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Historical Prospective
of the Liturgy-Part I
INOVATIONS THROUGHOUT THE HISTORY - PART I
ipodiakonos zoran j. bobic
APOSTOLIC LITURGY
 New Testament: first and only source;
 The way it was celebrated;
 …to obey Lord’s commend;
 Paschal meal: eaten once – Eucharist celebrated frequently;
 Primitive Eucharist = connection with meal;
The Scripture
 Three times in Acts of the Apostles;
 Acts 2:42-46;
 Acts 20:7-11;
 Originally Christ had celebrated it within the frame of a meal;
 Religious meal = CHABURAH
The Scripture
 I Cor. 11:20-24
The Scripture
 I Cor. 11:20-24
CHABURAH = formal supper
 CHABURAH from “chaburoth”, plural form of the singular “chaber” meaning “friend”
 Corporate suppers on Sabbath; (or holiday eves);
 Must bring contribution;
 Apostles gathering = common meal !
‫ה‬ ָ‫ּבּור‬ַ‫ח‬
Kiddush (Hebrew: ‫,)קידוש‬ literally,
"sanctification," is a blessing recited
over wine or grape juice to sanctify the
Shabbat and Jewish holidays.
WINE & WASHING HANDS
 Grace before meals, said by father of the house or leader;
 Father and/or leader took bread broke it;
 Wine was served;
 Individual blessed his own cup;
 Specific prayer;
 Water & Towel were brought in after;
 Washing hands took place;
So to summarize:
 Recited over the cup of wine;
 Name: “Cup of the Blessings”
 Invitation to drink of this cup by “father” and/or “leader”
 After “Benediction” “father” and/or “leader” sipped a little wine, then passed it around;
 Sense of oneness to the whole group;
 Singing the Psalm;
 Dismissal;
SIMILAR
 The cup of wine;
 Bread (which was broken);
 Blessings for both bread and wine;
 Thanksgiving after the meal:
1) …for the earthly;
2) Spiritual food and drink (means Eucharist);
3) Jews gave thanks to Old Covenant (Law and circumcision)-Christians prayed for the
Church;
4) Jews also prayed for the “land”;
 Father of the house/leader = priest or bishop
CHRISTIANS INOVATION ?
 The cup proceeded the bread;
 Prayers = knowledge of Jewish customs and tradition;
 Eucharist frame work;
 “father” and/or “leader” = Christ;
So what do we know…?
 Christ celebrated the first Eucharist in the form of the paschal supper;
 He performed the first consecration at the bread-breaking ceremony (and the second at
the third cup of wine);
 The Cup of the Blessing after the principal course;
 Prayers were fist formula and narrative of Eucharist;
 Thanksgiving prayer after meal;
APOSTOLIC “CATECHETICAL SYNAXIS”
 …primitive Judeo-Christian community gathered in the Temple;
 SYNAGOGUE or TO GO TO THE SYNAGOGUE;
 A.D. 70
 “catechetical synaxis” = originating from “synagogue” = gathering
or assembly
 This was first part of Mass = now known as: “Mass of Catechumens”
(3rd century by Origen; Cyril of Jerusalem; Gregory Nazianzen;
Apostolic Constitutions; John Chrysostom;)
CATECHETICAL SYNAXIS-Outline:
 LECTIONS (OR READING) FROM SCRIPTURE;
 THE SINGING OF PSALMS;
 OR HYMNS;
 SERMON;
 PRAYERS;
BREAKING AWAY=excommunication
 Jews initiated breaking away;
 Disciplinary actions against the Christians;
 Opposition to the doctrine of Christians;
 Christians = “heretics”
 “herem” = excommunication;
 “niddui” = temporary exclusion;
 Apostles organized own assemblies;
SABBATH MORNING SERVICE
 This provided inspiration and pattern for “Synaxis”
 We find this in the Book VII - Apostolic Constitutions';
 This “Synaxis” is whole Greco-Jewish Morning Service for Sabbaths,
with few modifications;
SABBATH MORNING SERVICE-Outline:
 Double reading from Law and Prophets; (used in 1st century A.D.);
 We found that St. Paul spoke in synagogue (Acts 1:15) “after reading of the Law and
Prophets”;
 Christians added reading of the New Testament;
 They read Apostolic Letters and Gospel's;
 Total 4 readings;
 Singing of the psalms: [attested by St. Paul (1 Cor. 14:26)] probably borrowed from this
morning service;
 Psalmody = PROKEIMENON (Slavic: “prokimen”)
 Midrash = Christian sermon (or homily) [1 Cor. 14:26];
 18 Blessings = “common” prayers = ancient litanies;
 Blessings divided by “Amen” = “Kyrie eleison” by Christians;
 Text divided into distinct petitions is similar to Syro-Antiochhene litanic forms…;
 Men were bareheaded;
 Women veiled (1 Cor. 11:6-7);
 Women not permitted to speak (1 Cor. 14:34-35);
 Kiss of peace (Rom. 16:16; 1 Cor. 16-20; 1 Thess 5:26; 1 Pet. 5:14;);
 Public profession of faith (1 Tim. 6:12);
 They prayed with uplifted hands (1 Tim. 2:8);
 Collection for the poor (1 Cor. 16:12; Rom. 15:26;);
 Sunday = Day of Resurrection was probably sanctified in addition to the Sabbath;
SABBATH MORNING SERVICE
& Other liturgical practices:
SECOND CENTURY LITURGY
 Separation of Eucharist from meal =after life time of the Apostles;
 Common meal (or agape) continued for several more centuries (longer in the East);
 Why separation?
 Abuses – as it happened in Corinth during Paul’s time;
 Or necessity…?
 Logical: discontinue the meal – celebrate Eucharist !
 After separation Eucharist could be celebrated freely at any time of day!
SECOND CENTURY LITURGY
 Another reason: SUNDAY;
 Christ = Sun of Justice, the Sun of Truth (according to Scriptures);
 Early Christians = took above description very seriously;
 Why?
 Christ rose from dead at dawn (first Easter Sunday);
 His rising coincided with the appearance of the natural sun;
 Sunrise = symbol of the rising Sun of Justice;
 Conclusion: Christ, the Sun of Justice and Truth would come upon the altar in the Eucharist
at the very time the natural sun was rising;
 We see here strong influence of symbolism…;
 Conclusion: what ever reason early Christians began to meet before daybreak for their
services;
SECOND CENTURY LITURGY:
The first detailed description of Liturgy
 Open letter to the Government [First Apology] – Justin;
 It was addressed to Antoninus Pius (A.D. 138-156);
 Written to the Senate and Roman people;
 Justin uses no other term but EUCHARIST for the consecrated bread and vine;
 Others: Athenagoras of Athens; Theophilus of Antioch; St. Irenaeus;
Additional notes:
 Clergy had no special vestments;
 Canonical hours, saints, incense yet to be introduced;
THE AGAPE
 Separating Eucharist from common meal was gradual;
 It was accomplished during the first half of the second century;
 Note: This does not mean that common meal was totally abolished;
 Common meal continued to be important phase of Christian life for several centuries;
 Details about the ceremonial connected with the agapes have been recorded;
 Especially from Tertullian’s writing's: Apologeticus
AGAPE
 Complete information can be found in the Egyptian version of Apostolic Tradition;
 Original in Greek by Hippolytus (Roman presbyter) A.D. 215;
 This document gives us a fairly comprehensive picture of the common meal;
 Here we see parallels with the old Jewish “chaburah”;
 Cup of the blessing = Chalice of the Eucharist;
 In the East, this cup was from “Kiddush” cup;
 We can now exam Ethiopic version:
AGAPE/”alleluia”/”hallel”
 What are we to make of the “alleluia” mentioned by Ethiopic translator?
 “chaburah” included the song of “hallel”;
 “hallel” is part of ceremonial Passover supper;
 This is dating before our Lord’s time; (it dates back at least to the second century A.D.);
 In Egyptian “hallel” we find prominent feature;
 Conclusion: Christian “alleluia” = Egyptian “hallel”;
AGAPE – Liturgical Language
 Until later of second century it was Greek;
 Jews of the diaspora also held their synagogue services in Greek;
 “Amen” and “Alleluia” “Hosanna” were kept in original form;
 The question of special liturgical language never arose;
 In the West, in the second century African Church introduced Latin;
 Rome and the Western Church adopted during the third or fourth century; (opinion vary);
 When the language of the people changed so did the language of the Liturgy;
 From third to fifth centuries Greek-Latin was used side by side in the West;
 Going down thru centuries Greek was replaced with national language;
PRE-NICENE: Uniformity-Diversity
 In second century Eucharist was still uniform;
 In the third century general uniformity was observed, but differentiating practices may be
found in every Church;
 Habit was important factor;
 When to expect: readings, the psalms, the sermon, when to stand…and so forth;
 However, outline or sequence of component parts of the celebration remained uniform;
 In the middle of the third century liturgical forms began to be crystallized;
 Prayer must be correct and orthodox;
 What to pray and a fixed framework as in the Eucharistic celebration;
 Uniformity was greater within local Church: Rome, Antioch, Alexandria…;
 NOTE: During the first centuries liturgical functions had no ceremonial attached to them;
 Liturgical action was directed purely by necessity;
PRE-NICENE TRADITION FORMULA
The train of thought,
the ideas alone should be fixed (identity of meaning),
whereas the words to express them should be compared
by the celebrant himself (verbal diversity);
LAST CENTURY of the PRE-NICENE
 By now we know that synaxis and the Eucharist had different origins and served two different
purposes;
 Until person was baptized and accepted into “ecclesia” he had no hope and could never
attend the Eucharist (Liturgy);
 Once baptized and accepted he/she had obligation of attending the Eucharist on every Lord’s
Day;
 Attendance at the Sunday synaxis was less strict;
 So on the basis of pre-Nicene evidence, we can put together and reconstruct the general form
of the synaxis and the Eucharist;
LAST CENTURY of the PRE-NICENE
The synaxis The Eucharist
Opening Greeting Greeting and Kiss of Peace
Readings and Psalms Offertory
Gospel Eucharist Prayer
Sermon(s) Fraction
Dismissal of Catechumens' Communion
Intercessory Prayers of the Faithful Ablutions and Dismissal
ROMAN PERSECUTIONS & EUCHARIST
 Every Christian was under the threat of torture and death;
 “non licet esse christianos” = “Christians are not allowed to exist !”
 From Nero to Valerian (c. A.D. 65 to A.D. 260) attendance at Christian worship was a
capital crime;
 After A.D. 260 law was somewhat relaxed, but still “laesa maiestas” = high treason;
 Edict of Gallienus granted virtual freedom of worship to the Christians and a restoration of
their property;
 Under Diocletian (A.D. 303-313) the blood of Christians flowed unabated;
 The persecution began in Nicomedia (residency of Diocletian) during the winter of A.D.
