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Report of the High Powered Expert Committee on
Making Mumbai an International Financial Centre
Report of the High Powered Expert Committee on
Making Mumbai an International Financial Centre




                    Ministry of Finance
                    Government of India
                        New Delhi
                           
Report of the High Powered Expert Committee on
Making Mumbai an International Financial Centre
Ministry of Finance, Government of India, New Delhi




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The High Powered Expert Committee ( HPEC ) on
               Making Mumbai an International Financial Centre


The Hon. P. Chidambaram                                                    th February 
Minister of Finance, Ministry of Finance
Government of India, North Block
New Delhi 


Dear Honourable Minister:

We submit herewith the ’s Report on Making Mumbai an International Financial Centre.
Our choice of the term ‘International’ instead of ‘Regional’ has been explained in our report.

                                       Yours sincerely,




M. Balachandran                                  O. P. Bhatt



C. B. Bhave                                      Bharat Doshi




K. V. Kamath                                     Nimesh Kampani



K. P. Krishnan (Convenor)                        Subodh Kumar



Ravi Narain                                      Ms. Usha Narayanan




P. J. Nayak                                      Aditya Puri




N. Mohan Raj                                     T. T. Srinivasaraghavan
Acknowledgements

HPEC would like to place on record its grateful thanks to Ajay Shah, Kshama Fernandes,
Saugata Bhattacharya, Ritu Anand, and S. Ravindranath who constituted the Research Team
that supported the Committee.
     The  also wishes to express its appreciation to Mr. M. Balachandran who put
the facilities of the Bank of India at the disposal of the Committee. The  and the
Government of India would like to acknowledge their appreciation to the Bank of India for
meeting the administrative expenditure for the production of this report.
Contents

Executive Summary                                                                                  xiii
     . International Financial Services () and Centres (s) in Perspective, xiii.—. Implications
     for India and Mumbai, xiv.—. The difference between  and  , xv.—. What are
     International Financial Centres (s) and Services ()?, xvi.—. Growth and globalisation
     drive India’s demand for , xviii.—. India’s competitive advantages in creating an , xix.—.
     Financial regime governance: policy and regulation, xx.—. Reorienting the financial system
     towards  provision: A temporal roadmap for reform, xxiv.—. Urban infrastructure and
     governance in Mumbai, xxviii.—. The choice, xxx.

. The Emergence of IFCs: A brief history                                                             
     . Meeting cross-border trade, investment and other needs, .—. Evolution of international
     financial services () and centres (s), .—. The first round of globalisation: circa –,
     .—. An interregnum, the second round of globalisation (–), and beyond, .—. The
     ‘take-off ’ of second round globalisation after , .—. Classification of s, .—. Why did
     Tokyo and Frankfurt not emerge as credible s?, .—. The Race to establish more s around
     the world, .—. Implications for India and need for Mumbai to emerge as an , .

. st Century IFS provided by IFCs                                                            
      . Fund Raising in s: What is involved? Who does it and how?, .—. Asset management and
     global portfolio diversification, .—. Personal wealth management, .—. Global transfer
     pricing, .—. Global tax management and cross-border tax optimization, .—. Global/regional
     corporate treasury management, .—. Global and regional risk management and insurance/re-
     insurance operations, .—. Global/Regional exchange trading of securities, commodities and
     derivatives in financial instruments and indices in commodities, .—. Financial engineering and
     architecture for large complex projects, .—. Cross-border mergers and acquisitions (M&A),
     .—. Financing for public-private partnerships (), .

. Case studies: London, New York, Singapore, Dubai                                                  
     . Summary overview, .—. A closer look at the City of London, .—. New York/Chicago as the
     GFC for the Americas and the World, .—. Singapore as the /Asian GFC, .—. Dubai
     as a RFC for the Middle East and South Asia, .

. Domestic and Offshore demand for International Financial Services (IFS) in India 
     . Implications of a large, rapidly growing home market for IFS, .—. India’s growing integration
     with the world, .—. The impact of globalisation on  demand and on  s, .—.
     Estimates for  consumption by India, .—. Projections for  consumption by India, .—.
     Implications for India’s aspirations to create an  in Mumbai, .—.  customers outside
     India as a market for an  in Mumbai, .—. International comparisons, .

. Augmenting IFS provision via BPO                                                          
     . How does an  produce  ?, .—. An outsourcing approach to  provision and
     IFC development: Possibilities, opportunities and pitfalls, .—. A  opportunity: Asset
     management in Mumbai based on algorithmic trading, .—. IFS subcomponents amenable
     to outsourcing, .—. Making progress along two paths:  Evolution and  , .—.
     Conclusion, .

. Market deficiencies in Mumbai that inhibit the provision of IFS                             
    . The context in which Mumbai must develop and evolve as an , .—. Inadequate currency
    and bond markets ( Nexus), .—. Missing currency & derivatives markets: An illustration,
     .—. The market weakness of institutional investors, .—. A cross-country comparison, .
x   R      M  I F C



                       . The macroeconomic fallout of an IFC                                                               
                            . Introduction, .—. Implications for fiscal policy & deficit reduction, .—. Financing public
                            debt differently, .—. The mutuality of interests in modernising debt management and having
                            an , .—. Implications for monetary policy, .—. Outlook for the current account deficit,
                            .—. Macro-stability for an , .—. The incompatibility of capital controls in a st century
                            , .—. Full capital convertibility and an  in Mumbai, .

                       . Financial Regime Governance: Its role in an IFC and a comparative perspective                
                            . The intrinsic value of regulation for  production, .—. Three levels of international
                            competition on regulation and law, .—. Where does India stand? An illustrative bird’s eye
                            view, .—. The overall legal regime governing finance, .—. Summary of cross-country
                            comparisons, .

                       . What are the limitations of financial regime governance?                                    
                           . Where do we stand? An  – Market × Players matrix, .—. A pragmatic view of key areas
                            for progress, .—. Lessons from applying competition policy in the real economy, .—.
                            Artificial segmentation of the financial services industry, .—. Barriers to financial innovation,
                            .

                       . Why does financial regime governance have these limitations?                                     
                            . Why is the pace of financial innovation slow?, .—. Proximate underlying reasons that are not
                            as transparent, .—. Deeper sources of dysfunction, .—. What impedes Mumbai from
                            becoming an ? A summary, .

                       . Reforming financial regime governance                                                            
                            . A shift toward principles-based regulation, .—. Reducing the artificial segmentation of
                            financial firms, products, services and markets, .—. Creating an environment conducive to exit,
                            .—. Retail vs. wholesale markets, .—. The role of exchange-traded vs. OTC derivatives in
                            the BCD nexus, .—. Regulatory impact assessments, .—. Strengthening the legal system
                            supporting an , .

                       . Tax policy for an IFC in Mumbai                                                                 
                            . Does India need an IFC or a Tax Haven?, .—. Tax policy for Mumbai as an  : and, by
                            implication, for India, .—. A modern income tax, .—. Taxation of financial transactions,
                            .—. A Goods and Services Tax (GST) in Finance, .—. Mumbai as an IFC: Tax Implications
                            for Maharashtra and Mumbai, .—. Interfacing tax policy and administration with the financial
                            industry, .—. Stability of tax policy, .—. Where India Stands on taxes: An international
                            comparison, .

                       . A perspective on Mumbai’s strengths                                                       
                            . Human capital needs for , .—. Democracy, Rule-of-Law and the Legal System, .

                       . Urban infrastructure and governance                                                            
                            . The importance of high quality urban infrastructure for an IFC, .—. Problems of cost,
                            .—. Cross-country comparison, .—. Difficulties in Mumbai from an  perspective,
                            .—. Improving urban governance in Mumbai, .

                       . The HPEC’s recommendations                                                                      
                            . The general macroeconomic environment, .—. Further Financial System Liberalisation and
                            Reform, .—. The challenge of urban infrastructure and governance in Mumbai, .

                      Selected Bibliography                                                                                

                       A. The Committee                                                                                   

                       B. Comparing existing IFCs against Mumbai                                                           
Contents   xi



C. Comparing emerging IFCs against Mumbai                                                    

D. Chronology of events associated with the effort by Benchmark Asset Management
   Company (BAMC) to start an Exchange Traded Fund (ETF) on Gold            

E. Activities of various financial firms in the areas of operation at an IFC: Wall chart 
    . Fund raising, .—. Asset management, .—. Personal wealth management, .—. Global
    tax management, .—. Risk management, .—. Financial markets, .—. Securities
    markets, .—. Mergers and aquisitions, .—. Leasing and Structured finance, .—.
    Project financing, .—.  Financing, .—. Insurance and reinsurance, .

