was

proposed, steps were taken in order to achieve this national vision. He argues that women in

Pakistan are mainstreamed- i.e. they are no longer subservient to men. 22% of the members

of the National Assembly are women and there are 33% at the local level. Cultural practices

42
Ibid.
43
Ibid.
44
This is also the translated title of his autobiography that was published in Urdu, the national language of
Pakistan.

such as Nikkah (marriage) with the Quran which are detrimental to women are being

addressed. A joint electorate system has been implemented and minorities are guaranteed

seats in parliament. Steps are being taken for poverty alleviation and economic development

to improve the state of the underprivileged.45 This national vision was further strengthened

in 2006, when Musharraf titled his much awaited autobiography (In the Line of Fire) Sub Se

Pehle Pakistan in Urdu, the national language. By doing so he gave his nation hope and

secured himself a strong and lasting position in the political playing field of Pakistan. He

even pronounced that Pakistan is on its way to Enlightened Moderation in the address

delivered at the World Economic Forum:

Pakistan is committed to the path of Enlightened Moderation. We will not
allow extremism to dictate our national agenda… we will not swerve from
our goal of creating a moderate and progressive Islamic State as envisioned
by our founding fathers.46 (2004)

Musharraf believes that Enlightened Moderation is the answer to all of Pakistan’s

problems. He argues that Pakistan successfully fought a “triple menace” of religious

extremism by this approach. Terrorism was dealt with ruthless force; prejudice and

ignorance was met with awareness of peace, tolerance and understanding; and religious

sectarian extremism, hatred and militancy were dealt cautiously with peaceful dialogue.

Combating religious extremism and fostering peace and tolerance is the overarching goal of

Enlightened Moderation, however in Pakistan this strategy is organized around three core

objectives: the emancipation of women; just representation of minorities; and poverty

45
Musharraf, Pervez. Interview on television channel Business Plus, appearing on show: 24seven. 29th Dec
2006
46

alleviation for the underprivileged.47 Noticeably, this is the first mention of women’s rights

and social justice in Musharraf’s vision.

In Pakistan the rationale for Enlightened Moderation is very different from the one

that is presented in international political circles. Locally, Enlightened Moderation is an

effort to create a moderate, progressive Islamic state as envisioned by the country’s founding

fathers. Musharraf argues that throughout the history of political development in Pakistan,

progressive and enlightened leaders have been challenged by obscurantist and retrogressive

forces. When Sir Syed Ahmad Khan proposed educational development for Muslims after

the adverse effects of the war of Independence also known as the Indian mutiny of 1857, he

was accused by Islamists for giving up his religious beliefs. Similarly, Mohammad Ali Jinnah,

Iqbal and their movement for a separate nation for Indian Muslims was also opposed by the

Jamaat-e-Islami for being un-Islamic and dividing the ummah. Musharraf sees himself in the

same echelon as these leaders of the Pakistani movement. In Pakistan, these leaders are

emblematic of great leadership and excellent statesmanship who always put Pakistan before

everything- sub se pehle Pakistan. Musharraf adds a new layer to this movement with his

personal aspirations. He perceives himself to be a modern day Attaturk; a modernist

reformer; a man who has never hesitated to put his life on the line to fight for the glory of

Pakistan; and above all a man who is destined to reclaim Pakistan from the extremists and

make it a great nation.

This then is Enlightened Moderation. It is an endeavor to negotiate a space for the

existence of multiple cultures and religions in this highly globalized, interdependent yet

pluralistic world. It is blind faith in static and universal notions of modernity and promotes

47
Musharraf, Pervez. Interview on television channel Business Plus, appearing on show: 24seven. 29th Dec
2006

the development of science and technology as the benchmark of human progress. It also

professes to be the ultimate solution for the Muslim world aiming to deliver it out of

desperation. Simultaneously, it is also an attempt to remedy a tension that lies at the heart of

Pakistan’s existence. Should Pakistan be a Muslim nation with an Islamic state, or should it

be simply a homeland for Muslims and a sanctuary for minorities? Musharraf tries to solve

this predicament by proposing Enlightened Moderation as the solution for Pakistan. In it, he

acknowledges the existence of Islam and the prominent place of religion in Pakistani politics

as he simultaneously tries to define the parameters and boundaries of Islam within politics of

Pakistan.