302-303;
 Essential goal was destruction of sacred books;
 Thessalonica: Agape, Irene, Chione – preserved the sacred Scripture;
 Bodies of martyrs;
SEPERATION OF THE LITURGIES
 Council of Nicaea;
 Christian religion was now legal;
 Christianity was now free to grow, organize and develop;
 The bishop of the larger Sees exercised jurisdiction over other Bishop, which resulted in
establishment of important offices of Metropolitan and Patriarch;
 For example, during the first three centuries: the primacy of the Bishop of Rome was
recognized as a primary not merely honor but also of jurisdiction;
 During the first centuries of Christianity, authority of the Bishop of Rome ruled supreme;
 Prior to the 3rd century there was no grouping various Churches into diocese, according to
civil provinces';
 In 4th century we started grouping of Churches, which led to office of metropolitan; this was
done only in the East;
 This was not established by Council of Nicaea;
ESTABLISHMENT OF PATRIARCHATES
 Constantinople;
 Alexandria;
 Antioch;
 Jerusalem;
 In West: Rome remained and retained its supreme authority;
DEVELOPMENT OF THE RITES
 Christians Liturgy developed into separate distinct Rites within universal Church;
 Pre-Nicene Rite crystalized into different types of Liturgies;
 At this point the Council of Nicaea is merely a point of ref. in dating general trends in
liturgical history;
 In 4th century we have enough differences in the Liturgy (of various Churches);
 Earlier we mentioned patriarchal Sees and they emerged as the influential in diffusing the
Liturgies developed within their domain – so they became “parent”;
 “Parent Churches” were not absolutely consistent within themselves;
 “Parent Churches” were subject to development and change;
 “Daughter Churches” adopted “Parent Church” with their own changes (adding some
items, expending others and adding own peculiarities);
 “Daughter Churches” influenced each other, borrowing from each other and exchanging
details;
 Antioch and Alexandria = “Great Parents”
ALEXANDRIAN & ETHIOPIAN LITURGIES
 Alexandria left unmistakable mark on the Liturgies of other Churches;
 Alexandrian Liturgy remained fluid until 4th century;
 Liturgy of St. Mark - no longer used (only on St. Mark Day);
 Conflict between Catholic and Monophysites in Egypt = Ethiopian Church;
 This liturgy is shrouded in mystery and obscurity;
 Present-day Ethiopian is “NOT” Ethiopic origin;
 Today there are 17 alternative anaphorae in Ethiopian Church;
ANTIOCH AND SYRIAN LITURGIES
 Antioch was the greatest single center of liturgical influence in the East;
 The Christendom was influenced by Syrian Liturgy;
 Antioch was leader in Syria;
 The spread of this rite was situation in Palestine and Jerusalem;
 The original was not preserved;
 4th century, Clementine Liturgy (Book VIII – Apostolic Constitution);
 Comparison between this Liturgy and St. John Chrysostom (Antiochene);
PALESTINE AND JERUSALM LITURGIES
 Until the middle of the 5th century they belonged to Antioch jurisdiction;
 Palestine liturgy was parent Rite of Antioch (Liturgy of St. James, the Brother of the Lord);
 St. Cyril described this liturgy to us;
 It originated in Palestine sometimes during the 4th century;
 It was celebrated in Jerusalem;
 This liturgy replaced ancient and original Antiochian Liturgy;
 The liturgy was found in both Greek and Syriac language (Greek is older);
 Greek version (manuscript) is from late 10th century;
 The Rite of Jerusalem (Catecheses of Cyril-Bishop of Jerusalem) dating 4th century (A.D. 348);
WEST SYRIAN DERIVATIVES:
Byzantium and Armenia
 West Syrian: Cappadocia, Pontus, Asia;
 Byzantine: Constantinople, Armenia;
 All of them got faith from Antioch and Syria;
 Later part of 3rd and 4th century they had close relationship with See of
Antioch;
 Liturgy of Antioch was the prototype;
 Their liturgy was similar;
 Armenians embraced Christianity as a whole;
 St. Gregory the Illuminator A.D. 294 (Metropolitan of Casarea in
Cappadocia);
EAST SYRIAN DERIVATIVES:
Persia and Mesopotamia
 Church of Edessa was established the end of the 2nd century;
 Evangelists were from West Syria;
 Edessa and Nisibis (in the 3rd century) centers of faith in Persia;
 They develop their own distinct liturgical traditions;
 Liturgy of S.S. Addai and Mari;
 Edessa was strong center of Semitic cultural traditions;
 Aramaic dialect was used; Semitic traits were kept in the Liturgy;
 A.D. 424 proclaimed the independence from Antioch;
 No ideas were exchanged between other Rites;
 Schism: Nestorian Church; (A.D. 431);
 Persian Liturgy dating 5th - 6th century;
Ἔδεσσα- ‫-ܝܗܪܘܐ‬ Եդեսիա
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Part 1 historical prospective of the liturgy inovations throughout the history

  • 1. Historical Prospective of the Liturgy-Part I INOVATIONS THROUGHOUT THE HISTORY - PART I ipodiakonos zoran j. bobic
  • 2. APOSTOLIC LITURGY  New Testament: first and only source;  The way it was celebrated;  …to obey Lord’s commend;  Paschal meal: eaten once – Eucharist celebrated frequently;  Primitive Eucharist = connection with meal;
  • 3. The Scripture  Three times in Acts of the Apostles;  Acts 2:42-46;  Acts 20:7-11;  Originally Christ had celebrated it within the frame of a meal;  Religious meal = CHABURAH
  • 4. The Scripture  I Cor. 11:20-24
  • 5. The Scripture  I Cor. 11:20-24
  • 6. CHABURAH = formal supper  CHABURAH from “chaburoth”, plural form of the singular “chaber” meaning “friend”  Corporate suppers on Sabbath; (or holiday eves);  Must bring contribution;  Apostles gathering = common meal ! ‫ה‬ ָ‫ּבּור‬ַ‫ח‬ Kiddush (Hebrew: ‫,)קידוש‬ literally, "sanctification," is a blessing recited over wine or grape juice to sanctify the Shabbat and Jewish holidays.
  • 7. WINE & WASHING HANDS  Grace before meals, said by father of the house or leader;  Father and/or leader took bread broke it;  Wine was served;  Individual blessed his own cup;  Specific prayer;  Water & Towel were brought in after;  Washing hands took place;
  • 8. So to summarize:  Recited over the cup of wine;  Name: “Cup of the Blessings”  Invitation to drink of this cup by “father” and/or “leader”  After “Benediction” “father” and/or “leader” sipped a little wine, then passed it around;  Sense of oneness to the whole group;  Singing the Psalm;  Dismissal;
  • 9. SIMILAR  The cup of wine;  Bread (which was broken);  Blessings for both bread and wine;  Thanksgiving after the meal: 1) …for the earthly; 2) Spiritual food and drink (means Eucharist); 3) Jews gave thanks to Old Covenant (Law and circumcision)-Christians prayed for the Church; 4) Jews also prayed for the “land”;  Father of the house/leader = priest or bishop
  • 10. CHRISTIANS INOVATION ?  The cup proceeded the bread;  Prayers = knowledge of Jewish customs and tradition;  Eucharist frame work;  “father” and/or “leader” = Christ;
  • 11. So what do we know…?  Christ celebrated the first Eucharist in the form of the paschal supper;  He performed the first consecration at the bread-breaking ceremony (and the second at the third cup of wine);  The Cup of the Blessing after the principal course;  Prayers were fist formula and narrative of Eucharist;  Thanksgiving prayer after meal;
  • 12. APOSTOLIC “CATECHETICAL SYNAXIS”  …primitive Judeo-Christian community gathered in the Temple;  SYNAGOGUE or TO GO TO THE SYNAGOGUE;  A.D. 70  “catechetical synaxis” = originating from “synagogue” = gathering or assembly  This was first part of Mass = now known as: “Mass of Catechumens” (3rd century by Origen; Cyril of Jerusalem; Gregory Nazianzen; Apostolic Constitutions; John Chrysostom;)
  • 13. CATECHETICAL SYNAXIS-Outline:  LECTIONS (OR READING) FROM SCRIPTURE;  THE SINGING OF PSALMS;  OR HYMNS;  SERMON;  PRAYERS;
  • 14. BREAKING AWAY=excommunication  Jews initiated breaking away;  Disciplinary actions against the Christians;  Opposition to the doctrine of Christians;  Christians = “heretics”  “herem” = excommunication;  “niddui” = temporary exclusion;  Apostles organized own assemblies;
  • 15. SABBATH MORNING SERVICE  This provided inspiration and pattern for “Synaxis”  We find this in the Book VII - Apostolic Constitutions';  This “Synaxis” is whole Greco-Jewish Morning Service for Sabbaths, with few modifications;
  • 16. SABBATH MORNING SERVICE-Outline:  Double reading from Law and Prophets; (used in 1st century A.D.);  We found that St. Paul spoke in synagogue (Acts 1:15) “after reading of the Law and Prophets”;  Christians added reading of the New Testament;  They read Apostolic Letters and Gospel's;  Total 4 readings;  Singing of the psalms: [attested by St. Paul (1 Cor. 14:26)] probably borrowed from this morning service;  Psalmody = PROKEIMENON (Slavic: “prokimen”)  Midrash = Christian sermon (or homily) [1 Cor. 14:26];  18 Blessings = “common” prayers = ancient litanies;  Blessings divided by “Amen” = “Kyrie eleison” by Christians;  Text divided into distinct petitions is similar to Syro-Antiochhene litanic forms…;
  • 17.  Men were bareheaded;  Women veiled (1 Cor. 11:6-7);  Women not permitted to speak (1 Cor. 14:34-35);  Kiss of peace (Rom. 16:16; 1 Cor. 16-20; 1 Thess 5:26; 1 Pet. 5:14;);  Public profession of faith (1 Tim. 6:12);  They prayed with uplifted hands (1 Tim. 2:8);  Collection for the poor (1 Cor. 16:12; Rom. 15:26;);  Sunday = Day of Resurrection was probably sanctified in addition to the Sabbath; SABBATH MORNING SERVICE & Other liturgical practices:
  • 18. SECOND CENTURY LITURGY  Separation of Eucharist from meal =after life time of the Apostles;  Common meal (or agape) continued for several more centuries (longer in the East);  Why separation?  Abuses – as it happened in Corinth during Paul’s time;  Or necessity…?  Logical: discontinue the meal – celebrate Eucharist !  After separation Eucharist could be celebrated freely at any time of day!