F. Abbreviations                                                                            
Executive Summary

1. International Financial                         across borders: i.e. they are international
   Services (IFS) and Centres                      financial services ( ). A cross-border
                                                   market for  has existed over millennia.
   (IFCs) in Perspective                           But it has been transformed in the th and
Historically, finance has always been               th centuries and grown quite differently
‘international’ in character; capital has rarely   and more dramatically since . It has also
been immobile. Money has moved freely              become extremely competitive, with buyers
across borders for all of civilisation with gold   and sellers around the world now having a
and silver (in various weights and measures)       choice of procuring  from competing
being global currencies for millennia. But,        international financial centres (s).
the freedom of capital was dramatically                 A concrete example of procuring 
curtailed during the ‘Bretton Woods’ regime,       from an  would be the raising of
created in , when capital controls were        debt. If Mumbai became an  , a
imposed on war-ravaged, capital-starved            South African railway project could issue
economies. With post-war recovery, that            a bond there in the primary market. It
regime broke down in . World finance            would wish to do so because of Mumbai’s
has since been reverting to its natural state      sophisticated securities markets, along with
with the removal of capital controls and the       a number of asset managers in Mumbai
gradual re-integration of national capital         running global portfolios. If the  bond
and banking markets; but this time on a            market was developed, the South African
global scale.                                      bond issue could be  denominated.
       countries opened their capital          Global investors would buy these bonds
accounts between  and . A number           and trade them on the secondary market
of emerging markets did so in the s            in Mumbai. Each of these three steps –
– often at the  ’s urging. In ,             primary market bond issuance by the South
the  contemplated making an open                African entity, primary bond purchases by
capital account a condition of membership.         global and Indian investors, and secondary
But the idea was shelved when the Asian            bond market trading by global players –
financial crisis erupted in . That was          would generate revenues from the export of
precisely when India first contemplated re-         financial services from Mumbai. Creating
opening its capital account. A series of           an  in India requires that Mumbai must
similar mini-crises occurred elsewhere in          be viewed as competitive in the eyes of the
 engulfing Russia and Latin America. By         South African railway and in the eyes of
                                                   global bond investors, when compared with
 all these crises were contained. Capital
                                                   alternatives like Singapore or London.
account opening resumed but with reduced
                                                        The global  market in the st
momentum as the  and others began
                                                   century is one in which competition is driven
to reconsider its benefits and costs. The
                                                   by rapid innovation in financial products,
question of capital account convertibility
                                                   services, instruments, structures, and
now weighs heavily on China and India,
                                                   arrangements to accommodate and manage
where financial systems with structural
                                                   myriad requirements, risks, and a ceaseless
weaknesses, legacy constraints and varying
                                                   quest for cost reduction. Competitive
degrees of State domination now confront
                                                   advantage in  provision depends on
the irresistible forces of globalisation.
                                                   seven key factors:
     Even with an open capital account,
some financial services (e.g. deposit                . An extensive national, regional, global
banking) remain local and non-tradable.                network of corporate and government
But most financial services are now tradable            (supranational, sovereign, sub-sovereign
xiv   R      M  I F C



                           and local) client connections possessed      involving complex judgment and intellectu-
                           by financial firms participating in an         alisation continue to be clustered at a few
                           international financial centre ().         physical locations, where key individuals
                        . High level human capital specialised in      meet face-to-face. This is characteristic of
                           finance, particularly quantitative finance,    R&D in computer technology – clustered in
                           supported by a numerate labour force         Silicon Valley and the Cambridge Corridor
                           providing lower level paraprofessional       – despite extensive use of email, voice tele-
                           accounting, book-keeping, compliance         phony and video conferencing. India has
                           and other skills.                            achieved a minor miracle with the explo-
                                                                        sion of export revenues from  services;
                        . World-class telecommunications infras-
                           tructure with connectivity around the        yet, these revenues are a fraction of Silicon
                           clock, and around the world.                 Valley’s. Similarly, routine production of
                                                                        financial services takes place everywhere.
                       . State-of-the-art  systems, capability       But, the most important and high value
                          to help develop, maintain and manage          decision-making functions are concentrated
                          the highly sophisticated and expensive        in a handful of  s that have effectively
                           infrastructure of global financial          (and consequently) become global cities
                          firms, trading platforms and regulators;            At present, London, New York and
                          systems that are evolving continuously        Singapore are the only global financial
                          to help firms retain their competitive
                                                                        centres ( s). Many emerging  s
                          edge.
                                                                        around the world are aspiring to play a global
                        . A well-developed, sophisticated, open        role in the years to come: e.g. Shanghai
                           financial system characterised by: (i)        and Dubai. Other  s in Europe and
                           a complete array of proficient, liquid        Asia, like Paris, Frankfurt or Tokyo, connect
                           markets in all segments, i.e. equities,      their financial systems to the world. But
                           bonds, commodities, currencies and           they have lost market share and importance
                           derivatives; (ii) extensive participation    in competing for global  for reasons
                           by financial firms from around the             explained in the report. The world market
                           world, (iii) full integration of market      for  is represented mainly by the , 
                           segments, i.e. an absence of artificially     and Asia which together account for over
                           compartmentalised, isolated financial         % of global  . Correspondingly the
                           markets that are barred from having          global  market is concentrated in the
                           operational linkages with one another;       three s located in each of these regions.
                           and (iv) absence of protectionist barriers
                           and discriminatory policies favouring
                           domestic over foreign financial firms in
                                                                        2. Implications for India and
                           providing financial services.                    Mumbai
                       . A system of financial regime governance        Given that an  in Mumbai must be
                          (i.e. embracing legislation, policies,        rooted in (and serve) India’s financial system,
                          rules, regulations, regulatory agencies       rather than be an artificial offshore appendix,
                          etc.) that is amenable to operating on        the call for creating an  in Mumbai at
                          global ‘best-practice’ lines and standards;   this time is implicitly a metaphor for (and
                          and finally                                    synonymous with) deregulating, liberalizing
                        . A ‘hinterland advantage’ in terms of         and globalising, all parts of the Indian
                           either a national or regional economy        financial system at a much faster rate than
                           (preferably both) whose growth is            is presently the case. Raising the issue of
                           generating rapid growth in demand for        an  in Mumbai now suggests that the
                           .                                         pressing need for a new, more intensive
                                                                        phase of deregulation and liberalization of
                            Advances in information and commu-          the financial system has been anticipated
                       nications technologies ( ) have eased         by India’s policy-makers and regulators
                       interactions over a distance and reduced
                       their cost dramatically. However, activities         To understand what such a city is see Sassen ().
Executive Summary   xv



and that the  is a device to accelerate      gap in capabilities that now exists between
movement in that direction. An  will         Mumbai and established s.
not be created quickly in Mumbai, nor will
it succeed, if action on further deregulation   3. The difference between BPO
and liberalisation is not taken in real time.
                                                   and IFS
     In sustaining its trajectory as an
emerging, globally significant, continental      The production of financial services
economy, the  believes that India has       worldwide is now fragmented into a series
no choice but to: (a) become a producer         of interrelated sub-processes undertaken
and exporter of  ; and (b) capture an        separately. Business process outsourcing
increasing share of the rapidly growing         ( ) of individual processes occurs at
global  market. To achieve these             a considerable distance from the point
two goals, its financial centre in Mumbai        of customer contact where their eventual
must compete to become a successful             resynthesis occurs. India is now a highly
. Incremental growth in the global           successful  venue for the global financial
 market is now being driven by the           services industry. In the last five years, it has
growing demands of China, India and             gone beyond simple  towards complex
A. With its strengths in human capital,     knowledge process outsourcing or . This
a globally powerful  services industry, and   is a positive development for India to realise
its own hinterland, India has many natural      its ambitions of creating an  in Mumbai.
advantages for competing successfully in this   Finance-related / builds up skills
market. In evolving as an , Mumbai will      in India and increases the ‘mind-share’ of
probably grow in two distinct phases:           India amongst global finance professionals.
                                                      However, there is a substantial differ-
 . In the first phase (–) Mumbai        ence between / and providing 
    must connect India’s financial system        via an . Financial processes that get out-
    with the world’s financial markets           sourced under  involve low-value, low-
    through  . That is what  s like       skill tasks. They are codified in a manual that
    Frankfurt, Paris, Sydney, Tokyo and a       indicates how tasks are to be performed, con-
    host of smaller s do now in respect      trols quality/integrity, and measures whether
    of their national economies.                they are being done correctly. Once the pro-
. In its second phase (–) Mumbai       tocols are in place, the task is performed
   must develop the capacity to compete         repetitively. But some outsourced activities
   with the three established  s for         in finance, involving research and analy-
   global  business that goes beyond         sis, are moving up the  value chain.
   meeting India’s needs. After ,       For example, company financial analysis,
   would hope that Mumbai would hold its        credit research, and stock market research
   own in competing with the other s         functions are now also being outsourced.
   and acquire increasing global market               Still, the real value in financial services
   share.                                       provision remains concentrated in a small
                                                number of jobs performed by qualified,
     India’s financial services industry will    super-numerate, imaginative people with
not become export-orientated, nor derive        the specialised expertise, experience, domain
significant  export-revenues, if Mumbai       knowledge and skill-sets to be innovative
fails to become an  .         That will      in designing financial instruments and
compromise not just export earnings from        structures. Such people have extensive cross-
, but the quality, efficiency and range of     border networks of clients and colleagues.
domestic financial services offered in India      Their work involves fine judgment in
as well. For Mumbai to become an  ,          making decisions covering a vast array of
India’s policy-makers and financial operators    circumstances. It cannot be scripted in
need to understand fully the nature of and      a manual codifying its mechanics. Such
opportunities in: the global  market;        judgments rely on intensive interaction,
the activities undertaken in s; and the      inter-personal information flows, and
xvi   R      M  I F C