In this effort, the rationale and strategy of Enlightened Moderation has become

fraught with contradictions and raises several concerns. Firstly, the sense one gets from

Enlightened Moderation is that the Muslim world is in desperate need of divine intervention

which Musharraf promises to give them through his vision. He presents the Muslim world as

an extremely desolate and helpless powerless bloc and negates its diversity and richness

entirely. It is important to acknowledge that the Muslim world geographically covers all of

the Middle East, a little bit of Asia and South East Asia and the Northern part of Africa.

Additionally, even diasporic communities of Muslims constitute the Islamic world. However,

for him, the conflict-ridden areas constitute the relevant Muslim world. Moreover he says

that Muslims “are probably the poorest, most uneducated, most powerless and the most

disunited [community] in the world”.48 He therefore asks the “Islamic world to catch up with

history”.49

48
<www.presidentofpakistan.gov.pk/Enlightened Moderation.aspx> A Plea for Enlightened Moderation
49

The tone of Enlightened Moderation suggests an apologetic mindset. It

acknowledges that Muslims are responsible for war and terror in the 21st century; have gone

astray from the path of moderation and need assistance from the West in order to achieve

Enlightenment again. This puts the West in a far superior position than the Muslim world

and consequently asks the Muslim world to submit itself to the power of the West. It does

not stand for cooperation or peaceful dialogue. It stands for military, economic and political

coercion by the West that the Muslim world has to accept with a smile.

Even the configuration of the strategy itself has changed over the short course of its

existence. Its goals vary across fighting terrorism, promoting economic development and

fighting for women’s rights. What has remained constant however is Musharraf’s belief that

economic development, poverty alleviation and a growth in human resources are the most

effective tools to battle religious fanaticism and terrorism.

Musharraf’s response to growing militancy and religious extremism is rigorous socio-

economic development. He is of the view that increased literacy, awareness, poverty

alleviation and human resource development will make the nation less prone to extremism.

Potentially, this might be true. However, it is important to acknowledge that poverty and

illiteracy does not necessarily breed extremism. Osama bin Laden, Mohammad Ata and

Khalid Mohammad were well-educated and from rich families. They are new-age terrorists,

knowledgeable in science and technology and in the art of modern warfare. Arguably then,

Musharraf also has a “narrow, rigid, static” view of extremism that he accuses religious

fanatics of.

Throughout his articulation of Enlightened Moderation, General Musharraf talks of

preventing a “clash of civilizations.” However his strategy of Enlightened Moderation is

formulated around just that. He talks of two separate spheres- the Islamic world and the

West. He blindly follows this thesis, not once stopping to question whether one can equate a

geographical region with followers of a religion. If one did, then what of Muslims who live

in the West? Are they considered part of the West or part of the Islamic world? He talks of

extremist acts and radical terrorism in the international political sphere. Is he talking about

the perpetrators of 9/11 or 7/7? In any case, were they not Muslims who had strong

connections to the West? Is it then sensible to talk of two distinct worlds such as the West

and Islamic? Moreover, Musharraf argues that terrorist elements only exist on the fringe of

Muslim societies and are not part of the mainstream population, yet his efforts in this

strategy of Enlightened Moderation are focused specifically on streamlining radical Islamists.

If this is a strategy for all Muslims then how will they benefit from it? The majority of them

do not condone these acts of violence, so why is he apologetic for all Muslims? Granted that

radical Islam is probably the most eminent danger facing the Muslim world currently, but

emphasizing on radical Islam only affirms the skewed perception of the West and assists in

the project of Political Islam. Moreover, it entirely denies the existence of progressive

elements in Muslim societies.

What of the strategy he proposes? He pushes the Islamic world to develop itself to

be at par with the other nations, particularly India and the West. He asks the Western world

to help in the “self emancipation” of Muslim countries by helping in their socio-economic

development. What at first seems like collaboration between the two worlds actually aims at

conflict because inevitably he chooses to “energize our economies, to compete commercially

and to cater to the defense of our countries.”50 He wants the Muslim world to increase its

military might to safeguard Islamic nations, and particularly mentions the plight of the

people of Palestine, Iraq, Afghanistan and Kashmir. Securing peace and justice in these

50

political disputes was the Western component of the strategy. However, Musharraf warns:

“So long as justice is not done… it will be difficult to contain public anger in the Islamic

world or to defeat extremism.”51 By forcing the West to take a stance on these political

disputes or suffer the consequences if they do not, can it not be argued that he is promoting

a “clash of civilizations” instead of refuting it? Can it not be said that he is being

confrontational in his approach instead of fostering cooperation and peaceful dialogue?

