Journal of Fashion Marketing and ManagementEthical fashion d.docx

Journal of Fashion Marketing and Management
Ethical fashion dimensions: pictorial and auditory depictions
through three cultural
perspectives
Lindsey Carey Marie-Cécile Cervellon
Article information:
To cite this document:
Lindsey Carey Marie-Cécile Cervellon , (2014),"Ethical fashion
dimensions: pictorial and auditory depictions
through three cultural perspectives", Journal of Fashion
Marketing and Management, Vol. 18 Iss 4 pp. 483 -
506
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Srikant Manchiraju, Amrut Sadachar, (2014),"Personal values
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Journal, Vol. 18 Iss 3 pp. 357-374 http://
dx.doi.org/10.1108/JFMM-02-2013-0013
Bin Shen, Yulan Wang, Chris K.Y. Lo, Momoko Shum,
(2012),"The impact of ethical fashion on consumer
purchase behavior", Journal of Fashion Marketing and

Management: An International Journal, Vol. 16 Iss 2
pp. 234-245 http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/13612021211222842
Catrin Joergens, (2006),"Ethical fashion: myth or future
trend?", Journal of Fashion
Marketing and Management: An International Journal, Vol. 10
Iss 3 pp. 360-371 http://
dx.doi.org/10.1108/13612020610679321
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Ethical fashion dimensions:
pictorial and auditory depictions
through three cultural perspectives
Lindsey Carey
School for Business and Society, Glasgow Caledonian
University,
Glasgow, UK, and

Marie-Cécile Cervellon
People, Markets and Humanities Department, EDHEC Business
School,
Lille, France
Abstract
Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to provide the results of
an exploratory study comparing
attitudes of young fashion conscious consumers towards ethical
fashion in Canada, France and
the UK.
Design/methodology/approach – The methods used in this
research were qualitative with a mix of
interviews and focus groups and a new application of a visual
method widely used within design and
fashion environments, the mood board. The study is based
within the contrast of a growing trend
towards sustainability and the rise of fast fashion where
consumers are increasingly demanding
cheaper items. The research is also grounded in cross-cultural
research where the comparison of data
emanating from different cultures and languages presents
specific dilemmas for researchers.
Findings – Results indicated that there were notable differences
in the perception of ethical fashion
between the respondents from these three cultures. In the
representation and appeal of this fashion
segment, in terms of its perceived availability, the transfer of
meaning connected with the observation
of higher price points and in the use of ethical purchases in the
fashion arena as an offset or
redemption for unethical behaviour in other contexts.
Originality/value – The originality of this paper lies in the

innovative use of the visual qualitative
methods which contributes to the debate concerning the research
methods associated with cross-
cultural research and extends the restricted body of literature
which compares cultural attitudes in this
area by offering key insights into the complex issues
surrounding ethical fashion consumption.
Keywords Cross-cultural research, Visual techniques, Ethical
fashion, Mood boards
Paper type Research paper
Introduction
Enabled by increasing globalization, fast fashion, where
retailers attempt to reproduce
catwalk trends within a very short time-span, has dominated the
clothing industry
since the turn of the twenty-first century (Wiggin, 2008).
Growth of this trend has been
encouraged by increasing consumer demand for cheap fashion
items and consequently
retailers and fashion brands have pressurized suppliers, often
from developing
countries, to lower manufacturing costs (Iwanow et al., 2005;
Rudell, 2006). As a result,
some retailers have had to sacrifice ethical standards (examples
could be related to
excessive packaging, the condoning of unfair working practices
within supply chains
and/or energy inefficient distribution practices amongst others)
to remain competitive
The current issue and full text archive of this journal is
available at
www.emeraldinsight.com/1361-2026.htm

Received 6 November 2012
Revised 3 September 2013
Accepted 11 November 2013
Journal of Fashion Marketing and
Management
Vol. 18 No. 4, 2014
pp. 483-506
r Emerald Group Publishing Limited
1361-2026
DOI 10.1108/JFMM-11-2012-0067
The authors would like to acknowledge Emma Roy (Glasgow
Caledonian University) and Helena
Hjerth (International University of Monaco) for their input into
the data gathering phase of this
research.
483
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in the fashion apparel industry (Choi et al., 2012; McAspurn,
2009). In contrast, perhaps
in part as a result of this phenomenon, recent years have also
seen a rise in ethical
consumption in the fashion arena as awareness of ethical issues
increases (Paulins and
Hillery, 2009; Chan and Wong, 2012; Joy et al., 2012; Bishop,
2012). However, this trend is
not universal as the attitudes towards ethical fashion differ
between countries in line with
other ethical phenomena such as outlooks towards
advertisements with environmental
messages (Leonidou et al., 2011), fair trade consumption

(Ozcaglar-Toulouse et al., 2006)
and the development of green energy alternatives (do Paço et
al., 2009). The recognition
that international markets are disparate and have innate
differences is not new (Carlson
et al., 1996; Craig and Douglas, 2001; Okazaki and Mueller,
2007). Extant literature covers
cross-cultural studies of ethical consumers in general (Lampe
and Gadza, 1995; Polonsky
et al., 2001; Bhate, 2002; Babakus et al., 2004; Loureiro and
Lotade, 2005; Belk et al., 2005)
and consumer attitudes towards ethical fashion (based on a
single cultural context)
(Iwanow et al., 2005; Paulins and Hillery, 2009; Cervellon and
Wernerfelt, 2012; Hill and
Lee, 2012; Shen et al., 2012; Ritch and Schröder, 2012),
however, there is a gap in the
research concerning cross-cultural consumer attitudes towards
ethical fashion with very
few studies involving international comparisons ( Joergens,
2006; Joy et al., 2012). Belk
et al. (1997) suggest that the investigation of ethical choices
without taking culture into
consideration is unrealistic due to the close association between
consumption and the
cultural context within which it is embedded.
In their annual worldwide tracking survey monitoring consumer
progress towards
environmentally sustainable consumption, National Geographic
found that Canada
had the second worst score overall (from 17 countries
participating), with France
coming in the bottom half and the UK towards the middle of all
countries surveyed
(National Geographic & Globescan, 2012). As a representation

of consumer attitudes to
sustainable consumption, a more in-depth comparison of three
countries (two within
the European Union (EU), France and the UK and one from
North America, Canada)
with particular emphasis on approaches towards ethical fashion
could elicit marked
differences which would benefit the academic and practitioner
discussion surrounding
differing attitudes in this context. This study aims to address
this gap by providing the
results of exploratory research comparing attitudes towards
ethical fashion of apparel
consumers in Canada, France and the UK using an original mix
of research techniques.
Due to the exploratory nature of this research, its cross-cultural
approach and the
visual nature of the fashion context within which it is rooted,
visual research
techniques were employed together with more traditional
interpretative methods.
Projective methods with the creation of collages (or mood
boards) were used, as well as
in-depth interviews and focus groups.
This paper will review literature associated with the pertinent
areas surrounding
both cross-cultural ethical research and fashion, present the
research methods
employed before discussing the research findings emanating
from the comparison of
attitudes towards ethical fashion in the UK, France and Canada.
The paper ends with a
conclusion which reviews the key themes of the findings and
addresses the limitations
of the research and possible areas for future investigation. The