                       complex negotiations among a number                    We categorise s in this report in four
                       of highly qualified professionals including         ways; i.e. as:
                       financial experts, specialised corporate
                                                                          Global (GFCs ) These are centres that gen-
                       lawyers, accountants, tax experts, etc. Such
                                                                                uinely serve clients from all over the
                       interaction takes place at an .
                                                                                world in the provision of the widest
                            From an Indian perspective, further
                                                                                possible array of ;
                       progress with expanding the  /
                       chain in financial services (horizontally and       Regional (RFCs) They serve their regional
                       vertically) is inevitable and positive. But that         rather than their national economies
                       should not be confused with what is required             (see below) – examples of such s
                                                                                would be Dubai or Hong Kong ;
                       to provide the full array of  via an .
                       Intuitively, moving up from / to a           Non-global and non-regional, ordinary inter-
                       fully fledged  is analogous to moving up               national IFCs These are centres like
                       from low-end programming to replicating                 Paris, Frankfurt, Tokyo and Sydney
                       Silicon Valley. Incremental progress in the             that provide a wide range of  but
                       Indian  industry will not bring Silicon               cater mainly to the needs of their na-
                       Valley to India; that requires a quantum                tional economies rather than their
                       leap. Similarly, doing more  /                    regions or the world – one might be
                       for the global financial services industry               tempted to call them national s al-
                       will not, as a matter of course, result in              though that term is an awkward one
                                                                               because its two defining adjectives are
                       India automatically graduating to providing
                                                                               contradictory; and
                        through natural evolution. /
                       will be done by specialised sub-contractors        Offshore (OFCs) These are centres that are
                       with different skill sets and competencies.              primarily tax havens for wealth man-
                        can only be provided by qualified                    agement and global tax management
                       and internationally known financial firms;                rather than providing the fully array
                       which is what Indian financial firms must                 of .
                       quickly strive to become. India’s growth in             The  products and services that
                       / is about doing more through              s provide include the following eleven
                       services firms (like Infosys, Satyam, Wipro         activities. s provide all of them. Other
                       or  ). India’s growth in  is about           s provide some combination of them.
                       exporting  through established and new
                       financial intermediaries.                            a. Fund Raising: for individuals, corpo-
                                                                              rations and governments (sovereign
                                                                              and sub-sovereign). This includes debt
                       4. What are International                              and quasi-debt across maturity/currency
                          Financial Centres (IFCs) and
                                                                               Singapore and London are also regional in the
                          Services (IFS)?
                                                                          sense that they serve Asean and the  while New York
                       Financial centres that cater to customers          serves North and Latin America. But because these
                                                                          three centres serve the global economy, well beyond
                       outside their own jurisdiction are referred to     meeting the  needs of their respective regions, we
                       as international ( s) or regional ( s)       classify them as global rather than regional. In that
                       or offshore ( s). These three different           sense, the  sees limited potential for Mumbai
                       adjectives are often (but wrongly) used            to be a regional financial centre for South Asia given
                                                                          current geopolitical realities. South Asia is more likely
                       synonymously in the literature. Yet these          to be served by Singapore and Dubai for the time being.
                       three types of  s are difficult to define          We see Mumbai being an  that serves India in the
                       in a clear-cut, mutually exclusive fashion;        first stage and leapfrogs to serving the global economy
                                                                          in its next stage of evolution. Ironically, Mumbai as an
                       although they are quite distinct. All these         is likely to serve its region after it serves the world,
                       centres are ‘international’ in the sense that      rather than before. For that reason, although the 
                       they deal with the flow of finance and               was asked to look into Mumbai becoming a regional
                                                                          financial centre we dispensed with that characterisation
                       financial products/services across borders.
                                                                          early on in the knowledge that it would be misleading.
                       But that description does not differentiate         Throughout this report therefore we refer to Mumbai
                       them sufficiently in terms of their scope.           becoming an international rather than a regional FC.
Executive Summary   xvii



   spectra; equity and quasi-equity for pri-          will become increasingly important to
   vate, public and public-private corpora-           Indian firms as they evolve into s.
   tions; as well as risk-management appen-      f.   Global/Regional Corporate Treasury
   dices attached to primary fund-raising             Management Operations: involves
   transactions to ensure that the risk expo-         fund raising, liquidity investment and
   sure of the primary borrower or fund-              management, asset-liability and dura-
   raising entity (to currency, interest rate,        tion matching, and risk-management
   credit, market, operational and political          through insurance and traded deriva-
   risks) does not exceed tolerable limits.           tive products for currency, interest-rate,
b. Asset Management and Global Port-                  credit and political risk exposure.
   folio Diversification: undertaken by a         g.   Global/Regional Risk Management Op-
   variety of national, regional and global           erations and Insurance/Re-insurance:
   asset managers including, inter alia pen-          which involves highly developed ex-
   sion funds, insurance companies, in-               change traded and tailored derivatives
   vestment and mutual funds of various               (futures, options, swaps, swaptions, caps
   types characterised by nature of instru-           and collars) as well as world class deriva-
   ment (i.e. debt, equity or convertibles),          tives exchanges that trade a variety of
   geography, or sector of activity.                  global contracts.
c. Personal Wealth Management (PWM):             h.   Global/Regional Exchange Trading of
   for high-net worth individuals (s).            Financial Securities, Commodities and
   This activity is estimated to involve the          Derivatives Contracts in Financial In-
   management of personal assets of $–             struments/Indices and in Commodi-
   trillion worldwide. Overseas Indians               ties: There is an increasing tendency to-
   are estimated to hold financial wealth              ward multiple listings of financial securi-
   (i.e. apart from real estate, gold, art,           ties (equities and debt), and of derivative
   etc.) of over $ billion and total               and commodity contracts, on different
   wealth of over $ trillion. PWM takes              exchanges with emerging investor de-
   place in established  s, but is more            mand for  x  x  trading of all listed
   skewed towards specialised -s                securities across all exchanges. Demand
   in the Channel Islands, Switzerland,               is highest for the securities of index-
   Luxembourg, Monaco and Lichtenstein                corporations in each major capital mar-
   for the  and Africa; Caribbean                   ket. It will gradually cascade downwards
   offshore centres for the  and Latin               to cover global trading of all listed se-
   America; Bahrain and Dubai for the                 curities in all markets – developed and
   Middle East; Singapore, Hong Kong and              emerging. Mumbai is better placed than
   some Pacific Island offshore centres for             most s to meet this demand, because
   East/North Asia.                                   of its human capital and  capability,
d. Global Transfer Pricing: This is an                as well as its world-class exchanges and
   activity that o, like most governments,          improving exchange regulation.
   looks askance at, but needs to realise        i.   Financial Engineering and Architec-
   and accept the reality of, in a global             ture for Large Complex Projects: This
   economy dominated by transnational                 primarily involves energy and infras-
   corporations.        This will become              tructure projects requiring funds from
   increasingly important to Indian firms              a variety of global sources (public and
   as they evolve into multinationals.                private) with attached risk-management.
e. Global Tax Management and Cross-                   Again, Indian financial institutions and
   border Tax Liability Optimisation:                 former FIs have well-honed skills in this
   which provides a business opportunity              particular arena.
   for financial intermediaries as well as        j.   Global/Regional Mergers and Acquisi-
   accountants and law firms until national            tions Activity: This will become increas-
   tax regimes begin to converge toward               ingly important in India and for which
   a global low tax norm. This activity               a considerable amount of back-office
xviii   R      M  I F C



                           / and due diligence research              limits set by RBI. The ability of Indian
                           work is already being outsourced to In-         households to move resources across the
                           dia.                                            border has increased with India’s increasing
                        k. Financing for Global/Regional Public-           openness. The proliferation of Indian s
                           Private Partnerships: This relatively           operating around the world – and transfer
                           new activity has emerged on scene with          pricing with their subsidiaries abroad –
                           considerable force since the development        has led to  demand for fund-raising,
                           of the London Underground PPP. It has           corporate treasury management and global
                           particular and immediate relevance for          tax management. With rapidly increasing
                           the financing and rapid development of           annual flows, the stock of assets outside the
                           Indian infrastructure without recourse          country controlled by Indian households
                           to the treasury.                                and firms is rising rapidly. These assets
                                                                           require  for wealth, asset and global
                        5. Growth and globalisation                        tax management. All these phenomena
                                                                           imply inevitable increases in  purchases
                           drive India’s demand for IFS                    associated with the growing size of cross-
                        Since , India has grown rapidly and its        border flows. Calculations in this report
                        economy has globalised. As India grows,            suggest that on average, the  revenue
                        it globalises faster. That happens through         stream works out to % of the gross flows
                        the increased share of trade and foreign           across the boundary.
                        investment in economic activity. Evidence of            This translates to about $ billion of
                        that lies in two-way cross-border flows. Such       IFS purchases by Indian clients in .
                        flows, on the current and capital accounts               Looking ahead, India’s engagement with
                        combined, rose from $ billion in            the world will intensify in three ways: (a)
                        (<% of  ) to $ billion in              reduction in barriers such as customs duties
                        (>% of ). The forces that resulted in         and capital controls; (b) improvements in
                        this six-fold increase are intensifying and will   infrastructure; and (c) greater participation
                        further accelerate growth of cross-border          by s (Indian and foreign) in the Indian
                        flows. The next decade is likely to see cross-      economy. These developments will induce
                        border flows growing as fast.                       deeper globalisation of the Indian economy
                              Current and capital account flows in-         in the coming decade, inducing an upsurge
                        variably necessitate purchases of  . For        of  purchases.
                        example, current account transactions in-               Our estimates suggest that IFS pur-
                        volve payment services, credit enhancement,        chases by Indian households and firms will
                        currency risk management, etc. Capital ac-         rise to $ billion by  on the basis of
                        count flows involve purchase of investment          conservative assumptions in a ‘base-case’
                        banking, legal, accounting, risk manage-           scenario. Under more propitious circum-
                        ment, research and other similar services.         stances (e.g. if GDP growth is sustained at
                        When  / enters or exits India, fees          %) that figure could be over US$ billion.
                        are paid to various  providers (e.g. com-       By  that amount could exceed US$
                        mercial and investment banks, securities           billion in nominal terms.
                        brokerages, exchanges, insurance compa-                 These estimates warrant a different way
                        nies, asset managers, etc.). As India engages      of thinking about  exports and about
                        more with the world, the stock of assets held      an  in Mumbai. Traditional conceptu-
                        in India by foreigners rises. Similarly, the       alising by Indian exporters about market
                        stock of foreign assets held by Indian house-      opportunities typically assumes tapping into
                        holds and firms also rises. Purchases of risk       a quasi-infinite world market. Financial ser-
                        management services grow in proportion
                        to these stocks which are far larger than the           This was the approach taken by the Indian software