The kind of socio-economic development he proposes will lead to poverty

reduction, literacy, employment generation, expansion of production, and advancements in

science and technology. Attaining these is the objective of any government that is looking

out for the welfare of its constituents. However, Musharraf chooses to cloak these under the

garb of religion and Islam to make the issue more controversial and heart felt. Now, it ceases

to be about governance and administration; instead it has begun to symbolize Islam and its

resurgence. It also becomes blasphemous to oppose or contest any of his visions or policies

because they are endowed with a symbolic sense of serving the Army, the Nation and Islam.

As must be evident by now, Musharraf’s strategy leaves a lot of questions

unanswered. It is precisely this ambiguity that causes so much concern in the media and the

public in ideological terms. Its vagueness allows it to appeal to multiple sections of society;

harnessing the support of often conflicting publics. It generates heated discussions and

debate among students, media personalities and the multitude over questions of national

ideology, civil society and the place of religion in society. Using Enlightened Moderation as a

point of departure, I study these issues more closely in the following parts of the thesis.

51
Ibid.

IDEOLOGICAL DREAMS & POLITICAL REALITIES

This is a drastic and extreme step taken with great reluctance but with the deepest
conviction that there was no alternative to it except the disintegration and complete
ruination of the country.
Ayub Khan, 8 October 1958

The armed forces could not remain idle spectators of this state of near anarchy. They
have to do their duty and save the country from utter disaster.
Yahya Khan, 26 March 1969

I was obliged to step in to fill the vacuum created by the political leaders.
Zia ul Haq 5 July 1977

I wish to inform you that the armed forces have moved in as a last resort to prevent any
further destabilization.
Pervez Musharraf, 13 October 1999

In order to understand the extensive reach of Islam within Pakistani society and

politics- as can be seen in Musharraf’s Enlightened Moderation paradigm- it becomes

imperative to go back to the tenuous circumstances which led up to Pakistan’s creation in

1947. The Muslim League, the most prominent political party fighting for a separate

homeland for Indian Muslims premised their demand on the fact that insofar as Islam

embodied a civilization which was inherently distinct from Hinduism, the Muslims of the

subcontinent constituted a separate nation. Moreover, as a significant minority (24% of the

population) of the subcontinent, the League argued that Muslims needed a separate

homeland to safeguard their interests and people. In this endeavor, the Muslim League

consistently used religious arguments and was supported by Ulema (doctors of religious law)

and Maulvis (Islamists/ Islamic clerics). Pakistan gained independence in 1947 and set out on

its objective to form the Constitution. Jinnah tried to give shape to a modern, secular liberal

polity. On 11th August 1947, he said: “In the course of time Hindus would cease to be

Hindus and Muslims would cease to be Muslims, not in the religious sense, because this is

the personal faith of each individual, but in the political sense as citizens.” However, while

the men in the Muslim League were mostly modern secularists, its success in the Partition

largely depended on the support provided by these religious men. Therefore the religious

rhetoric that Jinnah, Iqbal and other leading members of the independence movement

employed to gain political advantages finally caught up with them. The Islamists expected

Islam to be prominently featured in the Constitution. They wanted Islam to be the only

source of political legitimacy. Jinnah soon conceded to their demands and promised on 25 th

January 1948 that the law of the country will be based on Islamic sharia (Islamic law). On

that day Jinnah sealed the fate of the country and ensured that Pakistan would always suffer

from a fundamental ideological confusion that has hindered its progress as a nation.

The battle to charter the course of Islam within Pakistan has been mostly fought

between two groups: the modernists and the traditionalists. Even the constitutional position

of Islam appears to be a negotiation of interests between these two camps. The modernists,

members of the Muslim League, were reformers who wanted a liberal Western political

system however they believed that their political legitimacy lay in Islam. They wanted to use

Islam to gain a stronghold over the people and civil political institutions in Pakistan. They

drew on the authority of Mohammad Iqbal, a renowned member of the Arab modernist

tradition and companion of Jinnah in the independence movement. Iqbal linked medieval

political institutions to those of the modern world by means of the Arab concept of Ijma

(consensus).52 The Islamists on the other hand wanted to revert back to the Golden Age of

Islam where it had flourished as an empire and civilization. They wanted to reform- even

replace- Western style institutions with medieval Islamic precedents. There were internal

conflicts within this group of Islamists, yet they found common ground on three counts.
52
Jaffrelot, Christophe. Ed. pp 239. A History of Pakistan and its Origins. Anthem Press, 2004.