contribution of this
research is twofold. It lies in the innovative use of the visual
qualitative methods
employed which contributes to the debate concerning the
research methods associated
with cross-cultural research and extends the restricted body of
literature which
compares cultural attitudes in this area by offering key insights
into the complex issues
surrounding ethical fashion consumption which could be built
upon following this
exploratory research.
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Literature review
A growing concern towards sustainability has emerged in recent
years within the
developed world which translates into the rise of environmental
concerns, the sales
growth of organic products, the increased concern towards the
chemical components of
personal hygiene and beauty products, the provenance of
manufactured products and a
concern for workers’ conditions and rights (Grande, 2007;
Clavin, 2009; Bishop, 2012).
These issues are set against the adverse economic climate which
is currently prevalent in
the western world (Giles and Politi, 2011). Additionally,
Markkula and Moisander (2012)
suggest that within the wider context of sustainable
consumption, there are contradictory
discursive approaches by competing agencies (mainly
governmental and corporate)
which add to consumer confusion at the point of decision
making when intending to
purchase a product with ethical credentials. Davies et al. (2012)
add to the complexity of

this area by suggesting that ethics may have more significance
in the purchase behaviour
of consumers of fashion due to substitution terms such as eco-
fashion, sustainable
fashion and green fashion (amongst others) which are all used
inter-changeably within
the extant literature. Past research involving cross-cultural
studies of ethical consumers
will be reviewed before a description of relevant definitions for
ethical fashion is offered.
The themes pertinent to consumer attitudes towards ethical
fashion which have emerged
from past literature will then be discussed before finally
reviewing the available research
which deals with cross-cultural attitudes to ethical fashion.
Cross-cultural studies of ethical consumers
Cross-cultural research in the context of ethical consumers
covers principally the
attitude of consumers towards corporate practices which are
deemed unethical
(Polonsky et al., 2001; Auger et al., 2007) but also encompasses
consumer behaviour
(Belk et al., 1997; Babakus et al., 2004). Both Belk et al. (2005)
and Auger et al. (2007)
found that although culture does have an influence on the
ethical involvement of
consumers, there was a greater demonstrable differentiation
within cultures between
sensitized consumers and those which were not interested in
ethical issues. Babakus
et al. (2004), on the other hand propose that nationality is a
significant predictor
towards individual attitudes towards unethical consumer
behaviour while Polonsky
et al. (2001) who sampled consumers in eight EU countries

found broadly homogeneous
perceptions towards ethical corporate practices and suggested
that the comparison be
extended out with the EU. There is therefore some uncertainty
in the extant literature
as to the existence of a significant culturally induced difference
between ethical
consumer behaviour and attitudes which suggests that focusing
on consumer sectors
in particular, such as fashion, may be helpful to the elucidation
of this issue.
Definitions of ethical fashion
As already determined in much of the literature pertinent to this
area, there is a
proliferation of terms used to describe “ethical fashion” which
can lead to confusion in
the minds of the consumer and which contributes to the wider
discursive mystification
which surrounds this area (Markkula and Moisander, 2012;
Shaw and Tomolillo, 2004).
Mintel, a UK market research company (Magnussen, 2009),
suggests the following
classification in order to clarify the distinct concepts included
in the overall umbrella
term of “ethical fashion”:
Ethical clothing refers to clothing that takes into consideration
the impact of production and
trade on the environment and on the people behind the clothes
we wear. Eco clothing refers to
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all clothing that has been manufactured using environmentally
friendly processes. It includes
organic textiles and sustainable materials such as hemp and
non-textiles such as bamboo or

recycled plastic bottles. It also includes recycled products
(clothes made from recycled clothing
including vintage, textile and other materials and can also be
termed re-used) and is not
necessarily made from organic fibres. Organic clothing means
clothes that have been made
with a minimum use of chemicals and with minimum damage to
the environment and
fairtrade is intended to achieve better prices, decent working
conditions, local sustainability
and fair terms for farmers and workers in the developing world.
In addition to the above terms, there are also references to green
fashion (Moisander
and Pesonen, 2004), sustainable fashion (Glausiusz, 2009) and
even slow fashion
(Fletcher, 2007, 2008). These terms are sometimes used with
precise meaning behind
them (usually in specialist and academic literature) or
interchangeably, within the
wider written contributions to this area (newspaper and
magazine articles). In addition
to disparate appellations in this context, there are also
significant regulatory bodies
who issue labels of compliance for the manufacturers/retailers
of this type of garment.
Trade or verification bodies are contingent to particular
countries, but at an
international level, a global network of organizations exists
such as the World Fair
Trade Organization and the Global Organic Textile Standards.
Contingent areas
of research surrounding the context of ethical fashion can also
blur the lines of
understanding further. Ethics in the fashion industry can also
involve issues

surrounding body and gender image, brand fakes and the
wearing of fur (Skov, 2009)
alongside issues concerned with production, consumption and
the discarding habits
relevant to fashion garments. Paulins and Hillery (2009) bring
an alternative view to
the ethical debate by engaging with the supplier point of view
and looking at the
implications the decisions that purveyors of this type of fashion
make for consumers.
It is useful to note the extent of the possible areas of confusion
for the mainstream
consumer when investigating fashion in this context and the
proliferation of terms
available to describe a garment which belongs to this family of
clothing but also to
determine that this research will use the term ethical clothing or
ethical fashion in
the knowledge that it is an umbrella term which can encompass
one or various of the
characteristics described above.
Consumer attitudes towards ethical fashion
There are several characteristics pertinent to this sector of
industry relevant to the
review of consumer behaviour within this context. Fast fashion,
as described in the
introduction of this paper which affects all segments of the
market (luxury, high street
and supermarket/discounter) (Bruce and Daly, 2006), has
created a consumer
environment where the purchase frequency of clothing has been
accelerated,
expectations of the quality of the garments have been lowered
and any guilt or
self-questioning related to the disposal process of

