OGBAJI UDOCHUKWU ON WOMEN RIGHTS

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THE PROMOTION OF UNIVERSAL WOMEN RIGHTS IN NIGERIA:
THE CASE OF WOMEN NON-GOVERNMENTAL ORGANIZATIONS.
UDOCHUKWU A.O. OGBAJI 1 ROSE NWANKWO2
1
LECTURER, DEPARTMENT OF POLITICAL SCIENCE,
NWAFOR ORIZU COLLEGE OF EDUCATION,
NSUGBE
ANAMBRA STATE
NIGERIA.
Email: Udojoel77@yahoo.ca.
(+234)8033486531, (+234)7082729455
2
CHIEF LECTURER, DEPARTMENT OF PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION,
FEDERAL POLYTECHNIC OKO
ANAMBRA STATE
NIGERIA.
(+234)8033352793
Abstract
This study is an evaluation of the women non-governmental organizations on the
promotion of universal women rights in Nigeria. It should be noted that issues and
concerns in discriminations against women and the need for emancipation of women
has become central to the enjoyment of fundamental women rights and to the
attainment of national developmental goals. The study therefore examined three
women NGOs namely: the FIDA – International Federation of Women Lawyers,
NAWOJ – Nigeria Association of Women Journalist and the WIN – Women in
Nigeria. These three NGOs are selected because they are not mere money making
organizations and they exist in almost all the states of the federation. The descriptive
survey design is adopted in this study. We adopted it because it utilizes several
techniques and research instruments to elicit vital information and generate
empirical data, upon which the evaluation report is made. This study considers the
human resource development approach, anchored on the ideology that further
development of human civilization can only be strengthened when women are
empowered so as to free themselves from oppression, exploitation and from
patriarchal structures. It was found that women NGOs have greatly enhanced the
international human rights of women in various aspects of life. This study amongst
other recommendations suggests that there is need for adequate training and
provision of training aids for members of the NGOs to enhance their service.
Introduction
The term “Non Governmental Organizations” (NGO’s) is defined as any
organization that is neither governmental nor profit oriented (World Resource
Institute, 1992: 216). Koehn and Ojo (1997 cited in Idenyi, 2002: 1) define NGO to
mean “those found in voluntary, collective action sector of the economy where the
dominant instrument of control and compliance is voluntary, based on value
commitment and share belief in collective mission in contrast to coercion’s in the
public sector and profit or monetary reward in the market sector.

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However, we have some formal NGO’s that are organized by the government
which are set up to liase between NGO’s and the government to coordinate all
activities relating to the purpose and objectives of the NGO’s and advise the
government. Some of them are: National Committee on Women and National
Development (NCWND), Better Life for Rural Women (BLRW), Family Support
Programme (FSP), and National Council of Women Societies (NCWS) etc.
Non-governmental organizations are growing in number and influence,
especially in the developing countries of the South. The reasons for this are
complex. Local groups form NGO’s in response to specific needs, such as new
opportunity to get ban credit, environmental protection or Human Right (Koehn and
Ojo, 1997). There are many NGO’s working in various ways to address vital issues
affecting different aspects of the society, most of them do not take cognizance of
women issues properly. Yudelman (1997) opines that it is partly in consequence of
the above statement that many new NGO’s exclusively for women were started.
However, since the United Nations held its first world conference on women in
Mexico in 1975, women issues have risen dramatically. That conference was
followed by the United Nations Decade for Women (1976) and then major
conferences in Copenhagen 1980, Nairobi 1985 and the Beijing-China in 1995. The
Conventions arising from them have generally made a case for the improvement of
the status of women and their integration into the mainstream of the development
process.
Statement of the Problem
Despite the burgeoning of women Non-governmental organizations, the
literature is replete with arguments that the proliferation of these NGO’s
notwithstanding, the status of women have not really changed for the better. If
anything, extensive discrimination against women continues to exist. This study
intends to prove that some women NGO’s have made an impact on the lives of
women at least in Nigeria. This study will also attempt to evaluate the role of three
women NGO’s activities which promote change in domestic laws to enhance the
human rights of women.
From the foregoing, the following research questions become imperative:
a. To what extent has the women Non-governmental organizations enhanced
the international and domestic human rights of women?