  • 19. SECOND CENTURY LITURGY  Another reason: SUNDAY;  Christ = Sun of Justice, the Sun of Truth (according to Scriptures);  Early Christians = took above description very seriously;  Why?  Christ rose from dead at dawn (first Easter Sunday);  His rising coincided with the appearance of the natural sun;  Sunrise = symbol of the rising Sun of Justice;  Conclusion: Christ, the Sun of Justice and Truth would come upon the altar in the Eucharist at the very time the natural sun was rising;  We see here strong influence of symbolism…;  Conclusion: what ever reason early Christians began to meet before daybreak for their services;
  • 20. SECOND CENTURY LITURGY: The first detailed description of Liturgy  Open letter to the Government [First Apology] – Justin;  It was addressed to Antoninus Pius (A.D. 138-156);  Written to the Senate and Roman people;  Justin uses no other term but EUCHARIST for the consecrated bread and vine;  Others: Athenagoras of Athens; Theophilus of Antioch; St. Irenaeus; Additional notes:  Clergy had no special vestments;  Canonical hours, saints, incense yet to be introduced;
  • 21. THE AGAPE  Separating Eucharist from common meal was gradual;  It was accomplished during the first half of the second century;  Note: This does not mean that common meal was totally abolished;  Common meal continued to be important phase of Christian life for several centuries;  Details about the ceremonial connected with the agapes have been recorded;  Especially from Tertullian’s writing's: Apologeticus
  • 22. AGAPE  Complete information can be found in the Egyptian version of Apostolic Tradition;  Original in Greek by Hippolytus (Roman presbyter) A.D. 215;  This document gives us a fairly comprehensive picture of the common meal;  Here we see parallels with the old Jewish “chaburah”;  Cup of the blessing = Chalice of the Eucharist;  In the East, this cup was from “Kiddush” cup;  We can now exam Ethiopic version:
  • 23. AGAPE/”alleluia”/”hallel”  What are we to make of the “alleluia” mentioned by Ethiopic translator?  “chaburah” included the song of “hallel”;  “hallel” is part of ceremonial Passover supper;  This is dating before our Lord’s time; (it dates back at least to the second century A.D.);  In Egyptian “hallel” we find prominent feature;  Conclusion: Christian “alleluia” = Egyptian “hallel”;
  • 24. AGAPE – Liturgical Language  Until later of second century it was Greek;  Jews of the diaspora also held their synagogue services in Greek;  “Amen” and “Alleluia” “Hosanna” were kept in original form;  The question of special liturgical language never arose;  In the West, in the second century African Church introduced Latin;  Rome and the Western Church adopted during the third or fourth century; (opinion vary);  When the language of the people changed so did the language of the Liturgy;  From third to fifth centuries Greek-Latin was used side by side in the West;  Going down thru centuries Greek was replaced with national language;
  • 25. PRE-NICENE: Uniformity-Diversity  In second century Eucharist was still uniform;  In the third century general uniformity was observed, but differentiating practices may be found in every Church;  Habit was important factor;  When to expect: readings, the psalms, the sermon, when to stand…and so forth;  However, outline or sequence of component parts of the celebration remained uniform;  In the middle of the third century liturgical forms began to be crystallized;  Prayer must be correct and orthodox;  What to pray and a fixed framework as in the Eucharistic celebration;  Uniformity was greater within local Church: Rome, Antioch, Alexandria…;  NOTE: During the first centuries liturgical functions had no ceremonial attached to them;  Liturgical action was directed purely by necessity;
  • 26. PRE-NICENE TRADITION FORMULA The train of thought, the ideas alone should be fixed (identity of meaning), whereas the words to express them should be compared by the celebrant himself (verbal diversity);
  • 27. LAST CENTURY of the PRE-NICENE  By now we know that synaxis and the Eucharist had different origins and served two different purposes;  Until person was baptized and accepted into “ecclesia” he had no hope and could never attend the Eucharist (Liturgy);  Once baptized and accepted he/she had obligation of attending the Eucharist on every Lord’s Day;  Attendance at the Sunday synaxis was less strict;  So on the basis of pre-Nicene evidence, we can put together and reconstruct the general form of the synaxis and the Eucharist;
  • 28. LAST CENTURY of the PRE-NICENE The synaxis The Eucharist Opening Greeting Greeting and Kiss of Peace Readings and Psalms Offertory Gospel Eucharist Prayer Sermon(s) Fraction Dismissal of Catechumens' Communion Intercessory Prayers of the Faithful Ablutions and Dismissal
  • 29. ROMAN PERSECUTIONS & EUCHARIST  Every Christian was under the threat of torture and death;  “non licet esse christianos” = “Christians are not allowed to exist !”  From Nero to Valerian (c. A.D. 65 to A.D. 260) attendance at Christian worship was a capital crime;  After A.D. 260 law was somewhat relaxed, but still “laesa maiestas” = high treason;  Edict of Gallienus granted virtual freedom of worship to the Christians and a restoration of their property;  Under Diocletian (A.D. 303-313) the blood of Christians flowed unabated;  The persecution began in Nicomedia (residency of Diocletian) during the winter of A.D. 302-303;  Essential goal was destruction of sacred books;  Thessalonica: Agape, Irene, Chione – preserved the sacred Scripture;  Bodies of martyrs;
  • 30. SEPERATION OF THE LITURGIES  Council of Nicaea;  Christian religion was now legal;  Christianity was now free to grow, organize and develop;  The bishop of the larger Sees exercised jurisdiction over other Bishop, which resulted in establishment of important offices of Metropolitan and Patriarch;  For example, during the first three centuries: the primacy of the Bishop of Rome was recognized as a primary not merely honor but also of jurisdiction;  During the first centuries of Christianity, authority of the Bishop of Rome ruled supreme;  Prior to the 3rd century there was no grouping various Churches into diocese, according to civil provinces';  In 4th century we started grouping of Churches, which led to office of metropolitan; this was done only in the East;  This was not established by Council of Nicaea;
  • 31. ESTABLISHMENT OF PATRIARCHATES  Constantinople;  Alexandria;  Antioch;  Jerusalem;  In West: Rome remained and retained its supreme authority;
  • 32. DEVELOPMENT OF THE RITES  Christians Liturgy developed into separate distinct Rites within universal Church;  Pre-Nicene Rite crystalized into different types of Liturgies;  At this point the Council of Nicaea is merely a point of ref. in dating general trends in liturgical history;  In 4th century we have enough differences in the Liturgy (of various Churches);  Earlier we mentioned patriarchal Sees and they emerged as the influential in diffusing the Liturgies developed within their domain – so they became “parent”;  “Parent Churches” were not absolutely consistent within themselves;  “Parent Churches” were subject to development and change;  “Daughter Churches” adopted “Parent Church” with their own changes (adding some items, expending others and adding own peculiarities);  “Daughter Churches” influenced each other, borrowing from each other and exchanging details;  Antioch and Alexandria = “Great Parents”
  • 33. ALEXANDRIAN & ETHIOPIAN LITURGIES  Alexandria left unmistakable mark on the Liturgies of other Churches;  Alexandrian Liturgy remained fluid until 4th century;  Liturgy of St. Mark - no longer used (only on St. Mark Day);  Conflict between Catholic and Monophysites in Egypt = Ethiopian Church;  This liturgy is shrouded in mystery and obscurity;  Present-day Ethiopian is “NOT” Ethiopic origin;  Today there are 17 alternative anaphorae in Ethiopian Church;
  • 34. ANTIOCH AND SYRIAN LITURGIES  Antioch was the greatest single center of liturgical influence in the East;  The Christendom was influenced by Syrian Liturgy;  Antioch was leader in Syria;  The spread of this rite was situation in Palestine and Jerusalem;  The original was not preserved;  4th century, Clementine Liturgy (Book VIII – Apostolic Constitution);  Comparison between this Liturgy and St. John Chrysostom (Antiochene);
  • 35. PALESTINE AND JERUSALM LITURGIES  Until the middle of the 5th century they belonged to Antioch jurisdiction;  Palestine liturgy was parent Rite of Antioch (Liturgy of St. James, the Brother of the Lord);  St. Cyril described this liturgy to us;  It originated in Palestine sometimes during the 4th century;  It was celebrated in Jerusalem;  This liturgy replaced ancient and original Antiochian Liturgy;  The liturgy was found in both Greek and Syriac language (Greek is older);  Greek version (manuscript) is from late 10th century;  The Rite of Jerusalem (Catecheses of Cyril-Bishop of Jerusalem) dating 4th century (A.D. 348);
  • 36. WEST SYRIAN DERIVATIVES: Byzantium and Armenia  West Syrian: Cappadocia, Pontus, Asia;  Byzantine: Constantinople, Armenia;  All of them got faith from Antioch and Syria;  Later part of 3rd and 4th century they had close relationship with See of Antioch;  Liturgy of Antioch was the prototype;  Their liturgy was similar;  Armenians embraced Christianity as a whole;  St. Gregory the Illuminator A.D. 294 (Metropolitan of Casarea in Cappadocia);
  • 37. EAST SYRIAN DERIVATIVES: Persia and Mesopotamia  Church of Edessa was established the end of the 2nd century;  Evangelists were from West Syria;  Edessa and Nisibis (in the 3rd century) centers of faith in Persia;  They develop their own distinct liturgical traditions;  Liturgy of S.S. Addai and Mari;  Edessa was strong center of Semitic cultural traditions;  Aramaic dialect was used; Semitic traits were kept in the Liturgy;  A.D. 424 proclaimed the independence from Antioch;  No ideas were exchanged between other Rites;  Schism: Nestorian Church; (A.D. 431);  Persian Liturgy dating 5th - 6th century; Ἔδεσσα- ‫-ܝܗܪܘܐ‬ Եդեսիա
  • 38.
  • 39. TODAY

Notas del editor

  1. …study in depth of background is imperative; Eucharist liturgy of St. John Chrysostom is the “ritual pattern” of the Byzantine and the Eastern Slavs; The subject of this class to get devotional interest; Problems: the lack of an authoritative, comprehensive work on its origin, evolution and theology; …much of it is scattered and uncoordinated in various articles, publications and books;
  2. If the Apostles and the infant Church did not keep the ritual of the paschal meal in celebrating the Eucharist, did they hold to any meal? Majority: celebration of the primitive Eucharist was ordinarily connected with meal;
  3. In Acts 2:42 the meaning here is not the ordinary meal but an essential religious act; “breaking bread” had taken on completely new meaning, something entirely different from old concept of having a meal; New meaning is: “celebration of Eucharist”; In Acts 20:7-11 here we clearly see that Eucharist was held on Sunday; Building was not Church and/or Synagogue but private house (upper room);
  4. In I Cor. 11:20-24 = evidence of meal being connected with the celebration of the Eucharist = Lord’s Supper by Paul; In passages Paul condemns two faults; First: not waiting for the whole congregation; Second: did not share their food with the poor; some even became drunk; Explained to Corinthians the foundation and the meaning of the Eucharist; Eucharist = Calvary Tried to explain to them if you receive unworthily you are guilty of the body and blood of the Lord (death of Christ); Introduction phase about the chalice: “after he had supped” (meaning after Christ had eaten supper);
  5. First Christians combine the celebration of the Eucharist with meal; Originally Christ celebrated it within the framework of a meal; Apostles were Jews and first converts and used the religious meals;
  6. “Kidush” held on the eve of the Sabbath; - this was regular meal and it was semireligious; “Chaburah” from “ chaburoth” plural form of singular “chaber” = friend (private meal with friend); Friends brought contribution; After Christ resurrection, Apostles joined in common meal; In the eyes of the Jews, Apostles would been just such a “chaburoth” group, among hundreds of other in Palestine; About this “private meal” we have rabbinic sources;
  7. Note here, which is very important is that after “grace before meals” was said, no latecomer was allowed to join; The prayer of blessing the cup was said every time it was refilled; Grace prayer: “Blessed art thou, O Lord, our God the King of the world who bringest forth bread from the earth”. Father and/or leader ate a piece of it himself and gave a fragment to each person at table; Grace for wine: “Blessed art thou, O Lord, our God, the King of the world who creates the fruit of the vine”. After washing hand we have evidence that perfume was also offered; Father and/or leader after washing hands said “Blessing or Benediction”;
  8. Such religion-sponsored meals with proper adaptions for Christian use were continued among the first Christians; “Didache” (Teaching of the Twelve Apostles circa A.D. 80-100) proves to us that these first Christians did have such semireligious meals, modeled along “Chaburah” lines; however due to time limitation you can exam line by line, at your spare time if you would like;
  9. Cup proceeded the bred = we see this in the Eastern agapes of a century or two later; innovation ? You be the judge ! Prayers composed by knowledgeable person who knew Jewish custom and tradition;
  10. For first Christians this was link between the Last Supper and their own celebration of the Eucharist; Furthermore when apostolic Eucharist was celebrated, it was within the framework of such a meal; From “Didache” blessing over bread and wine, were said even if the meal was without Eucharist; So we can guess that when Eucharist was celebrated with conjunction with the meal, these prayers served as introduction to the properly Eucharist formula and narrative; We have evidence that “thanksgiving after common meal” came from anaphora texts; which was introduced to first Christians by invitation; To this day Christian anaphora is still in its nature a prayer for a meal; So “formal supper” was transformed to Eucharist; St. Paul: First Letter to Corinthians – the eleventh chapter;
  11. Due to Jewish heritage, primitive Judeo-Christian community gathered in the Temple; SYNAGOGUE or TO GO TO THE SYNAGOGUE were used by Apostolic Fathers very early; After A.D. 70 Christians met less and less in the synagogues; Beginning to hold modified services; (this was borrowed and adopted from worship of the synagogue); This service later became “catechetical synaxis” Writers who used this term: 3rd century by Origen; Cyril of Jerusalem; Gregory Nazianzen; Apostolic Constitutions; John Chrysostom;
  12. Lections (or reading) from scripture; 1 Tim 4:13; 1 Thess 5:27; Col. 3:16 The Singing of psalms; 1 Cor 14:26; Or hymns; Eph 5:19; Col 3:16; Sermon; 1 Cor 14:26; Acts 20:7; Prayers; Acts 2:42; 1 Tim 2:1-2;
  13. The Byzantine descendant of this primitive psalmody is the prokeimenon;
  14. If this did not happen in all the communities during the lifetime of the Apostles, it did soon afterward.
  15. As long as the Eucharist was connected with a common supper it was celebrated in the evening.
  16. Sunday was sanctified in addition to the Saturday Sabbath as the Lord’s Day in memory of Christ’s resurrection; Those unacquainted with Eastern liturgical history, rather lightly accept the change of the Sabbath to Sunday as an accomplished fact by the time St. Paul wrote to the Corinthians (16:2), or shortly thereafter. Early Christian tradition, on the contrary, points to the Sunday as an extra holy day attached to the Saturday Sabbath and not as a substitute for it. The status of Saturday as a holy day also applied to the laws of fasting; Saturdays as well as Sundays were exempt from fast in Eastern Christian tradition. Even in modem times, the Saturdays in Lent and in other penitential periods are not days of fasting in the Byzantine Church. It is probable that the real substitution of Sunday for the Sabbath dates no earlier than St. Leo's time.