“unfashionable” or damaged
garments has been dispelled (Morgan and Birtwistle, 2009). The
perpetuation of this
situation is facilitated by an aesthetically led fashion press, an
increasingly uniform
globalized approach to fashion retail outlets in different
countries (i.e. H&M, Zara,
Mango) and the sheer complexity of the supply chain involved
in the fashion apparel
industry (Morris et al., 2009). This industry also displays a
distinct distance between
the consumer and the producer and/or supply chain ( Joergens,
2006) which unlike
other areas such as the food industry, has not been questioned
by the consumer with
such interest and longevity (Carey et al., 2011). This may be
partly explained by the
point which Joergens (2006) raises in her research suggesting
that in view of the fact
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that there is no positive health benefit attached to the purchase
of ethical clothing, the
arguments which switch consumers to ethical alternatives in the
food and cosmetic
contexts do not translate into the fashion apparel area.
Moreover, the fashion industry
is similar to any other corporate entity in as much as market-
based companies are
primarily concerned with their positive financial performance
which can sometimes
lead to decisions which go against the ethical standards required
by accreditation
bodies and non-governmental organizations (Markkula and
Moisander, 2012). This has
led, in some cases, to the boycotting of large fashion
manufacturers and retailers such

as GAP and H&M (Siegle, 2011). Therefore, in addition to a
proliferation of terms and
discourses relevant to sustainable living and ethical fashion as
described in the section
above, the mainstream fashion consumer also negotiates calls to
boycott which can be
high profile and distributed through a mainstream media output
such as the British
Broadcasting Corporation. It has been shown that some
consumers feel very removed
from the issues represented by ethical awareness raising
campaigns, due in part to this
distance and ignorance of the production processes involved in
garment production but
also, it is suggested, because the belief that the responsibility
for any issues within the
production process lies with the brand, production company,
retailer or even the
government and that western cultural norms can be applied to
western fashion brands
( Joergens, 2006).
The literature suggests that consumer attitudes to ethical
fashion are ambiguous,
consumers are aware and sympathetic to ethical issues within
this industry but the
visual appearance of the garment is above all the strongest
predictor of purchasing
intention as opposed to its ethical credentials (Gam, 2011). This
has been the paradox
that surrounds the ethical debate in this context, in contrast to
food purchasing or
energy saving engagement, for example, where consumers are
receptive to ethical
arguments to induce the purchase (Moisander, 2007;
Papaoikonomou et al., 2011),

fashion purchasing remains above all a visual medium which
has to appeal to the
personality and taste of the buyer (Ritch and Schröder, 2012).
Furthermore, it has been
suggested that the ethical context, in general, is a complex area
in which to investigate
attitudes and behaviour in relation to purchasing as participants
are prone to put
forward what they perceive as socially desirable responses as
opposed to a reflection of
their actual thoughts and practices (Lea-Greenwood, 1999). This
links into a recognized
characteristic of consumer behaviour in this environment which
is the lack of
conversion of stated ethical beliefs and attitudes into ethical
purchases. This has been
termed the attitude/behaviour gap (Carrigan and Attalla, 2001)
or the disconnect
between people’s ethical thought processes and their
consumption behaviour (Belk
et al., 2005, p. 283). Notwithstanding this finding, two recent
studies in the UK
indicated that at a comparable price and performance,
consumers would rather
purchase an ethical product (Magnussen, 2009; Bishop, 2012).
Within the fashion
context, past research has also shown that drivers to purchase in
this area are linked to
the extent of a consumer’s fashion involvement (O’Cass, 2004),
product preferences, in
terms of performance, quality, style and comfort of the garment
(Shen et al., 2012) and
of course, the price of the product (Ritch and Schröder, 2012).
Additionally, Hustvedt
and Dickson (2009) have suggested that clothing can act as an
expression of ideology

and the choice of ethical clothing, in particular, nurtures the
formation of self-identity.
It had already been suggested in research investigating issues
surrounding ethical
lifestyle choices that making decisions based on ethical criteria
helps build self-
identity, peer support and a sense of belonging through group
conformity (Shaw
and Newholm, 2002; Carey et al., 2008; Joergens, 2006). It has
also been posited that a
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pre-disposition towards ethical beliefs is a determinant towards
purchase intention for
this type of clothing (Gam, 2011; Ritch and Schröder, 2012; Ma
et al., 2012).
Most of the research carried out on consumer attitudes towards
ethical fashion has
concluded that the aesthetic appearance of fashion pieces in this
sector is the deterrent
for mainstream fashion consumers (Cervellon et al., 2010; Gam,
2011). However, a study
by Ma et al. (2012) conducted in the USA suggests that the
ethnic appearance
of clothing may actually increase the intention to purchase this
type of garment. The
importance of the “look” of a garment and its visual appeal
cannot be under-estimated
in this context but also as a determinant in the choice criteria
for any fashion apparel
consumer. This is heightened when investigating the issues
surrounding attitudes
towards ethical clothing and has been at the centre of research
in this area (Shen et al.,
2012; Ma et al., 2012).

Cross-cultural studies of ethical fashion consumers
Little research has been carried out comparing nationals from
different countries and
their attitudes towards ethical fashion. Joergens (2006) and Joy
et al. (2012) compared
ethical fashion choices in different countries (UK/Germany and
Hong Kong/Canada,
respectively) and found that ethical criteria can be applied to
purchasing decisions but
this is often not carried through into fashion choices. Joergens
(2006) did not find
a significant difference in terms of consumer behaviour in the
two countries she
investigated whilst Joy et al. (2012) also found little difference
especially in terms of the
priority given to sustainable fashion by young consumers. Both
studies suggested that
further research needed to be carried out in this area to address
the extent and depth of
differing cultural attitudes towards ethical fashion.
Research method
The purpose of this exploratory research was to investigate
consumer attitudes
towards ethical fashion in three different cultures (UK, France
and Canada) with a
marked differentiated “a priori” attitude towards sustainable
consumption as detailed
in the introduction to this paper. The methods used in this study
were qualitative and
based on the one hand on past research in this area (Shaw and
Tomolillo, 2004; Joy
et al., 2012; Ritch and Schröder, 2012) and on the other, on a
new application of
a method used widely within design and fashion contexts, the
mood board. The use

of traditional qualitative techniques such as focus groups and
interviews enabled
an understanding of the narrative and outlook of the participants
but the use of
representatively visual mood boards created a precise pictorial
representation, which,
with analysis and reflection as well as in discussion during the
data gathering process,
facilitated a deeper understanding of the physical and attitudinal
representations of
this type of fashion. It also permitted a clearer and recordable
basis for cross-cultural
comparisons of the phenomena under scrutiny.
Visual research techniques
Researching in a cross-cultural context is a challenge for two
reasons: first, ensuring
the equivalence in all aspects of the research across countries is
a difficult task. Craig
and Douglas (2005, p. 141) define equivalence as data that have
as far as possible,
the same meaning or interpretation, and the same level of
accuracy, precision of
measurement, or reliability in all countries and cultures. In view
of this, conceptual
equivalence related to ethical fashion is difficult to secure.
Furthermore, translation
equivalence (lexical as much as experiential) is an additional
barrier to the use of both
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quantitative and qualitative research methods. Even if
researchers are bilingual,
sharing the experience of ethical fashion in different languages
could become
insurmountable. For these reasons, researchers have an option
to turn to qualitative