                        capital flows of any one year.                      industry which now has domestic sales of a mere $
                                                                           million while its exports are a -fold multiple of
                              It is estimated that Indian households       roughly $ billion a year. The search for growth on
                        have accumulated considerable wealth               the part of firms like , Infosys or Wipro has been
                        outside the country; well beyond the present       primarily about finding international customers. The
Executive Summary   xix



vices are like software services in that they are         exists for Indian financial genius to achieve
labour, skill, /communications intensive.               similar export success in world markets;
But, in terms of market opportunity, there is             but with one key difference. India’s own
a fundamental difference between finance                    growth and globalisation, and consequent
and software. It lies in India’s hinterland               domestic demand for , generates natural
advantage. Rapid growth, even more rapid                  opportunities for  producers in India
integration with the rest of the world, and               (local and foreign) to acquire  skills and
the high consequent growth rate of two-way                exploit economies of scale. Indian software
cross-border financial flows now being seen,                exports required an enabling framework
all serve to make India a large and growing               from the State in the form of telecom
customer for . Unlike  service exports,              reforms. Indian  exports will require
India provides a platform for nurturing                a similar enabling framework from the
capabilities that can ‘go global’ instantly.              State. Deeper and wider reforms and
      Against that growing demand for , a              improvements are needed in: (a) India’s
failure to respond on the supply-side, (i.e.              financial system and the way it is governed
by creating a successful  in Mumbai)                   and regulated; as well as (b) Mumbai’s urban
will simply oblige Indian customers to                    infrastructure and political/administrative
do increasing  business abroad. That                   governance on a scale not yet envisaged.
will fuel the growth of Singapore, Dubai,
London and other  s while depriving                    6. India’s competitive
Mumbai of capturing opportunities for high                   advantages in creating an
value-added  exports. For example,                        IFC
the Tata Steel-Corus deal generated 
revenues in Singapore and London. Some                     Hinterland Advantage: As argued above
elements of such transactions do not appear                   the growth of the Indian economy
in Indian BOP accounts. Financial firms and                    and more rapid growth of cross-
policy makers in the three s and                       border financial flows have created
are highly attuned to the opportunities                       substantial local demand for . This
for selling  into India. They have                         ‘driver’ supports the development of
embarked on strategies that exploit the                       skills, and generates economies of
current infirmities of the Indian financial                     scale on the part of financial firms
system. The most capable Indian financial                      operating in Mumbai. China has the
firms are likely to move to these centres in                   same hinterland advantage. New York
order to acquire the flexibility to provide                    has the North American economy as
their extant client base with the  they                    its hinterland. London has the even
need, rather than risk losing their clients to                larger  economy, as well as its own
global financial firms.                                         national economy, to serve. Singapore
      Rapidly growing demand for  in                       has a limited national economy. But
                                                              it is the financial epicentre of an
India provides an opportunity for its
                                                              A regional economy that is
financial services industry that its software
                                                              almost as large as China and larger
industry never had. Indian software exports
                                                              than India. Dubai does not have
were generated by ingenious Indian human
                                                              that kind of national or regional
capital exploiting foreign markets and
                                                              economy. But it is located in a region
requiring nothing from the State other
                                                              that is generating enormous financial
than telecom reforms. Indian  genius
                                                              surpluses for investment abroad.
conquered world markets between  and
                                                           Human Capital: India has four strengths
 in a way that was not imagined in even                   by way of human capital endowments
the most optimistic forecasts of . In                     that give it a competitive edge over
the case of  , an identical opportunity                    Shanghai, Singapore and Dubai:
                                                                • The extensive use of English,
domestic market does not loom large to the  s of
these firms, and played no role in their graduating into            which is the lingua franca of
export-oriented MNCs.                                              international finance
xx   R      M  I F C



                             • Generations of experience with             upholding liberal values, protecting
                               entrepreneurship, speculation,             property rights and maintaining
                               trading in securities and deriva-          political stability.    It fares well
                               tives, risk taking, and accounting.        compared with China, Singapore or
                               Indeed the ability to provide           Dubai but does not match London or
                               seems to be genetically coded into         New York.
                               Indian finance professionals            Mindshare: High  growth, the
                             • Strong skills in information tech-         / phenomenon, and the
                               nology and quantitative thinking           success of Indians in global finance
                                                                          all over the world, ensure that India
                             • Individuals of Indian origin play
                                                                          has significant ‘mindshare’ at policy-
                               a prominent role in the top 
                                                                          making levels in global financial firms.
                               global financial firms. They are
                                                                          India has an edge over Singapore and
                               well-positioned to intermediate
                                                                          Dubai, and perhaps even over China,
                               between the business strategies of
                                                                          in this respect.
                               these vital firms and the genuine
                               strengths and weaknesses of India      Strong securities markets and advanced trad-
                               as an .                                  ing platforms: India has the foun-
                                                                           dations for providing global  by
                       Location: Mumbai is well located in being           virtue of its dynamic, technologically
                          able to interact with all of Asia                capable securities trading platforms
                          and Europe through the trading day.              in the  and . These are the
                          Apart from the Americas, transactions            rd and th biggest exchanges in the
                          with most of world  can occur                 world measured by number of trans-
                          in daylight. Given the remarkable                actions. India has an edge over China
                          and growing role of London in                    and Dubai, but not over Singapore, in
                          providing global  today, India has            this respect.
                          the advantage of having a – hour
                          overlap with London time. There is              Taking these formidable advantages into
                          no  operating within an hour’s          account, the initial conditions supporting
                          variation of the Indian Standard Time      India’s entry into the global market for 
                          zone. India has an edge over Shanghai,     are promising; especially when compared
                          but not over Dubai, in this respect.       with the early days of software exports
                       Democracy and Rule-of-Law: Properly           from India. In the latter case, there was
                          functioning financial markets require       no hinterland advantage, location did not
                          a constitutional basis and machinery       matter, democracy did not matter, and there
                          for system governance that is stable,      was no beach-head. The six comparative
                          reliable, resilient and flexible; i.e.      and competitive advantages that India has,
                          one that reduces future political          suggest that there is a genuine opportunity
                          risks and uncertainty. Globally            for India to create a viable  able to
                          credible financial systems need to          compete with the best in providing  to
                          be rooted in legislative, judicial, and    the Indian and global markets in a short span
                          regulatory frameworks that adhere          of time. But, it confronts some daunting
                          to rule-of-law and respect/protect         challenges. Our report highlights these in
                          property rights; in principle and          detail. They include: (a) financial regime
                          in practice.  can be provided           governance in India; (b) missing markets
                          credibly only from environments that       and institutions and (c) urban facilities and
                          permit open and honest expression          governance in Mumbai.
                          of independent views by portfolio
                          managers, analysts, commentators,          7. Financial regime governance:
                          researchers, etc. even when such views
                                                                        policy and regulation
                          contradict those of governments and
                          powerful personalities with a vested       A sound basic framework for develop-
                          interest. India has proven strengths in    ing/applying law and regulation are intrinsic
Executive Summary   xxi



to  . The quality and credibility of         traded volumes – in all areas other than
provided from India is inextricably linked to      equities. A normative rule-of-thumb
the soundness and global acceptability of the      would suggest that the traded volume
regulatory/legal system that governs finance        of an exchange-traded futures contract
in India. Global competition in  is, to         in India should be at least one-tenth the
an extent, a function of global competition        turnover of a corresponding product in
(in terms of reputation, capability, efficiency      the  . By this yardstick, the turnover
and effectiveness) among regulatory regimes         of Nifty futures is about that size. But
and the institutions that apply those regimes.     that is not the case for almost all of the
The market share of an  is determined as        top  underlying contracts in the .
much by the quality and reputation of its        • An inadequate universe of institutional
regulatory/legal regime as by the abilities of     investors: The second deficiency in
its financial firms. A cross-country assess-         India is a universe of institutional
ment suggests that India is weak on many           investors that have the size, visibility
aspects of the legal and regulatory frame-         and capability of those in established
work governing its financial system which           s. The progress made so far
the report discusses in detail. The report         with liberalisation has been based
also identifies two key strategic institutional     largely on speculative price discovery
(or structural) weaknesses in Indian finance        by non-institutional investors in equity
that impede  production:                        markets. Other segments are dominated
                                                   by state-owned entities which are
 • ‘Missing’ Debt, Currency, and Deriva-           bound by restrictive rules. Banks and
   tives Markets: The most critical finan-          insurance companies are restrained, if
   cial market components missing in In-           not banned, from undertaking risk-
   dia are: a properly functioning bond            hedging activities and other kinds of
   market, a currency market and a deriva-         sophisticated business due to regulatory
   tives market for currencies and inter-          restrictions. Consequently their assets
   est rates. These three interlinked mar-         are growing too slowly.
   kets are termed collectively as the bond-          Indian financial firms tend to operate
   currency-derivatives ( BCD ) nexus in           in one key business segment at a
   this report. Six specific deficiencies            time. Their portfolios are narrowly
   in this respect include the absence of:         confined and concentrated; so is their
   (a) a liquid and efficient sovereign              risk exposure. That has stunted their
   bond market with an arbitrage-free              growth, imagination and ability to
    yield curve, (b) a wide range of            handle risk. Indian financial firms now
   essential derivatives on  interest           need to evolve into full fledged large,
   rates, (c) a liquid spot market for -        complex financial institutions (s in
   denominated corporate bonds, (d) credit         Basel parlance). They need to operate in
   derivatives on credit spreads or credit         all financial market segments of finance
   events, (e) a liquid currency market and        to come up with credible  offerings
   (f) a full range of currency derivatives.       and ‘packages’ for the export market.
      Under a functional  nexus, all               India lacks domestic commercial and
   six elements are based on vibrant               investment banks capable of taking on
   speculative price discovery, and are            global counterparts without higher levels
   tightly knitted by arbitrage. They              of capitalisation, global market access,
   interact to result in market efficiency.           operational expertise, and high-
   There is no successful  that lacks such      level human capital. India also lacks
   a  nexus. Its conspicuous absence            large securities brokerages capable of
   in India handicaps the country’s ability        competing with global counterparts.
   to provide  . Another shortcoming            India’s brokerage industry reflects the
   is the inadequacy of India’s spot and           infirmities of its retail sector as a
   derivatives markets – in terms of the           whole. It is characterised by too
   variety of contracts traded and their           many small, undercapitalised, limited-
xxii   R      M  I F C