  17. Justin wrote about the Eucharist as it was celebrated in the Rome of his day; More detail are in Chapters 65 and 67; There is no mentioned of common meal being connected with either description, we can conclude that celebration of Eucharist was no longer connected with any such meal; Another interest is synaxis with the Eucharist – no separation of the two services; Justin himself argues for distinction of the two rites; Occasion Baptism: this ritual took the place of the synaxis, so had the synaxis and the Eucharist already been fused into one, the baptismal rite could not have rightly been substituted for the synaxis (first sentence of chapter 66);
  18. Our repast, by its very name, indicates its purpose. It is called by a name which among the Greeks means " love “ (agape) ... by this refreshment we comfort the needy .... No one takes his seat at table without first praying to God. They eat as much as appeases their hunger and drink as much as men who are temperate. They satisfy their needs as men who remember that they must still worship God during the night. They take part in conversation but never forget that the Lord can hear all. After the lamps are lit and hands washed, each one, according to his ability to do so, is expected to read the Holy Scriptures or to sing a hymn in the center (of the room). This shows if he drank to excess. The meal likewise ends with a prayer. ***Though Clement of Alexandria (fl. A.D. 200) refers several times to the common meal or agape, not once does he hint that the Eucharist was still connected with it (Paedagogus, II, 1, edit. Stahlin, GCS, I, p. 156; ibid., 5, 2, edit. cit., p. 157; ibid., 6, 1, edit. cit., p. 157; ibid., 7, 1, edit. cit., pp. 157-158; cf. K. Volker, Mysterium und Agape, Die gemeinsamen Mahlzeiten in der alten Kirche [Gotha, 1927], pp. 542-544, for excellent interpretation of these passages). But Alexandria was not alone. The agapes of the other Churches during the third and fourth century were not combined with the Eucharist. This is clear from the various versions of the Apostolic Tradition, i.e., the Coptic, Arabic, and Ethiopic (cf. nn. 48-52, Horner, pp. 321-323; nn. 36-38, Horner, pp. 103-104; nn. 37-39, Horner, pp. 25- 39), from the Canons of Hippolytus (canons 32-34, ci. W. Riedel, Die Kirchenrechtsquellen, pp. 221-223), from the Testamentum Domini (1, 1, n. xxxiii), etc. In this sketch, Tertullian gives no information regarding the content of the prayers said; hence no comparison can be made between them and the Jewish chabUrah suppers. Nor can we, on the basis of what he writes, correlate this common meal with anything specific in the chabUrah. The washing of hands and the lighting of lamps (or torches) indeed were chabUrah customs, but were they here part of the agape ritual? After all, these in themselves were common practices at evening meals in nearly all the Mediterranean regions. Were the singing of the psalms (or hymns) and the prayer after the meal chabUrah vestiges? They could equally well be the natural course of events in any Christian function. After stressing the meaning of brotherly love and affection as the purpose of these common meals, Tertullian strangely forgets to mention one of their most significant symbols, the common cup! The only logical explanation for it is that in his locality this important part of the ceremonial had been eliminated and replaced with the cup of the Eucharist at the time the Eucharist became separated from the meal. The most complete information on the agape is found in the Egyptian version of the Apostolic Tradition. Authorship of the original Greek work is attributed to Hippolytus, the Roman presbyter and controversialist of the third century. He composed it about A.D. 215 but it contains much material from the second century. Though almost unknown in Rome and the West generally-likely owing to the fact that its author had set himself up as an antipope during the reign of Pope Callistus although he was later reconciled to the Church and died a martyr in A.D. 235-the Apostolic Tradition has been widely known and copied in the East, especially in Egypt and Syria. Like so many other works, its original Greek version has not survived, except for a few fragments, but its Coptic, Ethiopic, and Arabic versions are extant, as well as a partial Syriac version. How much of these texts are interpolations is difficult to assess. The immense popularity of the original work in the East was due to the belief that it contained (as it claimed) the tradition of the Apostles; also, simply the fact that it originated in Rome, the primal See, may have enhanced its popularity.
  19. …picture of the common meal, which retained all the features of a Christian chaburah even after the Eucharist had been separated from it: And he [the bishop], after having broken the bread, must always taste of it and eat with those faithful who are present. And before each takes his own bread, they shall take from the hand of the bishop one fragment of the loaf, for this is the eulogion (blessed bread). It is, however, not the Eucharist, as is the Body of the Lord. And before they drink, let each of those present take a cup, give thanks and drink. And thus let the baptized have their meal. But to the catechumens the exorcised bread should be given, and they shall offer a cup each for themselves. A catechumen shall not sit at table at the Lord's supper .... And if the faithful should attend a Lord's supper without a bishop but with a presbyter or a deacon only, they should similarly partake in an orderly way. Let all, however, be careful to receive the blessed bread from the presbyter's or deacon's hand; a catechumen shall receive the exorcised bread in like manner. If [only] laymen are present without a cleric, let them eat with understanding, for a layman cannot make the blessed bread. But after giving thanks for himself, each should eat in the name of the Lord .... Comparison of the agape as described above with the old Jewish chaburah meal provides some exciting parallels which leave little doubt of the agape's obvious Jewish derivation even after a century and a half of change. Jewish Chaburah Meal I. Only the host or leader of the chaburah was to begin the meal by saying the" grace before meals.“ 2. This" grace before meals" consisted of the leader talcing bread, breaking it, reciting the customary blessing of the bread, and eating a piece of it. 3. After eating a particle of the bread, the leader of the chaburah gave a fragment to each of those present at table. 4. This ritual of bread-blessing and breaking was the formal beginning of the chaburah meal. 5. Each of the guests could bless his own cup of wine during the main course of the chaburah meal. 6. The old rabbinical regulations forbid eating with " uncircumcised men" (Acts II:13). 7. Jewish custom, however, permitted Gentiles to drink in presence of the chabt2rah. 8. The chabt2rah suppers were religion-sponsored or semireligious functions, as is evident from all the religious ceremonial connected with them. The Christian Agape I. It was the bishop (or the presbyter or deacon) alone who had the right to say the formal grace or bless the bread which began the agape, " for a layman cannot make the blessed bread.“ 2. This grace consisted of the bishop (or presbyter or deacon) taking bread, breaking it, blessing it, and tasting of it. 3. After tasting it, the bishop (or presbyter or deacon) gave a fragment of the loaf to each of the faithful who were present. 4. This ceremony of bread blessing and breaking also began the Christian agape. 5. Each of those present also blessed his own wine-cup during the agape, " And before they drink, let each of those present take a cup and give thanks and drink." 6. The Christians apparently had a similar rule : " A catechumen shall not sit at table at the Lord's supper .... " 7. The catechumens not having been initiated into the Church, though they had to eat apart from the faithful, were allowed to receive " exorcised bread" (not blessed bread, however). 8. The Christian agapes were also religion-sponsored meals. The "blessed bread" of the agape, or Lord's Supper, was not the Eucharist " as is the body of the Lord, " nor were the cups of wine over which each of those present gave thanks individually. Again, in the agape described, no parallel " thanksgiving" was said over a Cup of the Blessing, a really important element at Jewish chaburah meals. Evidently, when the Christian parallel to the Cup of the Blessing had become the chalice of the Eucharist in a separate service (where it was conjoined to the institution narrative and the Eucharistic formulae to form the consecration of the wine), no substitute took its place in the meal.
  20. Until the latter part of the second century, the liturgical language in the Eastern as well as the Western Churches was generally Greek. In this, the infant Church adopted the practice of the Jews in the diaspora. Palestinian Jews probably never had a strictly vernacular service either in the Temple or in the synagogues around the countryside; Hebrew, not the vernacular Aramaic, was their liturgical language until about the second century A.D. The Jews of the diaspora, however, did hold their synagogue services in Greek, the general vernacular of the Levant already in the first century of the Christian era. When the Church spread beyond the confines of Palestine, it simply took over this practice of using Greek in its services, except for a few Hebrew words such as Amen, Alleluia, Hosanna, etc. In the first two centuries, Greek was the vernacular of most Christians in all the large Eastern cities (e.g., Alexandria, Antioch, Jerusalem, etc.); it was also the language of the first Christians in Rome, the majority of whom were Greek-speaking Levantines living in the foreign quarter. At first, the question of a special liturgical language never arose. Greek was used simply because it was understood by most of the early converts, even at Rome. Latin as a liturgical language was introduced first in the African Church at the close of the second century. Rome and the Western Church in general probably adopted it some time during the third or fourth century; opinions vary on this. is The change occurred because Greek ceased to be used and understood by the Christians of the Western Church. When the language of the people changed, so did the language in the Liturgy. The transition, in any case, was a gradual one. From the third to the fifth centuries, Greek and Latin seem to have been used side by side in the Churches of the West. 13 During this period of transition most people probably knew both languages; the rest, either one or the other. In most Eastern Churches, on the other hand, the problem was less complicated, for some time at least. As the centuries slipped by, however, one Church after another replaced Greek with its national language. In Greece, of course, no such change was ever necessary.