Firstly, they believed in the Supremacy of the law revealed by God which they felt it was

solely their job to interpret; they believed in a natural hierarchical order in an Islamic state,

where Muslims would be first and foremost and non Muslims treated as second class

citizens; and finally they were suspicious of a Western democracy and parliamentary

system.53

These were the competing ideas for the nature of the Pakistani state during its

infancy. Already burdened with fragile and ill-established political and governmental

institutions, Pakistan also had to face a constitutional crisis. India voted its constitution in

1950, but to Pakistan’s great shame the constitutional debate went on for 8 years, from 1948

to 1956. Moreover, the official configuration of religion in Pakistan was still disputed until

the passing of the Objectives Resolution in 1949 in which the Islamic nature of Pakistan was

guaranteed and it was declared in the constitution that politicians needed Islamic legitimacy

to be in power.54 The debate went on till 1956 which represented the final balancing act

between the modernists and traditionalists. Pakistan was to have two more constitutions in

1962 and 1973, with the latter still implemented with amendments.

The Historical Moorings of Enlightened Moderation

As is clear from the present day initiative of the Musharraf regime, nothing is black

and white when it comes to Pakistan’s geo-politics and domestic policies. Enlightened

Moderation appears to be a policy initiative with a two-fold effort: to streamline terrorism

locally, and promote cooperation in the Muslim world and regenerate the ummah to face the

challenges of a post 9/11 world. Therefore in order to holistically understand Islam and its

implications within Pakistan, it becomes important to consider its foreign policy at the time.

53
Ibid. pp 241
54
< http://www.pakistani.org/pakistan/constitution/annex_objres.html>

If internally Pakistan was paralyzed with ideological confusion about the Islamic state

of Pakistan, externally it was almost certain that it wanted the support of the US. Liaquat Ali

Khan (1951), the first prime minister of Pakistan assured the US that it was anti-communist

and supportive of the US during the Cold War era. He was succeeded by Mohammad Ali

Bogra (1953-55) ambassador to the US who further strengthened Pakistan’s alliance with the

US. In 1954, the US began selling weaponry and arms to Pakistan and started an officer

training project. This pro-Western foreign policy was carried straight through to the first

military coup by Field Marshall/General Ayub Khan in October 1958. However Ayub Khan

felt that the backing Pakistan provided its greatest ally was not met with much in return.

Thus he decided to revise Pakistan’s foreign policy and embark on a model of

multilateralism. Ayub Khan wanted to change the face of Pakistan in the international

political arena and declared a new more modernist constitution in 1962.

General Ayub Khan began his career as a secularist and supported the modernists in

the constitutional debate. He saw himself as a progressive reformer who would pave a new

path for Pakistan. He encouraged internal development, depoliticized the society and

imposed an authoritative regime of ‘guided democracy’. Economic growth reached

unprecedented peaks during his time and he is recognized as the leader of the ‘decade of

development’ in Pakistan. Domestically he wanted to keep the Islamists in check and

succeeded in instituting the Muslim Family Law Ordinance which restricted polygamy and

protected women’s rights. However, he did not succeed in removing ‘Islamic’ from the

‘Islamic Republic of Pakistan’ and had to subscribe- at least with token gestures- to the

Islamic nature of the state: from that moment on, Islam became the indispensable ingredient

of political legitimacy.55

55
Jaffrelot, Christophe. Ed. pp 244. A History of Pakistan and its Origins. Anthem Press, 2004.

More importantly however, he re-invented Pakistan’s foreign policy. Unsatisfied with

the support given by the US, General Ayub Khan observed with respect to Washington that

‘Pakistan wanted friends not masters’ and started cultivating relationships with the other

major players in world politics at the time. Ayub’s government took special care of Pakistan’s

relationship with China, continued to support the US and also sought a rapprochement with

the Soviet Union. Pakistan became a key player in global politics during Ayub’s era. He was

succeeded by General Yahya Khan in 1969 in the second military coup who continued

Ayub’s efforts of multilateralism. Soon after, Pakistan lost its eastern wing and was ruled by a

Western military-political elite headed by the Punjabis and Pushtoons, characteristic of its

democratic polity today.