                           capability firms (brokers and sub-               regulation. There is no  that has so
                           brokers) that are mostly still single           compartmentalised an approach to the
                           proprietorships in corporate form.              structuring, management and regula-
                           Structural reforms are required urgently        tion of its financial markets. Reversing
                           to create Indian financial firms that are         counterproductive segmentation of fi-
                           equivalent in size and capabilities to          nancial markets in India, and removing
                           global counterparts. Looking ahead,             barriers to entry, would result in greater:
                           if India is to create an  , there is no      economies of scale/scope, competition,
                           escape from inviting the participation          and global market-reach.
                           of domestic and foreign institutional         • Inhibiting Financial Innovation:
                           investors of adequate size, who would           Whether an  should be created for
                           deploy the economies of scale, global           India to catch up with the world, or to ex-
                           market-reach and efficiency-enhancing             ploit comparative advantage in a global
                           behaviour that is evident at other s.         market, a considerably faster pace
                            Why does India have these weaknesses?          of financial innovation in India is essen-
                       Close scrutiny of the regulatory regime             tial. But, financial regime governance in
                       examines the origins of these infirmities            India can only cope with change slowly.
                       through a matrix that identifies and analyses        The regulatory approach to any change
                       restraints on the activities of different            in the structure or functioning of the
                       financial firms in providing various  .            financial system is conservative, cautious
                       Such a matrix has been prepared as a                and inconducive to innovation. As a
                       ‘wallchart’ for this report. It outlines            result India falls behind international
                       activities that take place at  s and             practice by the day in every market seg-
                       the kinds of financial firms that typically           ment. The default signal emitted by
                       undertake them. A careful analysis of this          Indian regulators when faced with any
                       wallchart reveals that, at present, most of         new idea seems to be set at ‘amber’ if not
                       the  activities that take place at  s         ‘red’. Innovative instruments, contracts
                       are banned or severely proscribed in India.         and new ways of doing business are acted
                       The red ink across the wallchart – signifying       upon in days in the three  s. Such
                       activities banned in India – portrays the           a pace of rapid progress is not found
                       license-permit-control raj that still operates      in India. Basic contracts like interest
                       in Indian finance. It retards development            rate futures and options have failed to
                       and sophistication of the financial sector           materialise in this climate.
                       and inhibits  exports. A pragmatic view
                       of these constraints highlights three urgent,         Deregulation and liberalisation through
                       cross-cutting priorities for reform:             the s have largely unshackled India’s
                                                                        manufacturing sector, and much of its
                        • Competition Policy: India’s experience        real economy. Competition, innovation
                          with liberalisation in the real economy,      and scale economies in these sectors are
                          suggests that the most powerful tool for      no longer blocked by the State. Yet,
                          having efficient and well-functioning           somewhat dissonantly, a much higher degree
                          firms is competition. Application of           of control continues to operate in key
                          sound competition policy in all market        parts of the financial sector; despite the
                          segments of India’s financial sector is        many regulatory reforms of the s. This
                          now a matter of urgency.                      financial governance regime now needs to
                        • Compartmentalisation of the Finan-            be overhauled to create a more modern
                          cial System: Global competitiveness re-       governance regime. It does not need
                          quires exploiting fully the economies         traditional fine-tuning with the extant
                          of scale and scope. India’s hinterland        regime remaining largely intact.
                          advantage represents an opportunity                Regulatory reform has had a positive
                          to exploit such economies. However            impact on the functioning of India’s capital
                          Indian finance has been artificially frag-      markets and the insurance sector. In the
                          mented by financial sector policy and          capital markets, India has achieved global
Executive Summary   xxiii



standards in some aspects. Other financial          in Mumbai. The goal of public
markets lag behind in not yet having been         policy is to foster high economic growth
reformed as widely or deeply. Despite the         and enhance welfare in India; it is not
presence of a large number of different types      to cater to the interests of Indian firms
of banks, and despite incremental measures        or their shareholders. But, in saying
aimed at ‘opening-up’, the banking market         this, the  is mindful of the reality
in India has yet to improve substantially         that developments during the last decade
in competition, innovation and efficiency.          have resulted in a debilitating anomaly
The improvements achieved at the margins          for Indian financial firms versus their
have not yet permeated the banking system         foreign competitors. In manufacturing,
as a whole. They are unlikely to, without         the removal of barriers to imports was
a major reformative push and diminished           accompanied by a simultaneous unshackling
public presence.                                  of Indian firms. Indian firms were exposed
     For that reason, a dramatic change           to greater competition from imports and
in the governance regime for all financial         the entry of foreign  s in domestic
markets in India is now imperative. Without       market space. But they were, simultaneously,
it India will not be able to create an            given a transitional period and considerable
innovation-orientated financial system             freedom in terms of formulating business
that can evolve and compete at a pace             strategies and innovating.
commensurate with changes in the Indian                The evolution of Indian finance,
economy and global finance. Such a                 in contrast, has resulted in growing
system would have the following activities        dissonance between external competition
undertaken on a par with global norms:            and a repressive license-permit raj. India’s
(a) continual innovation and improvement          long and tortuous evolution towards de facto
in the design of financial products and            convertibility (which in some respects is
customer services as well as in their delivery;   not dissimilar to tariff reductions in the
(b) the rapid reintegration of segregated         real economy) has not been accompanied
financial markets into more liquid and more        by Indian financial firms being given the
integrated markets; and (c) the rapid growth      same opportunity and room for manoeuvre
and market-induced consolidation of Indian        to develop their competitive capabilities.
financial firms in a manner that enables            They are at a disadvantage in coping with
them to achieve economies of scale.               competition (for their clients’  business)
     For this to be achieved, Indian financial     from global  providers operating in India
system regulation needs to be brought up          and from abroad for two reasons:
to world standards. Regulatory attitudes,           • First, key financial markets (i.e. the
policies, practices as well as institutional           nexus and risk management) have
arrangements need to undergo a sea-                   been prevented from developing in India
change. They need to become more                      because of regulatory restraints. That
attuned to, and supportive of, the dynamism,          has resulted in Indian financial firms not
growth and global competitiveness of the              having the opportunity or the time/space
Indian financial services industry. Policy             to develop domain knowledge and skill-
and regulation must adjust and adapt to               sets in crucial areas e.g. global fund-
the needs of Indian and global financial               raising or developing sophisticated risk
markets. Financial markets should not                 management products/services tailored
be artificially fragmented, segmented,                 to client needs.
compartmentalised.                                  • Second, the same regulatory restraints
     This report does not advocate using              have deprived Indian financial firms of
the hinterland argument as a reason                   the freedom they need to develop and
for protectionism. Nor is the                     the necessary flexibility in formulating
making an argument for ‘self-sufficiency’.              global business strategies. They have not
Instead the  believes that India and              had the scope for innovating for  and
Indian financial firms should be globally               thus developing the skills required to
competitive in providing  through an               compete with global  providers.
xxiv   R      M  I F C



                            The  is clear that, in providing        debt of centre and states, including on-
                        from India, there is no case whatsoever      and-off-balance-sheet liabilities (such
                       for protectionism. The interests of Indian       as pensions) and endorses a lower
                       customers, and that of economic efficiency,        level (than the present %) for the
                       are best served by enabling them to choose       total consolidated public debt-to-GDP
                       from the best  providers in the world.        ratio. A public debt ceiling should be
                       But, the asymmetry in policy that has placed     bolstered by flexible triggers for actions
                       Indian financial firms at a disadvantage,          to be taken by the Ministry of Finance
                       underlines the case for phasing reforms          (e.g. accelerated sales of public assets
                       aimed at creating  capabilities in a          whose proceeds are used to liquidate
                       manner that enables Indian financial firms         outstanding public debt if that is deemed
                       to be similarly unshackled in competing to       appropriate) when the adopted debt
                       provide .                                     ratio ceiling is breached. While the
                                                                         did not wish to recommend a
                                                                        particular debt ceiling ratio without
                       8. Reorienting the financial                      looking more deeply into the matter,
                          system towards IFS                            global experience suggests that ratios in
                          provision: A temporal                         the range of –% are widely applied
                          roadmap for reform                            as prudent. Such a debt ratio should be
                                                                        added to existing  measures for
                       The strategy proposed in this report for         deficit and debt reduction.
                       creating an  comprises in essence a ten-         For an Indian  to be credible, in
                       point agenda:                                    keeping with ‘best-practice’ worldwide,
                        . Macroeconomic (i.e. Fiscal and Mone-         India’s central bank should be indepen-
                           tary) Management.                            dent and separate from government. It
                              As a new competitor in global             must be independent and separate from
                           financial markets, the credibility of         government; i.e. in the same way that
                           India’s macro-economic policies, and         the Federal Reserve in the , the 
                           the quality of its macroeconomic and         in Europe, the various national central
                           financial system management, will be          banks of Europe and Japan, and the Bank
                           judged more stringently than in the case     of England, are independent of and sepa-
                           of established  s. This asymmetric        rate from their governments. The central
                           reality highlights the importance of         bank must employ global best-practices
                           redoubling efforts in reforming policies,     in the conduct of monetary policy, in
                           legal and institutional arrangements to      order to suffuse international investors
                           achieve and sustain a high growth rate       and issuers with growing confidence in
                           (–%) for the economy in general and       the  as an acceptable global currency
                           the financial sector in particular.           for  transactions. The level of con-
                              Creating a vibrant, competitive        fidence engendered should permit the
                           in Mumbai will require, as an integral        to become one of the world’s major
                           backdrop, success in meeting the             reserve currencies by  or  at the
                           legal commitments entered into by            latest.
                           the Government of India, and the                The gold standard for a stabilising
                           governments of individual states, to         monetary policy is a transparent,
                           reduce the consolidated fiscal deficit on      independent, inflation-targeting central
                           the timeline announced. In addition, it      bank. With such an arrangement the
                           will require (a) reducing the total public   Indian State would be: (a) underlining
                           debt/ ratio to more acceptable            its commitment to delivering low and
                           levels; and (b) pursuing sound fiscal         predictable inflation; and (b) inducing
                           and monetary policies thereafter.            greater confidence in the  in the eyes
                              HPEC therefore recommends that            of domestic and global investors. The
                           further action should be taken to             recommends that the Ministry
                           reduce more rapidly the consolidated         of Finance consider: (a) reforming
Executive Summary   xxv