techniques which involve the use of visual stimuli or projective
techniques ( Javalgi
et al., 2011). Belk et al. (1997) explored consumer desire in
Turkey, Denmark and the
USA using collages, story telling, sentence completion and
word associations. Collages
have also been used as an alternative to the Thematic
Apperception Test in some
research, including multicultural assessment and clinical
treatments (see Havlena and
Holak, 1996). The meaning of ethical consumption and the
attitude of consumers
towards issues related to the environment have been studied by
researchers through
quantitative and qualitative research methods alike (Bhate,
2002); yet, the additional
difficulty when specifically exploring ethical fashion lies in
verbalizing substance and
style (Cervellon et al., 2010). The meaning of emotional laden
concepts, difficult to
grasp with words, such as nostalgia (Havlena and Holak, 1996)
or consumer guilt
(Bonsu et al., 2008), has been successfully studied through the
use of visual images as
stimuli for focus groups and individual interviewees’
reflections. McDonagh and Storer
(2004) and Garner and McDonagh-Philp (2001) suggest that
mood boards are a useful
way to engage and communicate with stakeholders in order to
access meaningful
outcomes and insights in relation to the visual stimuli produced.
Transposing this
concept into the task of the visualization and subsequent
practical representation
of ethical fashion for the respondents to this study added a
further dimension to the

understanding of cross-cultural consumer representations of this
sector of fashion
which would not have been possible through in-depth interviews
and focus groups
alone. Additionally, style research and product design have a
tradition of use of
visual imagery through mood boards (Costa et al., 2003; Moody
et al., 2001). McDonagh
and Storer (2004, p. 16) define a mood board as “[y] typically a
collection of abstract
media which the designer uses for personal inspiration and also
to discuss and
communicate with the client and possibly other stakeholders
including users [y]
mood boards can inspire creativity and aid communication”.
Mood-boards enable
two-way communication which has been shown to often inspire
lateral thinking
(McDonagh and Storer, 2004). For this reason, the technique is
extensively used in
the creative phase of advertising development or product
design. Mood boards were
used in this research as part of the qualitative mix of data
gathering methods as
described below.
Focus groups
Four focus groups were carried out (one in France, one in
Canada and two in the UK).
In order to ensure that all participants had comparable
knowledge within the group to
facilitate group interaction and parity of results (Denscombe,
2010), a homogeneous,
self-selected, fashion conscious sample of university students
was used. The Canadian
and French group contained both males and females whereas the

UK groups contained
only women. The age range was similar across all groups (18-26
years old). The size
of the groups varied between four participants (UK groups) to
seven (French group)
and eight (Canadian group). The language used throughout the
focus groups was
English for the UK and Canadian groups and French for the
French groups.
Interviews
Ten in-depth interviews were carried out (six in the UK, two in
France and two in
Canada) using the same criteria for participant recruitment as
above. As the sample
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was self-selected through a call from academic staff in each
location, the researchers
had no control over the gender of the participants; however, a
declared interest in
fashion was stipulated. All interviewees were female, aged 18-
26 years old with no
regular purchase pattern of ethical fashion. As with the focus
groups, the language
of the interviews was concurrent with the country within which
they took place.
The recruitment of participants for both the focus groups and
interviews follows a
similar study in Finland (Markkula and Moisander, 2012) where
a homogeneous group
suggests that the results will provide insight into broadly shared
cultural meanings for
the context within which the participants operate.
Mood boards
The interviewees were additionally asked to create mood boards

freely reflecting their
perceptions of a typical ethical fashion consumer and a
representation of the type of
clothes they would wear from supplied fashion-orientated
magazines (Costa et al.,
2003), resulting in the creation of ten individual mood boards.
Interview and focus group guide
A semi-structured guide was used for both the focus groups and
the in-depth
interviews which was broadly similar in content. Participants
were engaged by
focusing on their general apparel fashion purchasing modus
operandi (including their
interest in fashion magazines and particular bias towards certain
types of fashion
apparel (clothing, leather goods, shoes, etc.) before elucidating
their understanding and
level of participation in ethical issues and lifestyles,
motivations and/or restraints
towards the purchase of this type of goods, familiarity and
possible purchasing habits
surrounding ethical fashion (including any existing knowledge
of relevant brands), and
awareness and understanding of ethical certifications and
bodies. For the interviewees,
the mood board exercise happened after the initial discussion
about apparel fashion
consumption habits and, in addition to the prompts provided by
the topics in the
interview guide, served as a catalyst to the discussion points
which ensued relating
specifically to ethical fashion.
Data analysis
All narratives from the focus groups and the interviews were

taped and transcribed
(translated into English where necessary) and the mood boards
were scanned in
order to preserve the visual representations in their most
optimum conditions.
The researchers involved in the interpretation of the narratives
and the visuals are
bilingual as well as bicultural regarding the three cultures
studied, providing an emic
perspective in addition to allowing relevant comparisons
between cultures. Grounded
theory analysis (as described by Easterby-Smith et al., 2008)
was selected as the
analytic tool for the transcriptions. The seven-stage process was
used to analyse
information gleaned from focus groups and interviews and
themes were developed.
To facilitate the emergence of a holistic approach to the
meanings given to ethical
fashion by the respondents, interpretation of the mood boards
followed the approach
described by Ruby (1976, 1991) and Hurworth et al. (2005) to
extract meaning and
significance from still photographs. Themes were also derived
from the understanding
of the meanings behind the visual representations created
through the mood boards
and cross-fertilized with the results from the narrative analyses
in order to create
meta-themes covering both the results from the interview and
focus group analyses
and the results from the interpretation of the mood boards. The
results, organized
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by themes, are presented in Table I and discussed in turn in the
following section

of the paper.
Research findings and discussion
Alternative discourse relating to the purchase price of ethical
fashion
The perception of a high price attached to ethical fashion has
been shown to be a
deterrent to the growth of this sector in the extant literature
(Ritch and Schröder, 2012).
However, the simplistic relationship between a high price and
ethical fashion has
been extended in this research as it emerged that price was
being considered as a
vehicle for other characteristics. In the UK, a higher price
denoted a higher quality
for the garment whereas in France a higher price symbolized the
search for higher
social status:
If the price is high, then status will be there (Participant, Focus
Group France).
It may be easy to show you purchased a green car yet showing
that one wears organic clothes
is not easy [y] Brands make a statement for this reason. An
example which comes to my
mind: I am not a plastic bag (Participant, Interview France).
UK participants generally considered ethical clothing more
expensive than mainstream
fashion, as a consequence of the way the clothing is sourced and
the assumption that
ethical production is expensive. However, Canadian participants
did not think it was
more expensive but rather that is was less available. Overall,
respondents were unwilling

to pay a premium purely for ethical fashion, however, some
participants in France stated
they would be willing to pay extra if it coincided with self-
fulfilment criteria or even as
Themes Key concepts
Alternative discourse relating to the
purchase price of ethical fashion
Price as a vehicle representing quality of garment
or individual social status
Issues surrounding perception of premium cost of ethical
fashion
Purchase of high priced ethical clothing as redemption for
anti-ethical behaviour
Consumer uncertainty and mistrust over beneficiaries of
perceived higher price of ethical clothing
Motivations to purchase ethical fashion Fashion choice criteria
supersedes ethical appeal (style,
price and quality are key evaluative fashion apparel
purchasing criteria)
Motivation to purchase increased through mainstream
media awareness
Ethical consumption is a lifestyle choice
Confusion and cynicism surrounding
understanding and credentials
of ethical fashion
Confusion surrounding understanding of concepts
Ethical credentials as marketing ploy
Scepticism over the credibility and reliability of information
available