  21. Despite the great variations of detail, expected of the more-or less extemporary character of all pre-Nicene prayer, the celebration of the Eucharist in the second century can still be considered uniform. This uniformity consisted not only in the general ideas (identity of meaning) contained in those extemporary prayers, but also in the order or arrangement of their component parts. That is why Pope Anicetus (c. A.D. 157-158) could have "granted the (celebration of the) Eucharist in church to Polycarp as a mark of honor " when the latter came to Rome. Had the celebration of the Eucharist been radically different at Rome and at Polycarp's hometown of Smyrna, the incident surely would have aroused comment at Rome. The various extemporary details in the prayers themselves were no cause for comment either, since this was the accepted practice among the local clergy at that time. With the third century, however, although general uniformity was observed, traces of differentiating practices may be found in every Church. These eventually evolved into distinct Rites within the universal Church. Authors generally relegate the separation of the Liturgies (and the ancient Rites) to the fourth century, but the movement began in the third century. Before the Council of Nicaea, there may have been local differences as regards timing of worship, division of services, and physical attitudes of the worshipers. Yet, a definite uniformity was maintained throughout Christendom both in the order and in the content of the cult. This uniformity most probably represents the genuine tradition received from Christ and the apostles. St. Clement of Rome expresses it well: " It behooves us to do all things in [their proper] order which the Lord has commanded us to perform at stated times." Justin indicates the same belief: after describing the Eucharistic rite, he says Christ appeared to his apostles and disciples on Easter and " taught them these things. " Whether or not this belief was founded on historical fact, it caused the generations that followed the apostles scrupulously to observe the original uniformity of order and arrangement within the service. Habit also was an important factor in preserving the original order and arrangement. People learned when to expect the readings, the psalms, the sermon, when to stand, when to go up for Holy Communion, and so forth. Any sudden reversal of order would have disturbed them. Thus, sufficient similarity was preserved and a classification of distinct ritual entities or rites is unwarranted in the pre-Nicene Church. Paradoxical as it may seem, many authors do describe this era as one of many separate " local rites. " This is easy to explain because of the general freedom in matters of ritual detail. The general order in the synaxis was similar if not identical in all the Churches, yet, especially in the Eastern Churches, the number of lections varied and also their Old Testament sources. The outline or sequence of the component parts of the celebration of the Eucharist remained uniform in all the Churches at this early date, yet there was. no set, standardized form. The general ideas to be included in the major prayers were similar, but the actual wording differed with each celebrant since he was free to extemporize as he went along. ' The freedom to extemporize is the reason why many prefer to call this the era of" many local rites. " This was probably one of the things which St. Firmilian, Bishop of Caesarea, had in mind when he wrote to St. Cyprian (c. A.D. 250), giving his opinion on Pope Stephen I's insistence on Roman customs for other Churches: " There are differences in regard to many of the divine sacraments; nor are all things observed there [at Rome] as at Jerusalem; indeed, in the other provinces many things are different according to the diversity of men and places, yet there is no division from the peace and unity of the universal Church because of this. “ It was only from about the middle of the third century that liturgical forms began to be crystallized. In theory, until then, each celebrant could pray as he wished provided he included at least the same general ideas in his prayer-even in the Eucharistic prayer. Somewhat of a parallel may be seen when, given a certain topic, different preachers necessarily give different sermons. The testimony of Hippolytus is clear and to the point: " It is absolutely not necessary for the bishop to use the exact wording. . . as if he were learning them by heart for his thanksgiving to God. Rather each one should pray according to his capability. If he is ready to pronounce a grand and solemn prayer, that is well; if on the contrary he should say a prayer according to a set form, no one may hinder him! But the prayer must be correct and orthodox. " True, certain brief forms or expressions from the Scriptures were known and used by the early Christians when they prayed. Such expressions as Thanks be to God, Blessed art thou, Lord our God, Forever and ever, Lord, have mercy, Amen, Alleluia were used extensively. Early Christian language in fact was permeated with them. Public prayer was no exception. Given the same general ideas of what to pray for and a fixed framework as in the Eucharistic celebration, these expressions automatically found their way into liturgical prayer. Such prayers then, despite their extempore character, had a semblance of uniformity. Understandably, uniformity was greater within a local Church Rome, Antioch, or Alexandria-than between the various Churches of Christendom. After attending the Eucharistic service for years before his ordination, the young priest would quite naturally tend to do what he had seen being done and use the same expressions as his predecessors (all liturgical prayers were said aloud at the time). When other churches and missions were founded from the mother church, the missionaries would celebrate the Liturgy for their converts in much the same way as in the mother church. Besides the intense loyalty for the mother church, which we know existed in those early days, would have prompted them carefully to observe what was being done there. During the first centuries, liturgical functions had almost no ceremonial attached to them. This also aided uniformity. Liturgical action was dictated purely by utility or necessity. Anything that needed to be done was done in the simplest, most practical way. Bread and wine, for example, were brought and set down near the celebrant without ceremony or pomp. Later, when ceremonial developed and increased, uniformity decreased proportionately. Keeping all this in mind, we may now introduce what is regarded as the most important source of information on the Liturgy in the pre-Nicene Church, the only pre-Nicene text of the Eucharistic Prayer which has not undergone subsequent extensive revision. Contained in the Apostolic Tradition of Hippolytus, it represents only the local tradition of Rome but, insofar as the general framework of ideas (identity of meaning) was still uniform throughout Christendom, it may represent to a degree the pre-Nicene traditions of all the Churches. The text includes the consecration of a bishop. When that is finished, the deacons bring up the gifts (prosphora). Then, accompanied by the presbyters, the bishops extend their hands over the gifts and begin the opening dialogue and Eucharistic Prayer: The Lord be with you. And with thy spirit. Lift up your hearts. We have [lifted them] unto the Lord. Let us give thanks to the Lord. It is meet and right.
  22. Originally distinct from one another, the synaxis and the Eucharist not only had different origins but served two different purposes. Until a person was baptized and accepted into the ecclesia, he had no hope of ever attending the Eucharist, the Liturgy of the body of Christ, for that was only for the members of that body. Once baptized, the Christian had the grave obligation of attending the Eucharist on every Lord's Day even at the risk of his life, a risk terrifyingly real for over two hundred years (from Nero to Diocletian, A.D. 65 to A.D. 313). He did this as a member of Christ's body, the ecclesia, to participate in the vital act of that body, the Divine Sacrifice. It was unthinkable to act otherwise. Attendance at the Sunday synaxis was hardly less strict: the redeemed were expected to participate in it as a corporate witness to the fact of the redemption. Except for casual inquirers, those enrolled in the catechumenate were obliged to attend the synaxis, for they could not hope to be accepted into the body, by baptism, unless they could prove their fidelity, at least to a certain extent. To be faithful meant sincere willingness to observe all the obligations of the Christian, one of which was attendance at the corporate worship. Furthermore, attendance at the synaxis was the normal way of learning the salutory truths of the redemption and other doctrines necessary for acceptance into the Body, the ecclesia. On the basis of pre-Nicene evidence, we can piece together and reconstruct the general form of the synaxis and the Eucharistic rite, and the arrangement of their component parts. Nothing like it can be attempted in the century after Nicaea, for by then the rites of each Church had evolved into separate, distinct entities warranting separate classification. The evidence, necessarily scanty on account of the disdplina arcani, does provide sufficient data to form a correct though perhaps far from complete picture of the pre-Nicene Liturgy. In outline, the general order or arrangement of the two services was as follows: The Synaxis The Eucharist I. Opening Greeting I. Greeting and Kiss of Peace 2. Readings and Psalms 2. Offertory 3. Gospel 3. Eucharistic Prayer 4. Sermon or Sermons 4. Fraction 5. Dismissal of Catechumens 5. Communion 6. Intercessory Prayers of the 6. Ablutions and Dismissal Faithful The Synaxis Opening Greeting. When the congregation had assembled, the service began with a greeting exchanged between the celebrant and the whole congregation. 3 One of two forms was used: The Lord be with you or Peace be unto you (or to all). Both are of Jewish origin. This preliminary was at once a greeting of welcome to the people and a signal to start the proceedings. 2. Readings and Psalms. The lector then began the readings (lections or lessons) from the Old Testament, 8 usually from the Law and the Prophets. ' The practice in Jewish synagogues had been to arrange the readings from Scripture in descending order of their importance. Since the Law of Moses was the most revered of the Scriptures, it was read first; then, after the psalmody, one or more of the lections from the Prophets. The order used in the Christian synaxis was the exact opposite, ascending in the order of and deeds was the paramount reading for Christians, it was read last. Next in importance were the apostolic writings or Epistles; they were read immediately before the Gospel. Texts from the Old Testament were read first. When more than one Old Testament reading was made, these too were arranged in this new ascending order of importance. Thus, for a time the Law of Moses seems to have retained some of its Jewish precedence over the rest of the Old Testament; hence, it was read last, i.e., immediately before the Epistle. Later, when the purely chronological order was introduced for Old Testament readings, the Law was read first, then the Prophets etc. In this way the Church reverted to the original Jewish order, though for a different reason. Between the readings, cantors sang the psalms or other canticles from the Scriptures. ' The psalms, selected as a " comment" on the Scriptures just read, were sung by soloists and not by alternating choirs, as was usual after the fourth century. The corporate ideal, however, was not lacking, for the people" repeated the last words,“ that is, joined as a chorus in a simple refrain. As is the case with today's reading the Epistle could be replaced by a reading from the Acts. In some localities the bishop's pastoral letters might be read at this point. 3. Gospel. The Gospel was read by either a deacon or a priest; during its reading all stood in silence. 4. Sermon or Sermons. Immediately after the Gospel reading importance. Since the Gospel containing the Lord's own words there followed the sermon(s). Often, in addition to the bishop celebrant, other preachers delivered sermons; in such cases, the bishop was the last to speak. The early Christians firmly believed that the bishop received a special gift (x&.pLaμa) at his consecration, not only for liturgical prayers and services but also for his office of preaching. By his consecration he became a quasi-inspired " prophetic teacher " for his flock, as the faithful of Smyrna aptly described one who was their bishop, Polycarp, in A.D. 156. 12 Despite the presence of more able preachers, it was the bishop who spoke the authentic mind of the Church in all matters because he alone, it was felt, was endowed by the power of the Holy Spirit to do this. The sermon was an integral part of the Synaxis. Without it, the service was regarded as liturgically incomplete. The bishop always preached in his official capacity, sitting on the throne behind the altar. This throne was his teacher's chair in more than a figurative way. He spoke from it as the representative of God, imparting divine wisdom to the world. That is why, as preacher at the synaxis, he could not be replaced even by the best of his presbyters except in the direst of emergencies. 5. Dismissal of Catechumens. Catechumens and penitents were dismissed after the sermon. Doorkeepers (and deaconesses) guarded the doors so that only the faithful remained for the Eucharistic sacrifice. Probably before each class was asked to leave the assembly, a prayer-blessing was imparted to them. u A dismissal blessing from fourth-century Egypt, attributed to Sarapion ( c. A.D. 340), probably represents the type used in pre-Nicene times. First the deacon proclaimed : " Bow your heads for a blessing. " Then the bishop extended his hands over the catechumens and said : We raise our hand, Lord, and pray that the divine and life giving hand be raised for a blessing unto this people, for unto thee, eternal Father, have they bowed their heads through thine only begotten Son. Bless this people unto the blessing of knowledge and piety, unto the blessing of thy mysteries; through thy only-begotten Son, Jesus Christ, by whom glory and might be unto thee in the Holy Ghost now and throughout all ages. Amen. Later the dismissals evolved into a complex ritual. Before Nicaea, Syria already had an elaborate penitential system; hence, the dismissals there were much more developed than in the other Churches. Fust the hearers were dismissed without a prayer; then, the catechumens, the energumens those possessed by evil spirits) and, finally, the kneelers after a prayer. 6. Intercessory Prayers of the Faithful. These prayers, which followed the dismissal of the catechumens, were still part of the synaxis. When the Eucharist was held immediately after the synaxis, however, the same prayers can be regarded as belonging to the Eucharistic celebration. In fact, they were recited by the faithful, the" initiated" alone; as such they were the office or function of the baptized who alone had the right to participate in them and in the Eucharist. The content of these common prayers of intercession can be surmised. The lengthy prayer that Clement of Rome included in his Letter to the Corinthians was probably from this part of the service : in it are petitions for the sick and the weak, for the faint hearted, for peace, for princes and governors and civil authorities generally. Tertullian, who gives much incidental information about the third-century rite in Africa, also gives some of the petitions contained in the common prayers used in that area: " Lifting up our hands. . . we pray always for all the emperors, that they may have a long life, loyal people, a quiet territory and whatever else may be desired by men and by Caesar." These prayers are usually centered on the temporal aspects of life. The Eucharist Celebration Greeting and Kiss of Peace. The Eucharistic proceedings always began with a greeting and the kiss of peace. 