   monetary institutions in the light                 There is considerable unmet global
   of recent developments in monetary              demand for  bonds on the part
   economics; and (b) doing so in a way            of long-term institutional investors
   that bolsters the case for a credible        such as foreign pension funds. A
   in Mumbai.                                      rapidly emerging  bond market
       also recommends a fresh look            would trigger currency trading in India
   at applying key principles in guiding           and foster the use of  currency
   reform of the tax system on the revenue         and interest rate derivatives. That
   side, to ensure that India remains              would facilitate the evolution of the
   globally competitive, and avoids price           as a global currency, used as
   distorting subsidies on the expenditure         a numeraire by bond investors and
   side. This has particular implications for      issuers from India and around the
   ensuring that inflation-targeting is not         world. Internationalisation of the 
   distorted or rendered ineffective because        (a prerequisite for a successful  in
   subsidies (e.g. for key energy prices)          Mumbai) would expand transaction
   emit the wrong inflation signals.                volumes in India’s bond, currency
. Strategy for Public Debt Financing.             and derivatives markets, as well as
      Traditionally, India has eschewed            its equity and commodity markets,
   bond issuance outside the country, fear-        coterminously. It would expand the
   ing the currency risk that arises with          range of financing options open to,
   issuing forex bonds while having             and seignorage revenues derived by, the
   revenues. This risk of ‘original sin’ does      Government of India and its central
   not arise if  denominated bonds              bank.
   are sold to meet foreign demand for          . Creation of the BCD Market Nexus.
   such debt. The HPEC therefore advo-                The most important missing piece
   cates opening up fully to foreign invest-       in Indian finance is the  nexus ex-
   ment in INR denominated sovereign               plained earlier: i.e. the set of interlinked
   bonds issued by GoI . It further recom-         bond-currency-derivatives markets for
   mends that no limits should apply to            spot and derivative instruments on in-
   purchases by foreign clients of INR de-         terest rates, currencies and credit risk. In
   nominated corporate bonds or bonds              order to ignite these markets, HPEC rec-
   issued by sub-sovereign entities (states        ommends the immediate creation of a
   and metropolitan administrations). In           currency spot market, with a minimum
   addition, the HPEC believes that the            transaction size of Rs.  million, acces-
   function of a public debt management            sible to all financial firms. In addition,
   office should be placed in the Ministry           an INR -settled exchange-traded cur-
   of Finance rather than in a regulatory          rency derivatives market should be cre-
   institution to avoid any perceptions of         ated, with trading in futures, options
   conflicts-of-interest.                           and swaps on currencies, accessible to
      This would achieve two goals. First, it      all.
   would open up a new financing channel               These two initiatives, along with
   for  o (and state and municipal               developing more rapidly the spot
   governments as well) thus enabling              market for bonds, need to be merged
   it to abandon repressive policies that          into the existing securities exchange
   pre-empt domestic savings with an               ecosystem so as to trade alongside
   array of undesirable and unintended             the spot and derivatives markets for
   consequences (e.g. crowding out and             equity. The policy problems that
   undue pressure on the  interest              have held back interest rate futures
   rate). Second, the internationalisation         need to be rapidly resolved. The
   of  bonds (issued by the sovereign,          responsibility for regulation of these
   sub-sovereigns and corporates) would            markets – spot or derivatives; exchange
   accelerate the emergence of an Indian           or ; government bonds, corporate
    on the world stage.                         bonds, and currencies – needs to be
xxvi   R      M  I F C



                           moved to  without further ado               . Create wholesale asset management
                           and unified with the regulation of                   businesses with freedom for outsourc-
                           all organised financial trading. The                 ing by existing financial firms such as
                           goal should be to create and launch a               banks or insurance companies. This
                           significant  nexus, in conformity                 would separate the legal and contrac-
                           with world standards, within  months.             tual structures through which assets
                        . Financial Market Integration and                    are sourced and securities are created
                           Convergence vs. Market Segmentation                 – across multiple front-ends across
                                                                               the country – from the ‘factories’ in
                              Indian finance suffers from a frag-
                                                                               which assets are managed. It would
                           mented approach whereby the overall
                                                                               also achieve economies of scale in
                           financial industry has been cut up into
                                                                               asset management.
                           pieces reflecting legislation that is out-
                           dated by  years or more.  exports          . Shift away from regulation by entity
                           will not take place as long as the com-             to regulation by domain. As an
                           petencies of Indian financial firms are               example, IRDA would regulate only
                           artificially stunted. India now needs its            the insurance business, not all the
                           own  s present in all lines of busi-            activities of insurance companies.
                           ness, and able to achieve economies of       . Principles-based Regulation
                           scope and scale. A series of measures              Over the decades India has built
                           are needed to achieve market integra-           up a license-permit raj in finance.
                           tion and convergence, and thus enable           It over-emphasises compliance at the
                           economies of scale, economies of scope,         expense of competence, competition
                           greater competition and enhanced IFS            and innovation in financial services.
                           export capability, i.e.:                        A similar raj dominated the real
                                                                           economy since independence. But
                           . Redraft the legal foundations for           it was dismantled during the s
                               organised financial trading, so as           to the immense benefit of the Indian
                               to unify all organised financial             economy and particularly Indian global
                               trading under  regulation. This         competitiveness. To achieve the same
                               would include currencies, equities,         objectives, that raj in finance now needs
                               sovereign and corporate bonds, and          to be dismantled if India is to develop
                               commodity derivatives. It would              provision and export capabilities
                               immediately diminish some of the            and if an  is to emerge in Mumbai.
                               fragmentation which has taken place            At present financial regulation in In-
                               amongst financial firms.                      dia is fragmented and rules-based. It is
                          . Remove barriers to a holding                 over-prescriptive and restrictive of man-
                              company structure through which              agerial discretion. In every market seg-
                              virtual financial firms can be created,        ment, regulators attempt to codify every
                              with an array of subsidiaries that fit        detail of a business in which the shape of
                              Indian regulatory constraints but            the future can neither be anticipated nor
                              with corporate headquarters and              predicted. Anything not explicitly per-
                              top management able to operate               mitted is banned. Any proposed change
                              a unified financial firm. The                   in the way of doing business requires
                              holding company would be regulated           clearance from the regulator. Supervi-
                              only by the Companies Act. It                sors apply checklists in verifying that
                              would typically be listed and able to        every rule is met while not quite un-
                              leverage itself; while its subsidiaries      derstanding all the dimensions of the
                              might be unlisted. All barriers to           business possibilities of the regulated
                              M&A in finance need to be identified           entity and how it might evolve. This
                              and removed, so as to achieve                approach is inflexible and unamenable
                              a market-induced consolidation               to swift adaptation of a kind that the
                              process which would permit Indian            world of global finance demands. This
                              s to emerge.                             is counterproductive for the purposes
Finmin report mumbai international fin center
Finmin report mumbai international fin center
Finmin report mumbai international fin center
Finmin report mumbai international fin center
Finmin report mumbai international fin center
Finmin report mumbai international fin center
Finmin report mumbai international fin center

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Finmin report mumbai international fin center