When Yahya Khan left office, Pakistan was in shambles. Its eastern wing had

seceded and become Bangladesh in 1971 which caused the re-politicization of the country

and raised new legitimacy issues. He was succeeded by Zulkifar Ali Bhutto who continued a

foreign policy of multilateralism vis-à-vis the great powers- the US, Soviet Union and China.

More importantly however, he ushered a new wave of politics in Pakistan. Bhutto turned

towards Islam and re-affirmed the nation’s religious dimensions.

The first thing Bhutto did after being sworn into power was revitalize the Pakistani

nation after the tragic secession of Bangladesh. Ayub Khan’s “guided democracy” was

replaced with Islamic socialism which was later renamed Mohammedan Equality (Musawat-e-

Muhammadi). He publicly used religion to win the crowds and gain support for his regime.

He added a new facet to Pakistan’s foreign policy and began to champion pan-Islamic

solidarity. He began his term in office by making official visits to several Muslim countries in

the Middle East, North and Sub-Saharan Africa. He also organized the Organization of

Islamic Conference (OIC) second summit in Lahore in 1974. He implanted new institutions

of Islamic solidarity such as the Islamic Development Bank and the construction of the

Faisal Mosque in Islamabad.56 A significant aspect of Bhutto’s governance strategy was the

fostering of close ties with Saudi Arabia. Pakistan now began to identify with its Middle

Eastern counterparts and hence the Sunni configuration of Islam, deliberately overlooking

its sub-continental roots.

When Bhutto reached the pinnacle of his power in 1972 he began to devise a new

constitution- which was implemented in 1973- based on an Anglo-Indian parliamentary style

democracy, enveloped in religious rhetoric. By playing a dominant role in the re-emergence

of pan Islamic solidarity Bhutto had to continue the same political game locally within

Pakistan as well. He acceded to the demands of religious political parties and the Islamists by

first pronouncing the Ahmadiyya sect non Muslims. Moreover, as the Islamists had wished

Bhutto sanctioned political divisions between Muslims as full and non-Muslims as second

class citizens. They were refused high offices in the state and were forced to hold separate

elections; however separate seats were reserved for them in the National Assembly and

parliament. A non Muslim could not be elected President of Pakistan as Article 41 (2) of the

Constitution states: A person shall not be qualified for election as President unless he is a

Muslim of not less than forty-five years of age and is qualified to be elected as member of

the National Assembly.57

Second and more significantly, Bhutto pronounced that the law of Pakistan would

now be Sharia Law. Such a declaration was fraught with concern as Sharia Law denotes every

sphere that is codified in medieval Islamic law. Furthermore, it gave the Islamists and the

Ulema increased political clout and allowed them to direct and govern Pakistan based on

ancient Islamic practices. Fortunately or rather unfortunately for Pakistan, Bhutto was forced

56
Jaffrelot, Christophe. Ed. A History of Pakistan and its Origins. Anthem Press, 2004.
57
< http://www.pakistani.org/pakistan/constitution/part3.ch1.html>

out of office in 1977 by a third military coup led by General Zia ul Haq. Zia ul Haq

consolidated the Islamist position in Pakistan by embarking on an extensive Islamization

program, whose adverse effects still afflict Pakistan today.

A third wave of martial law came to Pakistan under Zia ul Haq (1977-88) who is

identified as being responsible for the overt Islamization of Pakistan. Zia further

consolidated what Bhutto had started by making Islam an even stronger part of the

Constitution and politics in Pakistan. He implemented the Sharia law specifically in family

and criminal law. He approved Islamic punishments which entailed the public flogging and

beating of adulterers, mostly women. He introduced two Islamic taxes zakat compulsory

alms and ushr land tax which were then used to finance religious institutions and set up

madrassahs (religious learning institutions run by hard-line Islamists) throughout the nation.

These madrassahs later on went to spawn a movement and culture of radical Islam within

Pakistan. Zia also established special shariat benches in provincial courts and gave the

Supreme Court permission to repeal any laws they found to be detrimental to the

Islamization mission.