20 The greeting was similar to that beginning the synaxis. The " holy kiss, " or the " kiss of love, " was a token of brotherhood among the Christians since the apostolic era. It was exchanged by the bishop with the clergy standing around the throne behind the altar. The faithful exchanged it in church, men with men, women with women. 2. Offertory. After the kiss of peace, the deacon(s) spread a linen cloth over the whole altar table. This had a purely utilitarian purpose : the " spreading of the table cloth" on which the offerings were to be placed. In the Latin Rite the linen corporal is still unfolded at this point in the Mass, although its present size is merely a fraction of the original. When the offerings of bread and wine were brought and placed on the altar, the bishop and presbyters laid their hands over the oblations in silent prayer. 99 Though the pre-Nicene offertory was a ritual act with a meaning all its own and an integral part of the whole Eucharistic celebration, its significance was not always sharply distinguished from what followed. In preNicene tradition the offertory, consecration, and Communion were all very closely connected; they were never considered as separate units, only as coThe Greek terminology of pre-Nicene writers usually does not vary from one writer to another. Ilpocre:'lleyxe:L'll is used for the Christian who is also a communicant at every Eucharist to indicate his part of the liturgy to bring the prosphora; cX'llocqhpe:L'll is used of the deacon when he presents it or brings it up; and 7tpompepe:t'll, of the bishop or celebrant when he offers it (or what Western usage terms the offertory proper). 3. Eucharistic Prayer (or Anaphora). This prayer always began with the prefatory dialogue and ended with a solemn doxology. The people confirmed it with the Amen. After the first-century attempts to translate the Hebrew Amen by the Greek (genuine, true), the Amen was left in its original Hebrew form. Its full meaning proved untranslatable. Amen is derived from the Hebrew root 'MN, which originally meant steadfast, fixed, or settled, and hence" true." Because the Jews were convinced that God was a transcendental being, they also recognized him as the absolute standard of truth; accordingly, when the Jews translated the Old Testament into Greek, they translated the Hebrew Amen almost always as "Would that it might be so," or" So be it", an expression at once a wish and an affirmation. 4. Fraction. Bread was broken at the Jewish chaburah so that it could be distributed among the participants; insofar as the fragments were all broken and shared from the one bread, it expressed unity and union. In the Christian Eucharist, a single loaf was also used. For Communion, it was broken into fragments and distributed to all : "For we, being many, are one bread, one body : all that partake of one bread" (I Cor. 10:17). St. Ignatius of Antioch, in demonstrating the unity of the Church, writes to the Philadelphians that" one loaf also is broken to all (the communicants), and one cup is distributed among them all. " By the end of the third century, in some Churches the symbolism of the fraction was replaced with that of breaking Christ's body in the Passion. By that time, the congregations, especially in the East,nstituting a single whole. increased to the extent that no one loaf regardless of its size within practical limits, could accommodate the great number of communicants. When more than one loaf had to be used, the original symbolism of the fraction obviously had to be replaced. As an independent function, the Eucharistic celebration concentrated on " recalling" the Lord's death; when necessity forced the change to more than one loaf, the fraction took on the symbolism connected with the death of Christ, the breaking of his body (cf. pp. 671 f.). Early in the second century there arose the touching custom of the fermentum. A fragment of the consecrated bread from the bishop's Eucharist was carried to other, lesser churches of the city where the presbyters were celebrating the Liturgy, to express the bishop's supremacy or " presidency" over his whole church. In the East, this custom probably died out in the fourth century. In Rome itself, however, it survived till the eighth or ninth century. 5. Communion When the bread was broken, all received Communion standing; first the clergy around the altar, then all the people before the altar. Even the laity received under both species of bread and wine. The bread was given by the bishop " with his own hand, " and the chalice was administered by the presbyters (by deacons only if there were not enough presbyters present). 18 Though Justin gives little or no detail in his description of the rite, Hippolytus provides a wonderfully vivid account of the Communion rite at the Baptismal Eucharist : And when the bishop breaks the bread, he shall say in distributin.g a fragment to each : " The bread of heaven in Christ Jesus." And the recipient shall say," Amen." And the presbyters-if, however, there are not enough of them, the deacons also-shall hold the cups and stand by in good order and with reverence; first, he that holds the water, second he that holds the milk, third he that holds the wine. And they who partake shall taste of each cup three times. He who gives it, says : " In God the Father Almighty" and he who receives it says," Amen"; [The second says]" And in the Lord Jesus Christ," and he [the recipient] shall say, "Amen"; [The third says]" And in the Holy Spirit [which is] in the holy Church," and he [the recipient] shall say, " Amen. " • At the Baptismal Eucharist, the first communicants received, in addition to the usual chalice of the Eucharist (i.e., the consecrated wine), a chalice with water only " for a sign of the laver that the inner man ... may receive the same cleansing as the body," and a chalice containing milk-and-honey mixed as a sign of their entry into the " promised land" of the Church. The pre-Nicene Christians were fully aware of the effects of the worthy reception of Holy Communion. The primitive formula of administration," The bread of heaven in Christ Jesus," obviously stresses " the bread which cometh from heaven ... if any man eat of this bread, he shall live forever" (John 6:50-52). Far from minimizing the fact that the Eucharist was the body and blood of Christ, this attitude proves their absolute recognition of it. Immortality was effected by a worthy reception of this heavenly bread precisely because it was, as Justin put it, "the Flesh and Blood of that Jesus who was made flesh. " 28 Ignatius of Antioch calls it " the drug of immortality, the remedy that we should not die, " 18 and Irenaeus says that " Our bodies. receiving the Eucharist are no longer corruptible, having the hope of eternal resurrection. " 80 In the fourth century, perhaps in some places even in the third, the Johannine formula of administration was replaced by the more synoptic form " The Body of Christ, " " The Blood of Christ. " The reason for this change is both fascinating and elusive but too complex for discussion here. 6. Ablutions and Dismissal. After the distribution of Communion, the rite of the Eucharist was in fact completed. What followed was merely the cleansing of the sacred vessels and the dismissal of the ecclesia. The cleansing of the vessels expressed both a practical necessity and profound respect for the sacrament. An interesting parallel is found in Judaism, where the tidying of the room after the chabUrah supper was one of prescribed customs. 81 At what precise moment of the Liturgy did the faithful receive some of the consecrated bread to carry home with them for their weekday Communion? Was it at the Communion rite itself or later? And when did the deacons take the sacrament to the sick and to those who could not be present? No one really knows, but obviously it must have been before the cleansing of the vessels or ablutions. Otherwise, the cleansing would have to be repeated. The dismissal formally closed the service before the people left. So ended the rite of the Eucharist, a simple, forthright service that probably took not much longer than ten or fifteen minutes (excluding the synaxis). For the most part, the pre-Nicene celebration of the Eucharist was uncomplicated by any devotional elaboration. Yet, it was solemn and dignified. Everything was done in the simplest, most practical way without ceremony. We may look in vain through all pre-Nicene sources for anything that could even remotely be designed to stir the senses or arouse the emotions. The Liturgy was designed to impress the mind with but one object, the reality of the Eucharist. There were no liturgical ornaments, no elaborate music or choral singing, not even a special style of vestments for the celebration. An element of solemnity was given to the rite by the chants. Probably the participants sang the prayers as did the Jews, for most of the early writers use the expression carmen dicere (lit. : to say a song) to designate this type of recitative chant. The simple almost plaintive chants of many Eastern Churches are traditional, dating back to pre-Nicene times. Some of the ancient Byzantine melodies, for example, derive from the music of Antioch and Jerusalem and ultimately trace their origin to the music of the Jews. 31 The prefacechant of the Latin Rite also approximates this early type of recitative singing. It neither arouses the emotions nor stirs the senses. It is solemn, but not emotional, thus reflecting the style of the whole corporate rite of the Eucharist. On these grounds alone we should reject the theory that the rites of the Eucharistic celebration were borrowed from the pagan mysteries. The pagan mysteries always tried to stir, arouse, and frankly play upon religious emotion either by elaborate ceremonial, mystical symbols, pageantry, the alternation of light and darkness, or by downright repulsive and weird means. Even the long periods of preparation and fasting before pagan celebrations were designed to put the initiate into a receptive frame of mind. There was always something of the near-hypnotic, the psychologically thrilling in pagan mysteries. The celebration of the early Eucharistic Liturgy, in its austere simplicitv, may be seen as the exact opposite.
  23. CHAPTER VII (see printed notes)
  24. The peace of Constantine and the first general Council of Nicaea in A.D. 325 introduce an entirely different era in the history of the Liturgy, an era characterized by major changes in Christian worship and organization. Places of worship and the very religion of the Christians were now legal; Christianity was free to grow, organize, and develop. In the beginning, as the Apostles went forth to preach the gospel to the whole Roman world, no question ever arose regarding the limits of local jurisdiction of any given bishop. Jewish communities were invariably confined to the cities and towns, so were the infant Christian groups. The cities of the empire, whose limits were clearly marked by the census, also conveniently served as the basis of a bishop's jurisdiction. St. Paul could speak of the Churches of Corinth, Ephesus, Colossae, etc. The areas of episcopal jurisdiction, coinciding as they did with that of a city-with or without its suburbs or countryside-were naturally unequal in extent. As a rule, the larger the city and the more numerous its Christian community, the greater its prestige, although the historical or civic importance of a city influenced the rating of its See. The founding and growth of the more important cities of the empire depended upon favorable geographical features. The missionary activities of such centers in Christian times were also conditioned by them. Christians from major cities evangelized the surrounding countryside, thus establishing daughter Churches that were bound in loyalty and fealty to the mother Church. Almost from the beginning of Christianity, the bishops of the larger Sees exercised jurisdiction over other bishops, especially over those whom they themselves had consecrated and set over new Christian communities. This principle of the consecrating bishop having jurisdiction over the one consecrated by him is very important and decisive in the ecclesiastical history of the East. It resulted eventually in the establishment of the extremely important offices of metropolitan and patriarch and to corresponding territorial divisions. During the first centuries of Christianity, always and everywhere the authority of the Bishop of Rome ruled supreme. Although the other Churches prospered and grew, they ruled only over their own respective territories, over their own daughter Churches. A bishop of any large ecclesiastical center had no pretense of authority over bishops other than those consecrated by him and set over one of his daughter Churches even though, as time went on, some of these centers increased the extent of their territorial jurisdiction enormously. Prior to the third century, there is no real tendency for grouping the various Churches into dioceses according to the divisions of the civil provinces. Very little is known of the councils in those early days, but enough to prove that the ecclesiastical areas and metropolitan Sees were not modeled on the civil divisions of the empire. There were, it is true, some groupings of bishoprics around a metropolitan See or center which approximated the territory of a civil division, but these exceptions were conditioned by the same geographical and historical influences which had determined the civil division; in this sense some assimilation between the two was inevitable. By the time of Nicaea (A.D. 325), however, there was already in the East a grouping of bishops according to provinces and their subordination to the bishop of the civil metropolis; 8 these ecclesiastical provinces corresponded to those civil divisions in existence at the time, i.e., since the reorganization of the empire by Diocletian. Ecclesiastically, therefore, we have in the fourth century the grouping of Churches of a province under a single head who was, as a rule, the bishop of the civil capital city. He was known as the metropolitan bishop. The Council of Nicaea did not establish these ecclesiastical divisions, for they were already taken for granted at the time. ' Simultaneously with this metropolitan system arose the practice of grouping together the Churches of a number of contiguous provinces under the leadership of the bishop of the most important See with a kind of patriarchal authority. This stage of ecclesiastical organization had evolved only in the East at this time; the West developed much slower in this respect, if we except Numidia in Africa. Thus, at the time of the Nicene Council, we have in the East the Church of Alexandria ruling over all of Egypt, the Church of Antioch over what was called the diocese of the Orient, the Church of Caesarea over the Pontus, the Church of Ephesus over the diocese of Asia, and the Church of Heraclea over Thrace. After the persecutions, when this system of church organization was stabilized, it corresponded more or less to the civil divisions of the empire at the time. Later, the organization of the whole Eastern Church into metropolitanates, and especially into the superior units of church administration, directly influenced the development and differentiation of the liturgies. After Constantine moved his capital to the East, Constantinople gradually rose to pre-eminence over Heraclea (de facto, not by law). At the Council of Constantinople in A.D. 381, the Bishop of Constantinople was ranked in precedence over all, except the Bishop of Rome. This decision, however, was not accepted by Rome, nor was its confirmation seventy years later by the Council of Chalcedon.