  • 1. Report of the High Powered Expert Committee on Making Mumbai an International Financial Centre
  • 2.
  • 3. Report of the High Powered Expert Committee on Making Mumbai an International Financial Centre Ministry of Finance Government of India New Delhi 
  • 4. Report of the High Powered Expert Committee on Making Mumbai an International Financial Centre Ministry of Finance, Government of India, New Delhi This work consists of a printed book and release of its contents in PDF format in the world wide web, and are subject to copyright. All rights are reserved, whether whole or in part of the material is concerned, specifically the rights of translation, reprinting, reuse of illustrations, recitation, broadcasting, reproduction on CDROM or in any other way, and storage in data banks. Duplication of this publication or parts thereof is permitted only under the provisions of the Indian Copyright Act in its current version, and permission for use must always be obtained from Ministry of Finance, Government of India, New Delhi. Published by Sage India, B-1/I-1, Mohan Cooperative Industrial Area, Mathura Road, New Delhi 110044, India. Ministry of Finance or Sage India make no warranty of representation, either express or implied with respect to this work, including their quality, merchantability, or fitness for a particular purpose. In no event will Min. of Finance or Sage India be liable for direct, indirect, special, incidental, or conseqential damages arising out of the use or inability to use the work, even if Min. of Finance or Sage India have been advised of the possibility of such damages. The use of general descriptive names, registered names, trademarks, etc., in this publication does not imply, even in the absence of specific statement, that such names are exempt from the relevant protective laws and regulations and therefore free for general use. c Ministry of Finance, Government of India, 2007. Printed in India by Typeset using PDFTEX and GNU/Linux operating system by River Valley Technologies, Trivandrum, India, http://www.river-valley.com. The main text font used is Minion and Frutiger for floats and headings. The TEX packages used for typesetting this book have been released under General Public Licence for free usage, modification and redistribution and are available at http://sarovar.org/projects/goi-book.
  • 5. The High Powered Expert Committee ( HPEC ) on Making Mumbai an International Financial Centre The Hon. P. Chidambaram th February  Minister of Finance, Ministry of Finance Government of India, North Block New Delhi  Dear Honourable Minister: We submit herewith the ’s Report on Making Mumbai an International Financial Centre. Our choice of the term ‘International’ instead of ‘Regional’ has been explained in our report. Yours sincerely, M. Balachandran O. P. Bhatt C. B. Bhave Bharat Doshi K. V. Kamath Nimesh Kampani K. P. Krishnan (Convenor) Subodh Kumar Ravi Narain Ms. Usha Narayanan P. J. Nayak Aditya Puri N. Mohan Raj T. T. Srinivasaraghavan
  • 6.
  • 7. Acknowledgements HPEC would like to place on record its grateful thanks to Ajay Shah, Kshama Fernandes, Saugata Bhattacharya, Ritu Anand, and S. Ravindranath who constituted the Research Team that supported the Committee. The  also wishes to express its appreciation to Mr. M. Balachandran who put the facilities of the Bank of India at the disposal of the Committee. The  and the Government of India would like to acknowledge their appreciation to the Bank of India for meeting the administrative expenditure for the production of this report.
  • 8.
  • 9. Contents Executive Summary xiii . International Financial Services () and Centres (s) in Perspective, xiii.—. Implications for India and Mumbai, xiv.—. The difference between  and  , xv.—. What are International Financial Centres (s) and Services ()?, xvi.—. Growth and globalisation drive India’s demand for , xviii.—. India’s competitive advantages in creating an , xix.—. Financial regime governance: policy and regulation, xx.—. Reorienting the financial system towards  provision: A temporal roadmap for reform, xxiv.—. Urban infrastructure and governance in Mumbai, xxviii.—. The choice, xxx. . The Emergence of IFCs: A brief history  . Meeting cross-border trade, investment and other needs, .—. Evolution of international financial services () and centres (s), .—. The first round of globalisation: circa –, .—. An interregnum, the second round of globalisation (–), and beyond, .—. The ‘take-off ’ of second round globalisation after , .—. Classification of s, .—. Why did Tokyo and Frankfurt not emerge as credible s?, .—. The Race to establish more s around the world, .—. Implications for India and need for Mumbai to emerge as an , . . st Century IFS provided by IFCs  . Fund Raising in s: What is involved? Who does it and how?, .—. Asset management and global portfolio diversification, .—. Personal wealth management, .—. Global transfer pricing, .—. Global tax management and cross-border tax optimization, .—. Global/regional corporate treasury management, .—. Global and regional risk management and insurance/re- insurance operations, .—. Global/Regional exchange trading of securities, commodities and derivatives in financial instruments and indices in commodities, .—. Financial engineering and architecture for large complex projects, .—. Cross-border mergers and acquisitions (M&A), .—. Financing for public-private partnerships (), . . Case studies: London, New York, Singapore, Dubai  . Summary overview, .—. A closer look at the City of London, .—. New York/Chicago as the GFC for the Americas and the World, .—. Singapore as the /Asian GFC, .—. Dubai as a RFC for the Middle East and South Asia, . . Domestic and Offshore demand for International Financial Services (IFS) in India  . Implications of a large, rapidly growing home market for IFS, .—. India’s growing integration with the world, .—. The impact of globalisation on  demand and on  s, .—. Estimates for  consumption by India, .—. Projections for  consumption by India, .—. Implications for India’s aspirations to create an  in Mumbai, .—.  customers outside India as a market for an  in Mumbai, .—. International comparisons, . . Augmenting IFS provision via BPO  . How does an  produce  ?, .—. An outsourcing approach to  provision and IFC development: Possibilities, opportunities and pitfalls, .—. A  opportunity: Asset management in Mumbai based on algorithmic trading, .—. IFS subcomponents amenable to outsourcing, .—. Making progress along two paths:  Evolution and  , .—. Conclusion, . . Market deficiencies in Mumbai that inhibit the provision of IFS  . The context in which Mumbai must develop and evolve as an , .—. Inadequate currency and bond markets ( Nexus), .—. Missing currency & derivatives markets: An illustration, .—. The market weakness of institutional investors, .—. A cross-country comparison, .
  • 10. x R      M  I F C . The macroeconomic fallout of an IFC  . Introduction, .—. Implications for fiscal policy & deficit reduction, .—. Financing public debt differently, .—. The mutuality of interests in modernising debt management and having an , .—. Implications for monetary policy, .—. Outlook for the current account deficit, .—. Macro-stability for an , .—. The incompatibility of capital controls in a st century , .—. Full capital convertibility and an  in Mumbai, . . Financial Regime Governance: Its role in an IFC and a comparative perspective  . The intrinsic value of regulation for  production, .—. Three levels of international competition on regulation and law, .—. Where does India stand? An illustrative bird’s eye view, .—. The overall legal regime governing finance, .—. Summary of cross-country comparisons, . . What are the limitations of financial regime governance?  . Where do we stand? An  – Market × Players matrix, .—. A pragmatic view of key areas for progress, .—. Lessons from applying competition policy in the real economy, .—. Artificial segmentation of the financial services industry, .—. Barriers to financial innovation, . . Why does financial regime governance have these limitations?  . Why is the pace of financial innovation slow?, .—. Proximate underlying reasons that are not as transparent, .—. Deeper sources of dysfunction, .—. What impedes Mumbai from becoming an ? A summary, . . Reforming financial regime governance  . A shift toward principles-based regulation, .—. Reducing the artificial segmentation of financial firms, products, services and markets, .—. Creating an environment conducive to exit, .—. Retail vs. wholesale markets, .—. The role of exchange-traded vs. OTC derivatives in the BCD nexus, .—. Regulatory impact assessments, .—. Strengthening the legal system supporting an , . . Tax policy for an IFC in Mumbai  . Does India need an IFC or a Tax Haven?, .—. Tax policy for Mumbai as an  : and, by implication, for India, .—. A modern income tax, .—. Taxation of financial transactions, .—. A Goods and Services Tax (GST) in Finance, .—. Mumbai as an IFC: Tax Implications for Maharashtra and Mumbai, .—. Interfacing tax policy and administration with the financial industry, .—. Stability of tax policy, .—. Where India Stands on taxes: An international comparison, . . A perspective on Mumbai’s strengths  . Human capital needs for , .—. Democracy, Rule-of-Law and the Legal System, . . Urban infrastructure and governance  . The importance of high quality urban infrastructure for an IFC, .—. Problems of cost, .—. Cross-country comparison, .—. Difficulties in Mumbai from an  perspective, .—. Improving urban governance in Mumbai, . . The HPEC’s recommendations  . The general macroeconomic environment, .—. Further Financial System Liberalisation and Reform, .—. The challenge of urban infrastructure and governance in Mumbai, . Selected Bibliography  A. The Committee  B. Comparing existing IFCs against Mumbai 
  • 11. Contents xi C. Comparing emerging IFCs against Mumbai  D. Chronology of events associated with the effort by Benchmark Asset Management Company (BAMC) to start an Exchange Traded Fund (ETF) on Gold  E. Activities of various financial firms in the areas of operation at an IFC: Wall chart  . Fund raising, .—. Asset management, .—. Personal wealth management, .—. Global tax management, .—. Risk management, .—. Financial markets, .—. Securities markets, .—. Mergers and aquisitions, .—. Leasing and Structured finance, .—. Project financing, .—.  Financing, .—. Insurance and reinsurance, . F. Abbreviations 
  • 12.
  • 13. Executive Summary 1. International Financial across borders: i.e. they are international Services (IFS) and Centres financial services ( ). A cross-border market for  has existed over millennia. (IFCs) in Perspective But it has been transformed in the th and Historically, finance has always been th centuries and grown quite differently ‘international’ in character; capital has rarely and more dramatically since . It has also been immobile. Money has moved freely become extremely competitive, with buyers across borders for all of civilisation with gold and sellers around the world now having a and silver (in various weights and measures) choice of procuring  from competing being global currencies for millennia. But, international financial centres (s). the freedom of capital was dramatically A concrete example of procuring  curtailed during the ‘Bretton Woods’ regime, from an  would be the raising of created in , when capital controls were debt. If Mumbai became an  , a imposed on war-ravaged, capital-starved South African railway project could issue economies. With post-war recovery, that a bond there in the primary market. It regime broke down in . World finance would wish to do so because of Mumbai’s has since been reverting to its natural state sophisticated securities markets, along with with the removal of capital controls and the a number of asset managers in Mumbai gradual re-integration of national capital running global portfolios. If the  bond and banking markets; but this time on a market was developed, the South African global scale. bond issue could be  denominated.  countries opened their capital Global investors would buy these bonds accounts between  and . A number and trade them on the secondary market of emerging markets did so in the s in Mumbai. Each of these three steps – – often at the  ’s urging. In , primary market bond issuance by the South the  contemplated making an open African entity, primary bond purchases by capital account a condition of membership. global and Indian investors, and secondary But the idea was shelved when the Asian bond market trading by global players – financial crisis erupted in . That was would generate revenues from the export of precisely when India first contemplated re- financial services from Mumbai. Creating opening its capital account. A series of an  in India requires that Mumbai must similar mini-crises occurred elsewhere in be viewed as competitive in the eyes of the  engulfing Russia and Latin America. By South African railway and in the eyes of global bond investors, when compared with  all these crises were contained. Capital alternatives like Singapore or London. account opening resumed but with reduced The global  market in the st momentum as the  and others began century is one in which competition is driven to reconsider its benefits and costs. The by rapid innovation in financial products, question of capital account convertibility services, instruments, structures, and now weighs heavily on China and India, arrangements to accommodate and manage where financial systems with structural myriad requirements, risks, and a ceaseless weaknesses, legacy constraints and varying quest for cost reduction. Competitive degrees of State domination now confront advantage in  provision depends on the irresistible forces of globalisation. seven key factors: Even with an open capital account, some financial services (e.g. deposit . An extensive national, regional, global banking) remain local and non-tradable. network of corporate and government But most financial services are now tradable (supranational, sovereign, sub-sovereign