Contrasting cultural attitudes towards
the style and typical representation of
ethical fashion
Ethical fashion is basic and unfashionable vs
quirky and trendy
Conflicting nature of an ethical appeal Favoured fashion brands
supersede boycotting appeals
Boycotting can only be effective on a mass scale
Table I.
Table of themes and
key concepts
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a redemption for other “bad” behaviour. This finding extends
the argument suggested
by Dickson (2005) and Hustvedt and Dickson (2009) that
fashion choices nurture
self-identity by adding a means of symbolic redemption of
conscious anti-ethical
behaviour by having the opportunity to purchase an ethical
product. This finding was
confined to the French sample:
I have a four wheel car [y] yeah [y] I know I pollute a lot. I
think I would purchase green
products in general and fashion in particular to relieve the guilt.
I compensate for my bad
behaviour (Participant, Focus Group France).
I am a sinner [y] I purchase counterfeit stuff. I am a fashion
addict, I throw away after a
season [y] boo [y] I keep behaving contrary to the interest of
our world [y] So whenever

I can I try to purchase ethical fashion and green products. It is
fair. It is redemption
(Participant, Focus Group France).
Relating to the cost of the garments, mistrust was more
universal. A thread of
uncertainty was displayed by some participants who claimed
they would be unsure
whether the extra money charged for ethical clothing actually
went to producers:
It’s more expensive to purchase organic products. I want to be
100% sure I am not misled
(Participant, Focus Group France).
Afterwards, one discovers that the money did not go where it
should have. Is there an official
body which controls these financial flows? (Participant,
Interview Canada).
It is also indicative of demand for unbiased information
concerning companies’ ethical
practices:
I feel that they say this is an organic t-shirt, I don’t always
believe it. To what extent is it
actually a green shirt. I have just the feeling they put on an
organic label. It is marketing.
Or maybe one aspect is truly organic but in fact, in the
manufacturing process, they do not
respect the environment. They pollute the water when tainting
(Participant, Interview
France).
These findings contribute towards the deepening and extension
of the discussion

surrounding the motivations to purchase in the ethical fashion
context. Some
researchers concluded that fashion consumers would be willing
to pay a premium for
ethically produced goods (Magnussen, 2009; Clavin, 2009)
whereas Joergens (2006),
found consumers would be resistant to paying more for ethical
fashion even if
financially able. However, this research shows price as a more
complex issue for the
consumer, on the one hand as a vehicle for quality or social
status and on the other
redemption for other areas of consciously anti-ethical
behaviour. Issues related to the
mistrust of possible profiteering by ethical fashion companies
were also evident in this
sample.
Motivations to purchase ethical fashion
Past literature confirms that consumers have a fixed set of
evaluative criteria when
purchasing mainstream clothing (Boulstridge and Carrigan,
2000; Iwanow et al., 2005).
Findings from this research propose that this incorporates
ethical fashion, with price,
style and quality being at the forefront of choice. Additionally,
participants stated they
would be hypothetically willing to purchase ethically as long as
the product met other
important criteria (price, quality, style). This is representative
of the contradictive
nature and attitude-behaviour gap which is prevalent in this
context (Belk et al., 2005).
Results also suggested that when consumers consider other
criteria more important

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than ethics, it does not necessarily denote a lack of interest but
simply a conflict of
interest:
I don’t think anyone buys clothing if they think it’s ugly just
because it is ethical (Participant,
Focus Group UK).
I would like to make a bit more of a difference and buy more
ethical clothes, so if they were
more stylish then I would definitely (Participant, Interview
UK).
I would not purchase any garment just because it is ethically
produced. But when I find it nice
and it has an ethical label on it, it definitively encourages me to
purchase (Participant,
Interview Canada).
The UK was unique in that respondents suggested that an
increase in awareness of the
consequences of unethical behaviour by fashion companies
would increase their reach,
however, if they were not exposed to such behaviour frequently,
it was easy to ignore
its existence. Overall, participants also suggested that if
information and publicity
surrounding unethical practices of companies increased in
mainstream media,
attitudes towards ethical clothing purchase would become more
favourable:
I think yeah if it was more shocking and in your face, like if
there were huge placards outside
of Primark, then you wouldn’t go in there [y] (Participant,
Focus Group UK).

Perversely, participants further expected negative information
to have more of an
impact on attitudes than positive information:
I think it’s just the way this world works; people get noticed
more for doing bad than they do
for doing good (Participant, Interview UK).
For instance, knowing that Victoria’s Secret prints million of
catalogues a day with no respect
to deforestation seriously harms the image I have of the brand.
Using recycled paper in this
industry should not be a bonus but a given (Participant,
Interview Canadian).
Within the meta-theme of the key drivers towards the purchase
of ethical fashion, the
mood boards revealed that participants thought that potential
interest in ethical
issues relating to fashion and clothing would extend to other
areas in their lifestyle.
The projection of ethical consumers presented in the mood
boards encompassed
fashion but also different areas of activity such as leisure
activities (Mood board 1)
and food and drink consumption (Mood board 2). This suggests
that ethical interest in
one area produces a snowball effect which extends these
concerns to other spheres
of life.
Confusion and cynicism surrounding understanding and
credentials of ethical fashion
Past literature has ascertained that there is a proliferation of
terms pertinent to ethical

fashion and that consumers are often confused and unaware of
the differences between
them (Markkula and Moisander, 2012; Shaw and Tomolillo,
2004). This study confirmed
that this segment characteristic has not progressed; for all
respondents across the
different national borders, there was confusion concerning the
actual meaning of ethical
fashion and the terms organic, green, fair-trade, eco, recycled,
etc., which were often used
interchangeably during the data gathering process by the
respondents:
There are so many terms, I do not find my way in all this. I am
not encouraged to purchase
green for this reason (Participant, Focus Group France).
The trend is going in the direction of fair-trade products. I think
green is also considered
ethical or is it totally different? (Participant, Interview Canada).
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Moreover, cynicism and distrust were displayed towards ethical
companies. Both the
UK and French participants suggested that they had the
perception that ethical
fashion companies used the ethical credentials of their garments
as a marketing ploy.
There was also a call for accredited labelling, to counteract the
issue of mistrust in
relation to manufacturer’s claims; however, there was a definite
lack of awareness of
current labelling schemes and their remit:
It is important that it would be certified by an external
institution. There should exist a specific
label, just like for food. Yes, it would be important to have one