  25. …dioceses of Thrace, Asia, and the Pontus (cf. Canon 28 of the council), 2) Alexandria, 3) Antioch and, finally, 4) Jerusalem, which was given jurisdiction over three provinces in Palestine (An unsuccessful attempt to establish a patriarchate of Jerusalem had been made twenty years earlier at the Council of Ephesus by Juvenal, Bishop of Jerusalem). Rome, the patriarchate of the West, remained and retained its supreme authority and pre-eminence. The borders of its immediate jurisdiction roughly included the north· coast of Africa, everything west of a line from the eastern part of Crete to Danzig, although some of this territory, especially Illyricum, was disputed with Constantinople. With this division of the Church (corresponding to that of the empire) into Western and Eastern parts, originated the expressions Eastern Church, Western Church and eventually, Eastern Rites, etc. The difference was more than geographical and ritual : it was also temperamental and cultural. This, of course, is still true today, but to a lesser degree. Liturgically, from a more or less common pre-Nicene tradition with its two characteristics of diversity of form (verbal diversity) and a fundamental identity of meaning, the Christian Liturgy developed into separate, distinct Rites within the universal Church. In other words, the old uniform but fluid pre-Nicene Rite crystallized into different types of Liturgies or Rites in different territories. Whereas till this time the formation of Christian ritual had been influenced by the Jewish heritage and the new Christian ideas, now the period of greatest Hellenistic influence begins. 9 This change, or what we may call crystallization, was not instantaneous, but slow and gradual. Traces of different practices can be noted in the various Churches in the third century; after Nicaea, these differences evolved into distinct Liturgies or Rites. The direct influence of the Council of Nicaea on this great liturgical change was minor if not entirely nil. The Council of Nicaea is merely a point of reference in dating general trends in liturgical history, for want of a better standard.
  26. As regards the separation of the Liturgies and Rites, one thing is certain : in the fourth century there are enough marked differences in the Liturgies of various Churches or ecclesiastical centers to necessitate their separate classification-and this, despite unmistakable marks of their common descent, i.e., the same general outline or order of their component parts. No less significant are the complicated and sometimes curious signs of mutual influence among them. So complex is the evidence of mutual influence and interdependence of these Rites that there are almost as many theories of relationship as there are scholars in the field. Certainly, all agree that the old, fluid pre-Nicene Rite crystallized into different forms in the various centers of Christianity, but few agree on their derivation. Differences of opinion regarding the relative importance of nonessential parts of the Liturgy account for its evolution into distinct forms. Some of these non-essential parts were emphasized and lengthened, others down-graded and shortened, in a way that varied from Church to Church. Practical considerations of local churches also influenced the order of succession of prayers and other details. Until liturgical prayers were written down and read from a book, it was only natural, too, that extempore recitation could not induce uniformity even among the dependent bishoprics of a metropolitan See, much less among the metropolitan Sees themselves. Liturgical separation and differentiation, already firmly established during the third century in the most important Churches of pre-Nicene times, became more evident as time went on. The liturgical influence of these major Sees permeated the surrounding countryside and their dependent dioceses. Aside from the question of jurisdiction, dependent bishops naturally imitated their leader, the metropolitan or exarch in these matters. Three ancient patriarchal Sees, Rome, Alexandria, and Antioch, emerged as the most influential in diffusing the Liturgies developed within their domains. These Liturgies together with that of Gaul, seem to be the parent types of all later forms. The origin of the Gallican Rite remains a mystery. These parent types, however, were not absolutely consistent within themselves, for being more or less fluid they were subject to development and change. Daughter Churches, especially those in outlying areas, would adapt the parent type to the circumstances of its own territory, changing some items, expanding others, and in general adding peculiarities of their own. These are the derived Liturgies, the daughter Rites, each descended from one of the four great parent types, related to each other if they belong to the same family, yet really different enough to be classified as distinct Rites. Again, out of some of these daughter Rites came forth yet other Liturgies which also must be classified as separate entities. All of the different forms, parent types, daughter Rites, and other derived Liturgies, influenced each other not only by borrowing and exchanging details, but in some instances by a general interchange of the ritual or its parts-so much so that tracing their derivation still remains elusive and complex. At any rate, in the East there were two great families of Liturgies, of which Antioch and Alexandria were the parent types. The Liturgies of the other Eastern Churches certainly evolved definite peculiarities of their own, but all in one way or another derive from these two parent types; they are all children, as it were, of two families. There may have existed other Liturgies descended from these parent types, but only those are listed which have survived the accidents of history in anything more than vague and scanty references.
  27. The collection consists of thirty liturgical compositions intended primarily for the use of a bishop. Except for the headings of the prayers and the final " All these prayers precede that of the Oblation, " there are no rubrics; hence, their proper order is uncertain. Some prayers are related to baptism (7-n); others to ordination (12-14), the blessing of oil (15-17), or funeral services (18). Others again are for the Sunday office or Proanaphoral Prayers (19-30) and the Eucharistic Liturgy (1-6). Since only the latter two series (1-6, 19-30) refer to the Eucharistic Liturgy, our interest is centered upon them. The problem of their proper order still remains unsolved (especially 22, 27, 29, and 30). These prayers probably are not the official prayers of the Alexandrian Liturgy, nor even perhaps of the Church of Thmuis, but merely a type which could be used if desired. Except for the anaphora (1-4), whose significance and Eucharistic use is obvious, perhaps all of them could have been used for non-liturgical services as well. There is nothing in their make-up or form which would indicate their applicability to the Mass alone. If their arrangement without proper order means anything, it would, rather, indicate their use on any occasion besides the Mass. For example, the prayer for the blessing of oil and water and the benediction of the people after this blessing (5-6) could very well have been used before the administration of baptism. The classical text of the so-called Liturgy of St. Mark (which is to the Alexandrine rite what St. James is to the Syrian) is found in both the Greek and the Coptic. Its basic text probably dates back to the fifth century and some of its parts perhaps to the fourth. The old Alexandrine Rite is preserved almost intact in the Coptic St. Mark. 40 The Greek St. Mark, on the other hand, whose earliest manuscripts are of the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, has been extensively modified by Byzantine influence; however, its essential parts agree with the style and tenor of the best Coptic texts. Today the Greek St. Mark is no longer used. Comparing both the Coptic and the Greek St. Mark and the Ethiopian Liturgy of the Twelve Apostles, and selecting all that is common to the three, is an invaluable aid in the reconstruction of the ancient Alexandrine Rite. Fundamentally, the three are a single Liturgy whose variations arise merely from later modifications. The present-day Coptic Liturgies also include the alternative anaphorae of St. Gregory Nazianzen and that of St. Basil (not to be confused with the Byzantine Liturgy of the same name). These, however, are Syrian imports and are of little value for studying the ancient usage of Alexandria. Both are translated from the Greek. Beyond the frontiers of the empire and even beyond the southern borders of the Alexandrian Patriarchate itself lived the Ethiopians, a people believed to be of Semitic stock who probably had emigrated to Africa from southern Arabia. The evangelization of the Ethiopians apparently does not date back further than the time of St. Athanasius (A.D. 296 ?-373) who had consecrated St. Frumentius bishop of that people. At the time of its foundation, the Church of Ethiopia was subject to the great See of Alexandria. 41 About a century and a half later, nine monks, probably Monophysites from Syria, now known as the Nine Saints, revitalized the Ethiopian mission. The conflict between Catholics and Monophysites in Egypt had a direct bearing on the Ethiopian Church : when the Monophysites emerged supreme in the Alexandrian Patriarchate, its Ethiopian dependency also became and for the most part remained Monophysite. Its liturgical language, however, has always been Geez, the classical language of Ethiopia. The early liturgy of Ethiopia is shrouded in mystery and obscurity. The so-called Egyptian Church Order consisting of what used to be known as the Coptic Church Order and the Ethiopian Church Order, 42 including the Latin Verona fragments .a of the same, are nothing more than the Apostolic Tradition of Hippolytus in different versions. Though the Ethiopic version (formerly known as the Ethiopic Church Order) was naturalized in the Ethiopic Church to the extent that it forms the foundation of the normal anaphora of that Church today, it is not of Ethiopic origin and therefore cannot rightly be considered in the study of the early Ethiopic Liturgy except incidentally. The Testamentum Domini, 44 from which the present-day Ethiopian anaphora of our Lord derives, is not of Ethiopic origin either : it is Syriac. Actually, the Testamentum Domini is also a recasting of the Apostolic Tradition mentioned above, or else its compiler has based his text almost entirely on a Liturgy identical with that of the Apostolic Tradition, although he generously interspersed portions of it with his own interpolations and expansions. The date of this compilation is either the fourth or the fifth century. Only insofar as the Testamentum Domini has been assimilated into the Ethiopian Rite can it find a place in the study of the Eucharistic Liturgy of this Church. Since its direct origin is Syrian, it legitimately belongs to the chapter on the early Syrian Liturgy. Today, as many as seventeen alternative anaphorae may be used in the Ethiopian Church;
  28. Syria, a land much divided since prehistoric times on account of the diversity of its races, cultures, religions, and languages, was never politically welded into one solid state. Yet, Antioch, its administrative and ecclesiastical capital, became the greatest single center of liturgical influence in the East-perhaps even in the whole universal Church-in the latter part of the third and in the fourth centuries. There is no Rite in all of Christendom which in one way or another has not been influenced by the Liturgy of Syria. Antioch was the Christian heir to the Seleucid tradition of leadership of all Syria in the path of Hellenism. But the Seleucids (B.c. c. 250-150) failed in their attempt to unify their country by the introduction of Hellenism as a general solvent of the diverse local traditions; nor did their Hellenism succeed in acquiring any real influence and prestige beyond their borders. How, then, did Antioch succeed in establishing itself as one of the greatest liturgical centers of influence in the Christian world? The reason seems to be the special ecclesiastical circumstances. Because of the many councils held at Antioch during this era, its Church was certainly put into a position of influence and prestige in relation to the Churches of Cappadocia, Asia, Pontus, and even Thrace. Their relationship was close in any case by reason of their Antiochene origin. Antioch no less than Cappadocia influenced Constantinople during the latter's ascendancy by providing it with bishops. These factors at least partially explain why the Churches of Cappadocia, Asia, Pontus, and Constantinople have many Antiochene (or Syrian) characteristics in their respective Liturgies. Any Church with dependencies in as many territories would naturally dominate other Churches of Christendom. Another factor which undoubtedly influenced the spread of the Antiochene Rite during the third and fourth centuries was the situation in Palestine and Jerusalem. Even before becoming a separate patriarchate, Jerusalem (and Palestine) attracted many visitors and pilgrims as the " Holy Land. " These pilgrims from other lands were understandably impressed and influenced by the religious practices and ritual of Jerusalem, which belonged to the Antiochene family. On returning home, they incorporated some of these practices into their own Rites. For almost the same reason the monasteries of Syria and Palestine attracted visitors and thus exerted their influence on other Rites, although perhaps to a much lesser degree than did the Holy Land. The original Rite of the Antiochene Church is undoubtedly the progeriitor of the whole Antiochene (Syrian) family of Rites. Unfortunately, it is only imperfectly known, since Antioch itself did not preserve it, but borrowed instead one of its daughter Rites. In the Antiochene as in the other Churches at the time of the Council of Nicaea, the crystallization of the Divine Liturgy was only beginning; the prayers of the Liturgy were for the most part still recited extempore by the celebrant, although ideal or model forms were beginning to be put into writing. The celebrant could, if he wished, make use of these models; he could adapt them to local circumstances, even incorporate