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b. To what extent has the women Non-governmental organizations enhanced
the status of women politically, socially, and otherwise?
Objectives of the Study
The following constitute the objectives of this study:
a. To examine the extent to which women Non-governmental organizations
enhance the international and domestic human rights of women.
b. To examine the extent to which women Non-governmental organizations
enhance the status of women politically, socially and otherwise.
Significance of the Study
The volume of work on women’s rights and emancipation is increasing, but
not much has been done on the aspect of women and women Non-governmental
organizations. This study is an analytical discourse on the promotion of women’s
rights with a focus on the contribution of women’s NGO’s towards the promotion of
these rights.
This study therefore compliments other existing studies and also helps to
advance our knowledge on the rudiments of women’s rights in Nigeria. It is geared to
fill the gap in knowledge between women’s rights and women’s NGO’s in Nigeria. It
aims at making some generalizations that can provoke interest for further research in
this field. Invariably, it will also serve as a source of material for further studies.
WOMEN NGO’S AND THE PROMOTION OF WOMEN’S RIGHTS IN NIGERIA
Yudelman (1987) has expressed the view that although there exist women
organizations which claim to advance the interest of women; many NGO’s still fail to
integrate women into their programmes. She identifies institutional leagues, cultural
constraints and competition for scarce resources as factors responsible for this
failure. Thus, she argues that “although many NGO’s have tried to work within the
framework of the local cultures which are often patriarchal and view the role of
women primarily in terms of home and family; also the competition for scarce
financial resources has often meant that funds intended for women’s projects are
diverted and used for other purposes”.
Sophie Oluwole, former co-ordinator of General African Studies at the
University of Lagos, does not rule out frustration and marginalization as the reasons
why women are seizing the mantle of leadership in private organizations. She says;
“women have been marginalized and pushed to the wall. They need to fight for their
interest and be relevant in nation-building” (Oluwole, 1996:9).

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According to Brown and Korten (1989), the relief agencies, which started in
the 1940’s and 1950’s, and the newly emergent NGO’s of the past few decades,
have tended to view women solely in terms of their domestic roles. They maintain
that, although in Latin America, the church played a major role in the development of
the grassroots efforts to fight poverty, the church’s effort did not envision a changed
role for the women.
Most observers and analysts have tended to view women NGO’s role as a
catalyst in the development process. Ekejiuba (1996) is one of such people. She
sees women associations and organizations as a catalyst for change. She claims
that this is premised on her belief that women, both as individuals and groups and as
managers of homes, families, communities, as well as nurturers of future citizens,
have long concerned with ensuring the environment that is conducive to peace and
development in the society. She puts it thus:
Ample evidence exists in literature of the extensive use of body
symbolism by women’s Associations, to bring about change in
government policies. These include the Dancing Women’s
Movement of 1925 which organized against the negative aspect
of culture change in Nigeria such as prostitution and the
oppressive and inefficient courts established by the British, the
now over-publicized women’s war of 1929 which protested
taxation of women (Ekejiuba, 1996: 9-B.10).
Mba (1982) echoes this view when she writes that women NGO’s raised
women’s consciousness and advocated and got bills passed lowering the bride
price, abolishing all trafficking in children and condemning all forms of discrimination
against women. Their concern include such international issues as protesting French
atomic test in the Sahara and supporting South African women involved in South
African treason trials. She explains the other attempts at forming alliance among
several women’s group that have survived till today is the Nigerian Council of
Women Societies (NCWS) in 1959. The NCWS aims at promoting increase
representation, welfare and progress of women especially in education. It ensures
that women are given every opportunity to play an important part in national affairs.
In the views of Miles and Finn (1989), the question of whether women’s
movement has been successful (or not), is extremely complex. According to them,
success can be judged relative to a movement’s stated goals, or it can be judged
according to some higher standards of social justice. They are therefore of the view
that instead of focusing on the tangible gains that women have achieved, efforts