(Participant, Interview France).
Contrasting cultural attitudes towards the style and typical
representation of ethical fashion
Mood board findings highlighted both differing and shared
opinions on ethical fashion
style throughout the three countries. Each participant had their
own fixed views
and perceptions but, there was agreement from most in the UK
and France that
ethical clothes would be basic and made mostly of natural fibres
in neutral tones (Mood
boards 3 and 4):
The first thing I think about when hearing green fashion is
something dull (Participant,
Interview France).
That’s the kind of image that comes into my head, like neutral,
organic materials (Participant,
Interview UK)
Respondents in France were more extreme in that they
considered ethical clothes to be
particularly unfashionable, whereas Canadian respondents
conveyed a mainstream
Mood board 1.
Participant UK
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appeal and the UK had a mixture of respondents on both sides
of the argument with
some participants considering ethical fashion as dull and others

as quirky and trendy
(Mood boards 5-7):
I think it is fashionable to be ethical but I wouldn’t say the
clothes were particularly
fashionable (Participant, Focus Group UK).
The style is awful. Maybe if they could improve the style [y]
away from potato bags
It is cool and sexy, the American Apparel style (Participant,
Interview Canada).
Super hip to wear organic (Participant, Interview Canada).
The contrast was most significant between the Canadian
respondent’s representation of
a typical ethical fashion consumer and that of the French
respondents’. For the latter, the
typical consumer is a woman in her 40s, down to earth, old
fashioned with bad taste who
also displays activist tendencies. For the Canadian depiction,
she is a woman in her 20s,
simple but sexy, healthy with a unique urban contemporary
style, confident and happy
to express herself through her fashion choices (Mood board 8).
The relationship between ethical clothing and activist
tendencies was only
mentioned in the French sample and may represent the lack of
development of
the ethical argument which is still nascent in that country.
Mood board 2.
Participant UK

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003.jpg&w=337&h=278
Conflicting nature of an ethical appeal
Findings were conflicting regarding the issue of boycotting;
some participants
claimed they would boycott a company if they were made aware
that it was
using unethical practices, particularly if child labour or animal
cruelty were
involved:
Why should they get away with it, being unethical and its bad
quality; why should
consumers still shop there when they’re not even working in a
proper manner, people should
boycott it because of that (Participant, Focus Group UK).
Yeah I personally have never shopped in GAP but when I found
out they had been using child
labour, I don’t want anything to do with it (Participant,
Interview UK).
Mood board 3.
Participant UK
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However, even amongst those who claimed they would boycott
an unethical company,
participants admitted they would find it extremely difficult to
boycott a company or a
brand they really liked:

It sounds really bad but I’m going to be really honest and say I
probably would still shop
there. I know it’s not really the answer I would like to give [y]
(Participant, Interview UK).
Like Topshop would have to do something awful because
everyone holds Topshop quite close
to their heart, it would be difficult to boycott them (Participant,
Focus Group UK).
Mood board 4.
Participant France
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No I have to make it clear: I will not boycott a brand I am loyal
to (say Victoria’s Secret) just
because I heard it has a bad behaviour regarding the
environment. I like the brand too much!
(Participant, Interview Canada).
This suggests consumers would find it difficult to boycott a
product they liked or had
been using for some time. Additionally, it was also suggested
that boycotting would
only be successful if it was executed on a mass scale as an
individual had little power
to act alone:
If I decided to boycott Primark no one would even notice
(Participant, Focus Group UK).
[y] and even if you did stop buying what’s one person going to
do? Nothing to them in the
long run (Participant, Interview UK).

Boycotting is a collective act. Otherwise, it is not effective
I could spread bad word-of-mouth but boycotting is ineffective
if you are alone (Participant,
Interview Canada).
This feeling of inadequacy as a single consumer facing large,
often global corporations
goes to the very heart of the ethical consumer dilemma. In the
fashion context, it seems
that the very nature of the product increases the complexity of
the decision-making and
the obligation predictor towards the purchase of an ethical
product which Shaw
et al. (2000) developed as an adjunct to other ethical consumer
predictors may be
overshadowed by the desire to be fashionable.
Mood board 5.
Participant Canada
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Summary and conclusions
This exploratory research used conventional qualitative
techniques including focus
groups and interviews as well as the more unusual projective
technique of participant
creation of mood boards to investigate and compare attitudes
towards ethical fashion
of self-selected fashion-orientated consumers in three different
countries, Canada,
France and the UK. Some results supported outcomes from

previous literature but
findings indicated that there were notable differences in the
perceptions of ethical
fashion between these three western cultures. First, in the
representation and appeal of
this fashion segment, with Canada and France being at polar
opposites of the scale.
The Canadian participants presented a positive and fashionable
image of ethical
fashion whereas French respondents were concerned with the
lack of appeal and
Mood board 6.
Participant France
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Mood board 7.
Participant UK
Mood board 8.
Participant France
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009.jpg&w=241&h=241
“dullness” of this sector of clothing. Availability of this type of
fashion was also
perceived unequally between the different cultures with
Canadian participants finding
it less accessible than their UK counterparts. This can be
explained by the fact that the

UK is recognized as being in the “avant-garde” for this segment
of the fashion industry
with strong British influences in all clothing sectors from
luxury (e.g. Stella Macartney)
to high-street purveyors (e.g. Marks and Spencers) (Magnussen,
2009). Second, this
research advances the understanding of the complex issues
regarding consumer
behaviour surrounding ethical fashion consumption by
pinpointing the subtle cultural
differences between the mainstream participants in relation to
the purchase price of
ethical garments. Both in the UK and France, a higher price tag
for ethical fashion was
expected. However, in the UK, this cost was the representation
of a higher quality, a
higher cost of raw materials, etc., and perceived negatively
whereas in France the
higher cost and purchasing of ethical fashion represented a
means of redemption for
other unethical behaviour relating to the purchasing of
counterfeit goods, forgetting to
recycle or polluting the atmosphere with a large vehicle, for
example. This notion of
tapping into different consumer motivations and being able to
purchase ethical
credentials in one area to offset another has not yet been
suggested in the extant
literature although it was suggested by Dickson (2005) and
Hustvedt and Dickson
(2009) in relation to the nurturing of self-identity.
The confusion surrounding terms associated with ethical fashion
(Markkula and
Moisander, 2012; Shaw and Tomolillo, 2004) was not resolved
with this research and

none of the participants were clear as to terminology associated
with this area or exact
understanding of terms. Other findings indicated that within a
fashion context, style,
price, quality and brand appeal will notably supersede the
ethical argument. The data
also confirmed the expectation of a gradual extension of ethical
concerns into different
areas of life (Berry and McEachern, 2005) when there is an
initial interest in ethical
issues, however, this was also contradicted as respondents
admitted it would be very
difficult for them to switch out of their favourite clothing
brands if they wanted to
become more ethical. Mistrust of ethical appellations, labels
and marketing activities
was also consistent with previous findings (Ritch and Schröder,
2012; Ma et al., 2012) as
was the reticence to enter into boycotting activity (Stolle et al.,
2005). Finally, the mixed
use of qualitative data gathering techniques, including visual
representations of
the participants’ perceptions of ethical fashion, adds a further
dimension to the
understanding of the meaning that the participants’ attributed to
this fashion garment
type but also of the increased benefit of using representational
tools alongside more
conventional qualitative techniques. Cross-cultural or
international research can
benefit from this mixed approach as by its very nature it relies
on the comparison and
interpretation of data in different languages which, this research
shows, can have
increased accessibility by the use of visual representations.