his own ideas, tastes, and preferences into the Liturgy. All these possibilities make it difficult to trace the Rite of a given See. Antioch and Syria were no exception to this rule. We can learn much, however, about the Antiochene Rite of the fourth century from the so-called Clementine Liturgy found in Book VIII of the Apostolic Constitutions. The Clementine Liturgy, as could have been expected, is not the official text of Antioch and Syria but only a suggested model or ideal form written down more for guidance than for application as such. a In its structure and legal regulations, Book VIII of the Apostolic Constitutions, is actually a recasting of the Apostolic Tradition by Hippolytus, but in the Liturgy which it contains, the traces of Hippolytus are faint. It is fairly certain now that the date of the whole composition is late fourth century. Comparison of this Liturgy with the Antiochene writings of John Chrysostom leaves little doubt that the redactor had indeed drawn heavily on current Antiochene usages and forms. For example, great similarity and even identical phrasing exist in the litanies or ektenes, in the intercessions of the anaphora, in the Eucharistic Prayer, etc. The invocation is directly inspired by that of the Ethiopic version of the Apostolic Tradition (formerly known as the Ethiopic Church Order). All this indicates that the redactor has drawn freely on existing sources but, since he paraphrased and expanded them in line with his own ideas, the Clementine Liturgy can be considered his own composition. This is especially true of the Eucharistic Prayer where the author's personal style, known from his other works, is particularly noticeable. Textually, then, this Liturgy is the redactor's own creation, but its great value lies in corroborating and supplementing the evidence of other Syrian sources, especially Chrysostom's Antiochene writings (A.D. 360-398). In attempting to reconstitute the old Rite of Antioch regarding the Divine Liturgy, special emphasis must be laid on the most reliable source, i.e., Chrysostom, and only when that is lacking must guarded and qualified efforts be made to complement that source with the so-called Clementine Liturgy. 05, 106, 107
  29. Palestine and Jerusalem belonged to the jurisdiction of Antioch until the middle of the fifth century (i.e., till the Council of Chalcedon, A.D. 451). As a neighboring Church dependent on Antioch, Jerusalem undoubtedly used the rite of the patriarchal Church, but with modifications of its own. Within each patriarchate there was still much variety-just how much variety in the case of Jerusalem can be gleaned from the catechetical writings of Cyril of Jerusalem and from the Pilgrimage of Etheria. These Palestinian sources, especially those of Cyril, are of paramount importance if we accept the thesis that during the first half of the fourth century, the Liturgy of Palestine had supplanted it's parent Rite at Antioch, and eventually in all of the West Syrian Church, in the form of the Liturgy of St. James the Brother of the Lord. By no means can we categorically state that the Liturgy of Palestine as described by St. Cyril was that of St. Jam.es. But there are good reasons for justifying the conclusion that the Liturgy of St. Jam.es did indeed originate in Palestine some time during the fourth century and, since Cyril was describing the Liturgy as it was celebrated in Jerusalem during his time (also the fourth century), the two may easily be one and the same Liturgy. Evidence is not wanting : undeniable parallels and identical phrasings exist in both Liturgies. If St. Jam.es is not an expansion of the Palestinian Liturgy as described by Cyril, then it certainly incorporated many of its features. Both generally follow the main lines of the Liturgy found in the Antiochene Apostolic Constitutions. To summarize: the Liturgy of St. James, which completely replaced the ancient and original rite of Antioch, descends from an Antiochene source and is an expansion of the fourth-century rite of Jerusalem. When exactly did Antioch adopt the Liturgy of St. Jam.es? Certainly not before Chrysostom left Antioch in A.D. 397; on the other hand, hardly after A.D. 431 when relations between Antioch and Jerusalem became greatly embittered by Juvenal, Bishop of Jerusalem, in his attempts to establish his See as an independent entity-not only that, but as having jurisdiction over Antioch itself. The date, therefore, must be placed somewhere betWeen A.D. 397 and A.D. 431. The process of adoption was probably gradual, that is, the various parish churches of the Antiochene See probably accepted it at different dates and, even then, perhaps as an additional Liturgy for use on special occasions only. The fact that this Liturgy was incorporated in the Syrian Catholic and Monophysite Churches shows that its use at Antioch must have been solidly entrenched before the Monophysite schism in the latter half of the fifth century. Why did Antioch adopt the Liturgy of St. James? No one really knows. The main reason seems to be the ever-growing prestige and importance of Jerusalem as the Holy City and the model of liturgical usage-so much so, in fact, that during the latter part of the fourth century and the early part of the fifth, many other Churches of Christendom adopted several of the liturgical practices current there. At any rate, whatever the reason (or reasons) for its acceptance at Antioch, the Liturgy of St. James became what might be termed the patriarchal Rite of Antioch. Antioch modified it and expanded it somewhat, but essentially it remained the same. However, the text of its Eucharistic Prayer never seemed to have achieved the same prescriptive force as the rest of its ritual. As many as seventy-two alternative anaphoras (or Eucharistic Prayers) had subsequently evolved in the various parts of the Syrian patriarchate (ranging in dates from the fourth or fifth centuries to the fifteenth; for the list of them). The Liturgy of St. James is found in both the Greek and the Syriac editions. The Greek version is the older of the two. Syria, a mosaic of languages and cultures, needed both texts : the Greek for most of its cities which were more or less hellenized, and the Syriac, in the outlying towns and villages impervious to Hellenism. Unfortunately, the earliest ext.ant manuscript of the Greek St. James is from as late as the tenth century; when it had already been modified considerably by Byzantine influences. The Syriac St. James, while differing somewhat from its Greek counterpart up to the Kiss of Peace, is almost identical from that point onward. The earliest manuscript of this version dates from the eighth century. The fourth-century Rite of Jerusalem, on the other hand, is known chiefly from the Catecheses of Cyril, a presbyter and subsequently Bishop of Jerusalem. These sermons were delivered during Easter week, A.D. 348, by Cyril to the newly confirmed who were attending the Eucharistic celebration for the first time. His account, therefore, is only of the Eucharistic part of the Liturgy, since this alone was unfamiliar to the newly baptized. Additional fragments of information regarding liturgical usage are furnished by Etheria, a nun from Spain or Gaul, who had the opportunity of participating in the various ceremonies of the Holy City. In writing to her fellow sisters at home, Etheria unfortunately does not describe the celebration of the Eucharistic Liturgy, but she does give an interesting account of the synaxis and the daily offices. From these, some of the liturgical characteristics pertaining to the Eucharistic Liturgy can be gleaned but they are too involved to warrant discussion here.
  30. Included in the West Syrian derivatives are the Liturgies of Asia Minor generally (Cappadocia, Pontus, Asia), Byzantium (Constantinople), and Armenia. Each of these regions had received the faith directly or indirectly from Antioch and Syria. During the latter part of the third century and throughout the fourth, they had been in close, frequent relation with the See of Antioch. It is not surprising, therefore, that their Liturgies reproduced all the essential features of the Antiochene prototype. The Church of Byzantium is no exception; it received its ancient organization from bishops who came either from Antioch or from Caesarea : Chrysostom, Gregory Nazianzen, Nectarius, and Nestorius, to mention but a few. These Churches produced distinctive, yet closely similar Greek Liturgies within the Antiochene family. Synthesized in Byzantium, the common text was to become the most influential of all the Eastern Liturgies. Not only did it Byzantinize in one way or another the older Liturgies of Antioch-Jerusalem (e.g., St. James) and of Alexandria (e.g., St. Mark), but in many instances it replaced them completely. The greatest single reason for this, of course, was the tremendous influence, prestige, and occasional constraint exerted over the whole East by Byzantium after it had became the most powerful See of the Oriental Church. We shall deal with the Byzantine Liturgy in full detail later (Chaps. XVIII to end of book). The only sources regarding the Liturgy of the Asian Church (in the province of Asia) are the scanty details supplied by the Canons of Laodicea. From these Canons, it is barely possible to reconstruct some of the leading features of the Rite, but almost impossible to ascertain its relation with the other fourth century Antiochene types. On the basis of the fragmentary evidence available, it seems that the Asian Liturgy was different from others of the Syrian family.
  31. The beginnings of Christianity in Persia and Mesopotamia are shrouded in doubt and obscurity. It seems fairly probable, however, that the Church at Edessa was established before the end of the second century. The missionaries who evangelized these regions came from West Syria. During the third century, Edessa and Nisibis where the two great centers of faith of Persia and Mesopotamia. These centers soon developed their own distinct liturgical and ecclesiastical traditions-related to yet divergent from those of Antioch, their mother Church. Of all Syrian ritual derivatives, the Liturgy of SS. Addai and Mari is by far the furthest removed from its Antiochene progenitor. 1 Even in its earliest Christian history, Edessa, where the Liturgy of SS. Addai and Mari was born, was not bound to Antioch by so close a tie as that which connected Caesarea or the Pontus to their mother Church. Edessa remained both a strong center of Semitic cultural traditions and a diffusive source of Hellenism. These factors substantially influenced its standard Liturgy. That this Liturgy was not more thoroughly hellenized subsequently is explained by the rugged history of the Church in which it was used. The people of these regions spoke Aramaic dialects. Their Jewish communities became quite numerous after the destruction of Jerusalem by Titus. That so many Semitic traits were kept in the Liturgy is probably due to these first Jewish Churches. In A.D. 424, at the Synod of Markabta, the Persian Church, whose own chief Metropolitan resided at Seleucia-Ctesiphon, proclaimed its independence from Antioch. This, together with national politics, caused the Persian Church to shut itself off from nearly all the other Churches of the Christian world; thus, there was little if any exchange of ideas with the other Rites. Anti-imperialist political considerations also played a major role in deciding most of the Persian and East Syrian Christians not to accept the condemnation of Nestorianism by the Council of Ephesus in A.D. 431. Whatever may be said for the motives prompting the schism, the missionary zeal of this Nestorian Church for the next eight hundred years was unquestionably genuine; it can hardly be equaled by any other national Church in either the magnitude of its scope or the magnificence of its success. Just before the Mongol invasions under Timur in the fourteenth century, the Nestorian Church had twentyfive metropolitan Sees, or provinces, about a hundred and fifty bishoprics, and perhaps as many or more monasteries, extending from Persia to India and even China. 2 After the Mongolian conquest, only Malabar was salvaged in its Eastern domain, while the scattered remnants of the Western half could do no more than survive by isolating themselves in the mountains of Kurdistan. Segments of the Nestorian Church have rejoined the Catholic Church in the course of the last four hundred years. These are known as Chaldean Catholics, or Catholics of the Chaldean Rite. (Obviously, they cannot be called Nestorian Catholics!) Little is known of the early liturgical history of this Rite. Fragmentary evidence of the Edessene use is given by St. Ephrem (A.D. d. 373), who is also a Doctor of the universal Church. No one so far has attempted an exhaustive study of Edessene liturgical sources prior to its schism (and heresy). It is certain, however, that among the integral parts of the Eucharistic Rite at Edessa were included the anamnesis, the invocation of the Holy Spirit (although these prayers were directed to God the Father), the fraction, and Communion under both species. 3 The hymns of St. Ephrem~ who opposed Nestorianism, are still being sung in Nestorian services. Presumably, the Persian Church did have its own ritual peculiarities, but the Rite itself could not have been too dissimilar from its East Syrian counterparts. This is evident from legislation regarding the celebration of the Divine Liturgy in the Persian Church enacted at its first Synod at Seleucia in A.D. 410: Now and in the future, all of us shall perform the ministry uniformly according to the occidental ministry [i.e., of the province of Mesopotamia which was in the diocese of Antioch} which the bishops Isaac [Bishop of Seleucia] and Maruta [Bishop of Matyropolis, which city, although situated in Armenia, belonged to the ecclesiastical province of Mesopotamia] taught us-everything that we saw them do in the church of Seleucia. In each city the deacon shall make the " proclamation" just as it is done in it [i.e., in the Church of Seleucia]; the pure and holy oblation shall be offered in all of the churches on one altar .... ‘ The earliest extant document pertaining to the Persian Liturgy proper seems to be a fragment of an anaphora (sixth century) now preserved at the British Museum.
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