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should be made to explore the more subtle ways in which the movements have
shaped consciousness.
According to Basu (1995), she asserts “even women’s movements that
ultimately define themselves as autonomous from male dominated parties and
institutions are often intertwined with broader movements for social change”. She
further adds that, “women’s movements are associated with a broad range of
struggles: for national liberation, human rights, and democratization of authoritarian
regimes”.
The available literature which was reviewed shows evidence that NGO’s in
general and women NGOs in particular have plans to achieve their aim of
adequately contributing to the promotion of women’s human rights. This study hopes
to bridge the gap between the contrasting views that, though women have a
common problem of oppression, their priorities are different and so cannot speak
with one voice, which lead to the arguments that women’s movement is all noise and
no action. It is said that despite the purported attention of women’s development
issues, there is no real singular achievement by whatever means or yardstick it is
being measured.
There is a lot of work done on NGOs generally carried out by the World
Resource Institute, titled “Policies and Institutions: Non-governmental
Organizations”. These works trace the origin of NGOs generally and the regional
differences, it also enumerates the strengths and weaknesses, the key organization
factors, government-NGOs relation and emerging trends and also the achievement
of some women NGO’s.
EVOLUTION OF WOMEN NGOs IN NIGERIA
During the period 1970-1980 women consciousness occurred as increases in
oil revenue resulted in an appreciable degree of affluence opportunities for social
mobility as contractors and as business women increased (Idenyi, 2002).
Correspondingly, wealth based elitist clubs mushroomed. They expend huge
sum of money at the death of a member to ensure befitting burial television and
press announcements, burial and funeral ceremonies. As women continue to draw
global focus, the changes achieved in the status over the years though have been
uneven and on the whole modest in economy, education, health and in government
yet the “silent revolution” is slowly gaining in strength. There is the undercurrent of
confidence and cooperation among women that is new to the world and has great

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promises. It is indeed very logical to peer into the 21 st century through the eyes of the
women for according to Karl Marx, the opposition of women in general is the index of
the progress and development of society (Idenyi, 2002).
Women are indeed the center points of human development and societal
sanity. Let us look at the periods in the development process of women NGOs. This
study will look into the activities of three women NGOs namely: International
Federation of Women Lawyers (FIDA), Nigerian Association of Women Journalist
(NAWOJ), and Women in Nigeria (WIN).
INTERNATIONAL FEDERATION OF WOMEN LAWYERS (FIDA)
In 1944, a group of women lawyers from Cuba, El Salvador, Mexico, Puetor
Rica and the United states of America met in Mexico and formed themselves into an
association for the purpose of promoting women’s right through their legal training.
Today this association has matured into an organization with millions individual
members in 79 countries (Idenyi, 2002).
FIDA is the acronym of the Spanish Federation International de Abogades,
which English translation is International Federation of Women Lawyers. It is a
voluntary association for professional female lawyers. They raise fund for running the
organization through monthly dues and levies paid by members. They equally get
support and funding from donor agencies when they have any project at hand. FIDA
was formed to enhance the welfare of women and children in particular as well as
the general public. According to the former secretary of FIDA Bayelsa, Mrs. Elsie
Timi, FIDA believes that: “if a woman’s welfare is enhanced legally, socially,
economically and educationally, then her right is guaranteed”.
FIDA have identified that women are in the deplorable position which they are
today because they are not empowered educationally and economically. They
equally identified cultural practices which are harmful to women as part of the
reasons which relegates women to the background and these includes: widowhood
practices, female genital mutilation and inheritance practices etc. They carry out
several activities which enhances the welfare of women and creates awareness to
their rights, duties and obligations thereby promoting the rights of women. They do
this through enlightenment campaigns. FIDA undertakes campaigns on drug abuse,
traditional harmful practices, violence against women and women building peace,
career counseling and also run a walk-in-free legal clinic, all these are carried out
through seminars and workshops in communities and through the mass media.