Limitations and future research
The findings of this research should be considered in light of its
limitations. The
selection method of the participants for each country resulted in
small homogeneous
samples of university students aged between 18 and 26 years old
with broadly
similar socio-economic and educational backgrounds. The UK
students principally
emanated from fashion related courses, which was not the case
in France and Canada
whose participants were mainly derived from general business
degrees, they were.
All participants were, however, interested in fashion per se. The
fact that they were all
students facilitated a comparison but does not present diversity
in terms of mainstream
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fashion consumers or any possibility of generalization to a
wider consumer group.
Additionally, a broad similarity of university education linked
to a higher than
average socio-economic background has been shown to correlate
positively with an
empathy with ethical issues (Treise et al., 1994). This fact
should also be taken into
account when reflecting on the limitations of this research. The
cross-cultural nature
of this research also meant the translation of the French data
into English which, due
to the content and the nature of the discussion, presented some
difficulties in terms of
relating the exact meaning attributed to the data. This paper is
exploratory in nature,
not only in cross-comparisons of cultural attitudes towards
ethical fashion but also in

the use of visual representations to enhance meanings emanating
from the written
and spoken word. Yet, cross-cultural differences and
similarities found in this paper
may encourage researchers to broaden the scope of comparisons
to cultures with
radically different orientations and a priori different perceptions
of ethical ways to
produce fashion, such as, for instance China and India.
Furthermore, the themes
which emanated from the discussion in this paper, in particular,
the sub-division of
the discourse relating to price concerns attached to ethical
fashion, brand attachment
enabling the superseding of ethical concerns and the purchase of
ethical goods as
redemption for un-ethical consumption practices could be
considered with larger,
more representative consumer populations.
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About the authors
Dr Lindsey Carey, a Senior Lecturer at the Glasgow Caledonian
University obtained her PhD in
the area of consumer psychology and decision making. Her
research interests lie in the area of
consumer behaviour and she has researched in the context of
ethical consumers, eco-fashion,
value-clothing purchasers and into the purchase motivations at
farmers’ markets. Dr Lindsey
Carey is the corresponding author and can be contacted at:

[email protected]
Dr Marie-Cécile Cervellon holds a PhD from the McGill
University, Montreal, Canada. She is
an Associate Professor of Marketing at the International
University of Monaco. Her research
interests focus on consumer behaviour and misbehaviour related
to the luxury and fashion
industries, as well as to ethical and green behaviours.
To purchase reprints of this article please e-mail:
[email protected]
Or visit our web site for further details:
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362%2F026725707X229993
Journal of Fashion Marketing and Management
How cosmopolitan are Indian consumers?: a study on fashion
clothing involvement
Arpita Khare
Article information:
To cite this document:

Arpita Khare , (2014),"How cosmopolitan are Indian
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Journal of Fashion Marketing and Management, Vol. 18 Iss 4
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How cosmopolitan are Indian
consumers?: a study on fashion
clothing involvement
Arpita Khare
Indian Institute of Management, Rohtak, India
Abstract
Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to examine affect of
cosmopolitanism and consumers’
susceptibility to interpersonal influence on Indian consumers’

fashion clothing involvement. Moderating
effect of demographics was studied.
Design/methodology/approach – Survey technique through self-
administered questionnaire was
used for data collection in both metropolitan and non-
metropolitan cities in India.
Findings – Utilitarian, value expressive factors of normative
influence and cosmopolitanism
influence Indian consumers’ fashion clothing involvement. Type
of city, income, and education
moderated influence of normative values and cosmopolitanism
on fashion clothing involvement.
Research limitations/implications – One of the major limitations
of current research was that it
had a large number of respondents in the age group of 18-40
years. Future research can attempt to
reduce age biasness.
Practical implications – The findings can prove helpful to
international apparel brands marketing
luxury and fashion clothing in India. However, since
conformance to social norms was important for
Indians, clothing manufacturers should use reference groups,
opinion leaders, and celebrities to
generate awareness. A blend of global and local lifestyle should
be used. International luxury brands
can customize their products to combine ethnic tastes.
Originality/value – Fashion clothing market promises immense
growth opportunities in India.
There is limited research to examine influence cosmopolitanism
on Indian consumers’ consumption
behaviour. Knowledge about influence of global lifestyle,
brands, mass media, and services on Indian
consumers’ behaviour can help in targeting them effectively.
Keywords Consumer behaviour, Fashion, India, Involvement

Paper type Research paper
Introduction
Indian government’s policy of allowing foreign direct
investment in multi-brand
retailing has presented global luxury brands with immense
opportunities (Amed,
2013). The economic and social trends suggest lucrative growth
opportunities for
foreign luxury clothing brands. Most international global
clothing brands are planning
to open their stores in metropolitan cities where they feel
consumers have an appetite
for luxury clothing. Totally, 81 million Indian households fall
in upper middle class and
high-income groups. Statistics points out that India is one of the
fastest-growing and
largest luxury markets in the world. The luxury brands sales are
expected to touch $15
billion by 2015 (Shiware, 2013). Indian consumers’ are
receptive towards purchasing
high priced traditional and luxury clothing. Looking at
traditional luxury market,
Indian bridal wear priced $3,690-$22,141 at high end Indian
stores is readily accepted.
Indian bridal wear market accounts for 90 per cent of ultra
luxury clothing segment.
Earlier demand for luxury brands was primarily from film
celebrities, young
politicians, old moneyed families, and entrepreneurs. However,
recent trends suggest
people with new money are purchasing luxury clothing as a
symbol of wealth and
status. This suggests enormous spending power of Indian high-
income groups.