Two years after Zia gained power, the Soviet Union invaded Afghanistan in 1979.

Being a radical Muslim Zia supported the Afghan Mujahideen and opened Pakistan’s

northern frontier as a training base for them. This was to have injurious effects on the

political landscape, effects that Pakistan is still suffering from till today. Zia found himself in

the center of the game of the great powers- the US, Soviet Union, China and Afghanistan. In

a manner reminiscent of Metternich’s realpolitik, he played the game well. He started rallying

troops to support the Afghan Mujahideen while simultaneously seeking peace with USSR.

Zia increased aid to his Afghan constituents and ensured the US of his support but at the

request of more economic and military aid to Pakistan. He signed a Cooperation Treaty in

1986 which concerned the civil use of nuclear power. Finally with Afghanistan in his pocket

he consolidated even more support for his army and increased his military strength. He

supplied arms to the Afghan Mujahideen through clandestine channels of radical Islamist

groups allowed to flourish through the extensive network of madrassahs, the Inter Services

Intelligence (ISI) the secret service in Pakistan and encouraged them to participate in the

civil strife in Afghanistan.58

In 1988 Zia ul Haq mysteriously died in a plane crash and brought about a period of

what Musharraf calls “sham democracy”. Unfortunately even though Pakistan was run under

a parliamentary democratic system, this period was probably the lowest ebb in its domestic

politics. During these 11 years, the vote shifted between two political parties: the PPP

Pakistan’s People’s Party which was ruled by Benazir Bhutto (daughter of Zulfikar Ali

Bhutto) from 1988-1990 and then again from 1993-1996; and PML (N) Pakistan Muslim

League (Nawaz) which was led by Mian Nawaz Sharif from 1990-1993 and 1997-1999 after

which Musharraf came to power in his military coup. These politicians were furthering their

political and personal aspirations instead of safeguarding the interests of the country. They

are both accused of embezzlement, stealing from the state, tax evasion, have been exiled out

of the country and are banned from politics in Pakistan.

Musharraf and the Political Power Game

This was the political landscape that General Musharraf inherited in 1999; plagued by

corruption and the lasting ill effects of the preceding governance paradigms. Ayub Khan,

Yahya Khan and Zia ul Haq’s coups made the country increasingly dependent on the

military and armed forces to delineate regional and foreign policy. It also allowed the military

58
Jaffrelot, Christophe. Ed. A History of Pakistan and its Origins. Anthem Press, 2004.

to gain considerable power within the domestic state of affairs of the nation. The entry of

the military into politics also engendered a consolidated military-bureaucratic-elite alliance, a

system which has been difficult to fracture since then.

Bhutto and Zia’s Islamic act in politics rendered the democratic process futile as it

made politics synonymous with Islam. In other words, in order to be a good statesman in

Pakistan, one first had to prove his/her allegiance to Islam and a strong faith in religious

principles. Moreover, the legalization of Islam that started in their time did not end with

them. In 1991, the Shariat Act which strengthened the hold of the ancient models of

interpretation and application of Islamic law was voted into power. The legalization of Islam

has consequently led to the eminent position Islamists have held over politics in Pakistan.

However, the most perverse effect of this charade of Islam in politics has been to revive a

legal rule and culture where Muslim women are inferior to Muslim men.59

Moreover Pakistan’s military began to rule with a ‘savior’ complex. Robert Stern, a

renowned scholar on South Asia points out that the incompetence of elected Pakistani

leaders have contributed to the idealization and increasing popularity of Islam as a moral

basis for politics. They find their goal to be twofold: to protect the nation from foreign

offensives, and to save the nation from political disarray, that is to step in when civilian

politicians don’t follow military orders. The Army is entrenched in the ideology of being a

national savior and a savior of Islam and wants to be the solution to the country’s

59
Jaffrelot, Christophe. pp 248. Ed. A History of Pakistan and its Origins. Anthem Press, 2004.
According to the law imposed by Zia ul Haq, the testimony of two female Muslims is equivalent to the
testimony of one male Muslim; by the same token, in personal conflicts women were compensated at half
the rate of men. Most importantly though, was the application of the ordinance on adultery Hudood
Ordinance which imposed a heavier penalty on women: consenting (even raped) women are condemned to
a whipping, while guilty men are ac quitted for lack of proof.

Re envisioning a nation- media politics and publics in pakistan

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