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There are several examples of women whose rights have been legally
reinstated but whose identity FIDA disallows us to disclose for security reasons but
the document is there to be verified. They equally have scholarship scheme for girls,
disabled and indigent children. They equally have a Bill Drafting Committee that was
mandated to look into the possibility of producing Draft Bills on the issues identified
during workshop, after following all legal procedures; it will be passed into law. On
the whole, FIDA’s activities towards the promotion of International Human Rights
especially Women and Children’s Right include Legal Aid for women, counseling and
legal research.
NIGERIAN ASSOCIATION OF WOMEN JOURNALIST (NAWOJ)
NAWOJ is an umbrella organization of female journalists working in mass
media regardless of ownership structure. It is an arm of the Nigerian Union of
Journalist (NUJ). It is an off-shoot of the NGO’s conference in Beijing-China.
NAWOJ is thus guided by the constitution of its parent body, Nigerian Union
of Journalists (NUJ) and the bye-laws of NAWOJ. It was formed in Nigeria in 1981
and has branches in virtually all the states of the federation. Their main aim is to
enhance the professional advancement of women journalist, who hitherto is being
neglected in their work places, as well as to educate, inform and sensitize women in
development efforts.
However, NAWOJ generate fund to embark on its programmes from foreign
donor agency like the John Hopkins University; Centre for Communication
Programmes (JHU/CCP), United States Agency for International Development
(USAID), other members of international community and the state government. They
also made members to pay levies to meet up their financial obligations, NAWOJ
pays its monthly dues directly to its parent body, NUJ, and the NUJ does not remit
any money to NAWOJ.
NAWOJ engages in various activities which are geared towards enhancing
the status of women. Some of their activities include a civic education programme on
democracy and governance carried out in 1999 by NAWOJ Rivers Chapter and
JHU/CCP and USAID, the programme was aimed at increasing women’s
participation in decision making process. Their primary objective is to strengthen the
capacity of women to advocate for women’s right agenda and to strengthen the
capacity of NGOs to hold elective officials accountable to women’s right agenda in
the state. The association focus largely on communication based intervention such

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as building capacity of women journalist to advocate for gender issues through radio,
television and print media. They also engage in a nation-wide campaign against
political violence, campaign against drug abuse and an aggressive publicity stunt
and enlightenment of mothers about the benefits of immunization and the dangers of
the six killer diseases.
NAWOJ is a professional NGO that has acquired credibility over the years as
an NGO that is responsive to the needs of women and children and is actively
involved in enhancing the status of women in governance and politics. The testimony
is evidently bore in the amount of attention and prominence currently being given by
the media to matters of socio-political elevation of women.
WOMEN IN NIGERIA (WIN)
Women in Nigeria is a non-governmental organization which originated from
the enthusiasm and interest evoked by the first women in Nigeria conference held in
1992 in Zaria. It was at this conference that a group of dedicated women from all
over the country committed themselves to the task of establishing an organization
which will work to improve the living condition of Nigeria women. That was because
they identified that majority of women like majority of men suffer from the exploitative
and oppressive character of the Nigeria society but women suffer additional forms of
exploitation and oppression (Idenyi, 2002).
Women therefore, suffer double oppression and exploitation as members of
subordinate class and as women. The founding fathers believed and the
organization still maintains that the liberation of women cannot be fully achieved
outside the context of the liberation of the majority of Nigerians. WIN is present in all
the states of the federation and membership is for both women and men who are
committed to the course of enhancing the status of women in particular and
Nigerians generally. WIN is not a professional organization, people from all works of
life can be members, it is a voluntary organization. They pay monthly dues,
occasional levies and organize personal donations from philanthropists and
companies. They use the fund raised to carry out their activities and projects.
WIN usually organize annual conferences during which forum is provided for
intellectuals experts and members of WIN to exchange views on the research
findings and experiences on the condition of women in different parts of the country.
Some of their past conference themes focused on:
1990 - Women and HEALTH (Lagos)