The current issue and full text archive of this journal is
available at
www.emeraldinsight.com/1361-2026.htm
Received 2 May 2013
Revised 9 August 2013
Accepted 15 August 2013
Management
Vol. 18 No. 4, 2014
pp. 431-451
r Emerald Group Publishing Limited
1361-2026
DOI 10.1108/JFMM-05-2013-0066
431
How
cosmopolitan
are Indian
consumers?
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Purchase of apparel in India is driven by social events like
festivals, marriages, and
family functions. Apparel industry is second largest in India
next to grocery and food
products (Vittal, 2010).
Another interesting trend is growth of luxury clothing market in
smaller cities in
India (Garg, 2011). Benetton has reported 20 per cent growth in

sales from smaller
cities. BRIC countries account for about 22 per cent of world’s
luxury market which
is expected to touch 36 per cent in 2015. Compared to other
BRIC countries, Indian
consumers spend 5 per cent on apparel. Chinese consumers in
larger cities spend 10 per
cent of their income on clothing.
Since clothing is a reflection of one’s identity, status, class, and
self-esteem, it should
conform to social norms. Collectivist societies draw their
identities from group
association. Acceptance of other people’s views in one’s
personal life is accepted
and acknowledged. Individual’s identity is group dependent and
derived from social
class affiliations. Changes in lifestyle and cultural values must
be in tandem with social
norms. Influence of globalization does not decrease the
tendency to conform to cultural
values (Corbu, 2009). In this backdrop of growing Indian
fashion market, influence
of globalization, and rising income levels it was felt that
understanding Indian
consumers’ attitude towards fashion clothing would be
interesting. Growth of
opportunities in smaller cities, FDI in multi brand retailing, and
willingness of Indian
consumers’ to spend on luxury products present interesting
research objectives. Indian
fashion industry is likely to grow with availability of global
fashion brands in the
country. Indian government has recently allowed 51 per cent
FDI from multinational
firms in multi brand retail (Shiware, 2013). Indian consumers

are likely to get more
choices and access to global brands. Understanding Indian
consumers attitude towards
fashion clothing can help global and Indian fashion
manufacturers in segmenting
and targeting decisions. Earlier research on fashion clothing
involvement of Indian
consumers has examined influence of collective self-esteem and
interpersonal influence
(Khare et al., 2011, 2012a, b; Handa and Khare, 2013). The
current research attempts to
extend these researches by examining role of cosmopolitanism
in fashion clothing
involvement. Several psychographic factors may influence
consumption; however,
this research restricts itself to understanding role of
cosmopolitanism, consumers’
susceptibility to interpersonal influence (CSII), and
demographics (age, gender, type
of city, income, education, and marital status) on fashion
clothing involvement.
The variables considered are examined in literature review
section, followed by research
methodology, findings, discussion, marketing implications,
conclusions, and future
research direction.
Literature review
Fashion clothing involvement
Numerous studies have examined role of involvement on
consumer decision making
(Mittal and Lee, 1989; Gabbott and Hogg, 1999; Dholakia,
2001; Zhao, 2003; Wirtz, 2003;
Michaelidou and Dibb, 2006; Prenshaw et al., 2006; Guthrie et
al., 2008). Clothing fulfils
multitude of functions. It helps in creating right impression on

others (Auty and Elliott,
1998) and enable consumers’ select right clothes which
communicate their position in
society. People rely on “consumption-based stereotypes” (Belk
et al., 1981) that define
one’s identity. Clothes reflect a person’s self as well as social
identity (Noesjirwan and
Crawford, 1982). It communicates values endorsed by the
person with respect to
social groups and norms. Clothes symbolize status, position,
class, and personality.
The social image can be enhanced by type of clothes one wears.
Therefore, adopting
432
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clothing which is accepted by social groups, peers, and relevant
others helps in
improving self-image (Piamphongsant and Mandhachitara,
2008).
According to Solomon and Rabolt, fashion connotes a collective
behaviour accepted
by society. It is a behavioural process enabling people create an
identity for themselves
(Banister and Hogg, 2004; Vieria, 2009). Since clothes are
integral part of a persons’
identity, self-image, and social esteem people are likely to pay
attention to it. They
would be cautious about selecting “right” clothes that improve
their appearance and
status. Clothes would symbolically represent not only wearer’s
social class but also
help other’s form opinion about him/her. People experience

high involvement with
products that are important for one’s identity. Involvement
towards a product refers to
degree, intensity, and relevance it holds in individual’s need
and ego structure
(Zaichkowsky, 1985). The degree of involvement is affected by
person, product, and
situational factors. It varies from person to person, as it is
related to a person’s needs,
motives, and personality. It also differs across product
categories; people can be
involved in different degrees with different products.
Consumers are involved with a
product category if it fits with their self-concept and identity
(Zaichkowsky, 1985;
Banister and Hogg, 2004).
Kapferer and Laurent (1985/1986) define involvement as four-
dimensional construct
comprising of product importance, risk, pleasure, and symbolic
meaning attached
with the product. Objective of the current research was to
examine fashion
clothing involvement. The following section examines
consumers’ fashion clothing
involvement.
O’Cass (2000) states that consumers’ involvement with products
is driven by
materialist values and products symbolize status and position.
Possessions communicate
success and happiness. In similar vein, fashion clothing as a
possession conveys
materialism and improves self-image. Consumers differ in their
knowledge about
fashion clothing and interaction with friends and salespeople

helps in decision making
(O’Cass, 2004). Fashion clothing signifies different values to
different people. Fashion is a
dynamic outcome of changing culture, values, and reflects
tastes of social system
(O’Cass and Frost, 2002). Rutherford-Black et al. (2000)
examined students’ opinions
about body shape (stereotypes regarding thin, average, obese,
and morbidly obese)
with fashion, style, and clothing selection. Thin or average body
weight students
were considered flamboyant having correct information about
fashion clothing.
Fiore et al. (2004) posit that consumers’ motivation to
participate in designing fashion
products increases value and satisfaction. For apparel
manufacturers it is important
to use co-design process for improving consumer satisfaction.
Active engagement of
consumer with co-design was affected by different optimal
stimulation levels and
clothing interest.
Kawabata and Rabolt (1999) compared fashion clothing
purchase behaviour of
Japanese and American students. American students placed
importance to fit, quality,
fashion, and brand/manufacturer image. Japanese students were
economical, and
placed importance to design and style. Definition of fashion
clothing differed in
both cultures. Japanese associated fashion with high priced
clothes. US students
used catalogues, friends, family, and non-personal sources for
finding about fashion
clothing. Kim et al. (2002) posit that apparel involvement was

affected consumers’
attitudes towards brand, product attributes, and advertising
messages. Apparel
involvement attributes like comfort, fashion, and individuality
influenced consumers’
beliefs about clothing. Auty and Elliott (1998) found that
branded products were
perceived positively; and young people placed importance to
trendy looking clothing.
433
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consumers?
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Younger people and women were concerned about their image.
O’Cass and Choy (2008)
examined fashion clothing involvement of Chinese youth with
respect to brand status,
willingness to pay for status brand, and brand attitude.
Consumers’ involvement
was found to be positively related to their brand attitude and
willingness to pay for
status brand. O’Cass (2004) posits that fashion is derived from
socially acceptable
behaviours and its ability to cater to society’s needs.
Kozar and Damhorst (2008) found that elderly women found
older models attractive
as compared to young models. They perceived similarity with
older looking models
and had positive impression about their appearance and tastes.
They showed
willingness to purchase clothes advertised by these models.

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