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1991 - Women and Economy (Maiduguri)
1992 - Women and Violence (Zaria)
1993 - Women and Environment (Jos) etc
WIN engages in the publications of journals that contribute significantly to the better
understanding of the conditions of women as well as stimulating debates and further
study of aspect of women conditions of life in Nigeria. They equally carry out
economic empowerment programmes for rural women where the women are given
loans to facilitate their trade and also educate them on the usefulness of co-
operative societies through which the loans are disbursed to them. They equally use
both the print and electronic media in their campaigns on issues that will enlighten
and strength women human rights.
WIN has impacted on the lives of women in so many ways. For instance, WIN
has been at the Mock Tribunal on violence against women since 1998 and has
provided legal aid to women in distress who by virtue of their poverty are unable to
take up their own cases of oppression. For example, the husband of twelve (12) year
old Hauwa Abubakar who caused her death in 1987 – 1988 was legally prosecuted
by WIN, this example is allowed only because the case was publicized in the media.
There are other cases of women who have benefited from the legal aid gesture
which for obvious reason, we cannot mention.
Hypothesis
We hypothesize that women NGOs serve as catalysts in the development
process and as effective promoters of international human rights of women.
Theoretical framework
The theoretical framework that informs this study is the human resource
development approach. It is an approach that leads to profound and lasting changes
for women by recognizing not just their reproductive role but also their productive
roles, as active participants in the economy. Using contextual framework, the human
resources development approach argues that “women’s needs are intricately bound
up with the priority needs and aspirations of the National and must necessarily be
viewed as features of overall national development and the advancement of the total
society (Williams, 1971).
This approach underscores the point that development at the highest level
cannot be achieved without women. The goal of the human resources development
approach is identical to the goal of development itself, namely “creating better lives

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with greater freedom and well-being for members of the family, the local community
and the society as a whole” (ECA, 1971). The strongest proponents of this approach
arise out of women’s engagement in the struggle for liberation of their countries and
in the subsequent readiness to participate in shaping their new nations.
The ECA pioneered the human resources development approach as early as
1971. That year, it identified women as economic producers and community
managers. That recognition of women’s centrality to development justified the
creation of ECA women’s programmes in 1972 and later 1975. This approach
challenged the modernization theory’s premise that the benefits of development
would “trickle down” to women and others. It made women’s access to productive
resources a development issue, bringing with it self reliance and setting priorities.
Relying on the fact that women comprise more than half of the productive human
resources of the country, the approach sets conditions for their full participation in
development. These include ways to lessen the burden of women and to increase
their productivity by providing access to resources such as education, technology
and income, often through women’s own solidarity groups. An important condition
that calls for women’s active participation in planning and policy setting (Idenyi,
2002).
The theory relates to this study in the sense that the development of Nigerian
society like any other society cannot be fully achieved by men alone, therefore,
empowering women and allowing them to take their position to contribute their own
quota to economic activities, and participate fully in development process of the
society is their right.
Methodology
Data for this study was collected mainly through descriptive survey design.
This was necessary so as to be able to capture the entire domain of the study.
Consequently, both the primary and secondary sources of data collection were
explored. Primary sources of data were questionnaire instrument and in-depth
interview. The questionnaire instrument enabled us to elicit information on the
problematic which the study seeks to unravel. The questionnaire instrument was
structured along the close ended format and administered in such a way that made it
fairly representative of all shades of opinion and interests. This was complimented
with in-depth interview with some present and past executive members of the NGOs

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and some of their parents’ bodies like the Nigerian Bar Association (NBA), and
Nigerian Union of Journalists (NUJ).
Secondary sources of data include information retrieved from journals,
newspapers and magazines.
The study covered the entire 36 states of the federation made up of 6 geo-
political zones – namely: South-South, South East, South-West, North-West, North
Central and North-East. A sample size of one thousand two hundred was originally
selected. The choice of one thousand two hundred (1,200) is informed by the
consideration of some human and financial face (Obasi, 1999). Also considering the
homogenous composition of the nation, our belief is that a sample of 1,200 is large,
representative and reliable enough to allow us make generalizations.
The study adopted the multi-stage sampling method which involves sampling
in successive stages such that at each stage selection is made using any of the
known probability sampling methods (Nnabugwu, 2004). This was done to help us
save time and cost. In the first stage, the study adopted the stratified sampling
technique to get respondents from the six geo-political zones in the country. This
was to ensure a fair representation of all shades of opinion, interest and groups in
the state which could have been lost to the chance factor (Obasi, 1999). In using the
stratified sampling technique, the study further adopted the disproportional stratified
sampling technique in the sense that the numerical strength of the geo-political
zones were not considered in the representation into the sample (Nnabugwu, 2004).
Thus, in the distribution, the six geo-political zones got 200 respectively.
However, in the South-South, we picked Rivers State, in the South-East, we
picked Anambra State, in the South-West-Lagos, in the North-West – Sokoto, in the
North-Central – Kaduna and in the North-East we picked Plateau State. The choice
of these major States is also based on two major reasons. First, there seems to be a
very high concentration of people in these States as a result of urbanization.
Secondly, they occupy important positions in the socio-economic and political setting
of the country.
The presentation and analysis of data were carried out using both descriptive
qualitative and quantitative methods. While qualitative analysis was merely
descriptive and theoretical, the quantitative method employed appropriate statistical
tools particularly the frequency distribution and simple percentages. It suffices to
note that the study suffers some limitations. First, the study suffered slow rate of

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response from the respondents. Yet at the end of the exercise, we were not able to
retrieve all the questionnaires given to the respondents. Out of the 1,200
questionnaires distributed, only 874 were returned. Second, the study suffered from
shortage of finance. No doubt a study of this nature requires enough funding if
possible from donor agency to ensure a comprehensive study. Third was the
unwillingness of some bodies like the Nigerian Bar Association and the Nigerian
Union of Journalists of some State Chapters to release basic information needed for
the study.
However, it must be pointed out that spirited efforts were made to address
some of these limitations. For example, we have to rely on interviews, magazines
and newspapers to get some of the needed data.
Findings, Conclusion and Recommendations
Our fundamental concern in this study has been to attempt an explanation on
the role of women NGOs in the enhancement of the condition of women through the
promotion of their human rights. This arose as a result of insinuations from some
analysts (male and female) alike who are saying that all publicity on women
empowerment by women NGOs is all noise and no action and the conferences and
seminars are tagged “Jamborees”. After the analysis that followed our observation, it
is only for it to be succeeded by some recommendation of a preferred course of
action.
The NGOs studied are FIDA, NAWOJ and WIN. These NGOs were selected
purposely because of their wider coverage, they have branches in most of the States
of the Federation and they are the most vocal, apart from the NGOs started by the
wives of Heads of State like the Better Life for Women, Family Support Programme,
Women Trafficking and Child Labour Eradication (WOTCLEF) and the Gender and
Development (GEDE) Foundation.
This paper therefore argues that in the Nigerian experience, women NGO’s
have influenced a wide range of emancipatory movements amongst women since
the Beijing era and have greatly enhanced the international human rights of women
in various aspects of life like health, politics, education etc.
This study found that the activities of these women NGOs are geared towards
development and enhancement of women human rights in Nigeria. Although the
changes achieved in the status of women so far have been uneven and on the whole
modest, yet the silent revolution is slowly gaining in strength as we already notice in

13. 13
the increase in the number of women in government and politics, and even in the
echelon of private sector. All these were achieved by these women NGOs through
seminars, conferences, workshops, television/radio jingles, radio/television
discussions and debates, posters, handbills, press release etc, and also the
provision of legal aid to ensure the protection of human rights and the integrity of
women in a crisis situation.
We therefore make the following recommendations:
a. There is need for adequate training and provision of training aids for members
of the NGOs in order to provide more qualitative service. There should be a
continued expansion of collaborative activities with other women NGOs and
donor agencies, these calls for improved and efficient information handling
and management.
b. Attitudes, habits and conventions which oppress women ought to be
condemned so as to have equal and full participation of the entire human
community which will go a long way in enhancing and engendering
sustainable growth and development.
c. The women movement in Nigeria will have to draw its leadership definitely not
from wives of the ruling elite, but from women who have demonstrated a high
degree of commitment to the ideals of feminism.
d. Finally, the Federal Ministry of Women Affairs and Social Development should
co-operate with women NGOs in the implementations of gender sensitive
programmes through comparative programme analysis and review.

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