  • 14. xiv R      M  I F C and local) client connections possessed involving complex judgment and intellectu- by financial firms participating in an alisation continue to be clustered at a few international financial centre (). physical locations, where key individuals . High level human capital specialised in meet face-to-face. This is characteristic of finance, particularly quantitative finance, R&D in computer technology – clustered in supported by a numerate labour force Silicon Valley and the Cambridge Corridor providing lower level paraprofessional – despite extensive use of email, voice tele- accounting, book-keeping, compliance phony and video conferencing. India has and other skills. achieved a minor miracle with the explo- sion of export revenues from  services; . World-class telecommunications infras- tructure with connectivity around the yet, these revenues are a fraction of Silicon clock, and around the world. Valley’s. Similarly, routine production of financial services takes place everywhere. . State-of-the-art  systems, capability But, the most important and high value to help develop, maintain and manage decision-making functions are concentrated the highly sophisticated and expensive in a handful of  s that have effectively  infrastructure of global financial (and consequently) become global cities firms, trading platforms and regulators; At present, London, New York and systems that are evolving continuously Singapore are the only global financial to help firms retain their competitive centres ( s). Many emerging  s edge. around the world are aspiring to play a global . A well-developed, sophisticated, open role in the years to come: e.g. Shanghai financial system characterised by: (i) and Dubai. Other  s in Europe and a complete array of proficient, liquid Asia, like Paris, Frankfurt or Tokyo, connect markets in all segments, i.e. equities, their financial systems to the world. But bonds, commodities, currencies and they have lost market share and importance derivatives; (ii) extensive participation in competing for global  for reasons by financial firms from around the explained in the report. The world market world, (iii) full integration of market for  is represented mainly by the ,  segments, i.e. an absence of artificially and Asia which together account for over compartmentalised, isolated financial % of global  . Correspondingly the markets that are barred from having global  market is concentrated in the operational linkages with one another; three s located in each of these regions. and (iv) absence of protectionist barriers and discriminatory policies favouring domestic over foreign financial firms in 2. Implications for India and providing financial services. Mumbai . A system of financial regime governance Given that an  in Mumbai must be (i.e. embracing legislation, policies, rooted in (and serve) India’s financial system, rules, regulations, regulatory agencies rather than be an artificial offshore appendix, etc.) that is amenable to operating on the call for creating an  in Mumbai at global ‘best-practice’ lines and standards; this time is implicitly a metaphor for (and and finally synonymous with) deregulating, liberalizing . A ‘hinterland advantage’ in terms of and globalising, all parts of the Indian either a national or regional economy financial system at a much faster rate than (preferably both) whose growth is is presently the case. Raising the issue of generating rapid growth in demand for an  in Mumbai now suggests that the . pressing need for a new, more intensive phase of deregulation and liberalization of Advances in information and commu- the financial system has been anticipated nications technologies ( ) have eased by India’s policy-makers and regulators interactions over a distance and reduced their cost dramatically. However, activities  To understand what such a city is see Sassen ().
  • 15. Executive Summary xv and that the  is a device to accelerate gap in capabilities that now exists between movement in that direction. An  will Mumbai and established s. not be created quickly in Mumbai, nor will it succeed, if action on further deregulation 3. The difference between BPO and liberalisation is not taken in real time. and IFS In sustaining its trajectory as an emerging, globally significant, continental The production of financial services economy, the  believes that India has worldwide is now fragmented into a series no choice but to: (a) become a producer of interrelated sub-processes undertaken and exporter of  ; and (b) capture an separately. Business process outsourcing increasing share of the rapidly growing ( ) of individual processes occurs at global  market. To achieve these a considerable distance from the point two goals, its financial centre in Mumbai of customer contact where their eventual must compete to become a successful resynthesis occurs. India is now a highly . Incremental growth in the global successful  venue for the global financial  market is now being driven by the services industry. In the last five years, it has growing demands of China, India and gone beyond simple  towards complex A. With its strengths in human capital, knowledge process outsourcing or . This a globally powerful  services industry, and is a positive development for India to realise its own hinterland, India has many natural its ambitions of creating an  in Mumbai. advantages for competing successfully in this Finance-related / builds up skills market. In evolving as an , Mumbai will in India and increases the ‘mind-share’ of probably grow in two distinct phases: India amongst global finance professionals. However, there is a substantial differ- . In the first phase (–) Mumbai ence between / and providing  must connect India’s financial system via an . Financial processes that get out- with the world’s financial markets sourced under  involve low-value, low- through  . That is what  s like skill tasks. They are codified in a manual that Frankfurt, Paris, Sydney, Tokyo and a indicates how tasks are to be performed, con- host of smaller s do now in respect trols quality/integrity, and measures whether of their national economies. they are being done correctly. Once the pro- . In its second phase (–) Mumbai tocols are in place, the task is performed must develop the capacity to compete repetitively. But some outsourced activities with the three established  s for in finance, involving research and analy- global  business that goes beyond sis, are moving up the  value chain. meeting India’s needs. After ,  For example, company financial analysis, would hope that Mumbai would hold its credit research, and stock market research own in competing with the other s functions are now also being outsourced. and acquire increasing global market Still, the real value in financial services share. provision remains concentrated in a small number of jobs performed by qualified, India’s financial services industry will super-numerate, imaginative people with not become export-orientated, nor derive the specialised expertise, experience, domain significant  export-revenues, if Mumbai knowledge and skill-sets to be innovative fails to become an  . That will in designing financial instruments and compromise not just export earnings from structures. Such people have extensive cross- , but the quality, efficiency and range of border networks of clients and colleagues. domestic financial services offered in India Their work involves fine judgment in as well. For Mumbai to become an  , making decisions covering a vast array of India’s policy-makers and financial operators circumstances. It cannot be scripted in need to understand fully the nature of and a manual codifying its mechanics. Such opportunities in: the global  market; judgments rely on intensive interaction, the activities undertaken in s; and the inter-personal information flows, and
  • 16. xvi R      M  I F C complex negotiations among a number We categorise s in this report in four of highly qualified professionals including ways; i.e. as: financial experts, specialised corporate Global (GFCs ) These are centres that gen- lawyers, accountants, tax experts, etc. Such uinely serve clients from all over the interaction takes place at an . world in the provision of the widest From an Indian perspective, further possible array of ; progress with expanding the  / chain in financial services (horizontally and Regional (RFCs) They serve their regional vertically) is inevitable and positive. But that rather than their national economies should not be confused with what is required (see below) – examples of such s would be Dubai or Hong Kong ; to provide the full array of  via an . Intuitively, moving up from / to a Non-global and non-regional, ordinary inter- fully fledged  is analogous to moving up national IFCs These are centres like from low-end programming to replicating Paris, Frankfurt, Tokyo and Sydney Silicon Valley. Incremental progress in the that provide a wide range of  but Indian  industry will not bring Silicon cater mainly to the needs of their na- Valley to India; that requires a quantum tional economies rather than their leap. Similarly, doing more  / regions or the world – one might be for the global financial services industry tempted to call them national s al- will not, as a matter of course, result in though that term is an awkward one because its two defining adjectives are India automatically graduating to providing contradictory; and  through natural evolution. / will be done by specialised sub-contractors Offshore (OFCs) These are centres that are with different skill sets and competencies. primarily tax havens for wealth man-  can only be provided by qualified agement and global tax management and internationally known financial firms; rather than providing the fully array which is what Indian financial firms must of . quickly strive to become. India’s growth in The  products and services that / is about doing more through  s provide include the following eleven services firms (like Infosys, Satyam, Wipro activities. s provide all of them. Other or  ). India’s growth in  is about s provide some combination of them. exporting  through established and new financial intermediaries. a. Fund Raising: for individuals, corpo- rations and governments (sovereign and sub-sovereign). This includes debt 4. What are International and quasi-debt across maturity/currency Financial Centres (IFCs) and  Singapore and London are also regional in the Services (IFS)? sense that they serve Asean and the  while New York Financial centres that cater to customers serves North and Latin America. But because these three centres serve the global economy, well beyond outside their own jurisdiction are referred to meeting the  needs of their respective regions, we as international ( s) or regional ( s) classify them as global rather than regional. In that or offshore ( s). These three different sense, the  sees limited potential for Mumbai adjectives are often (but wrongly) used to be a regional financial centre for South Asia given current geopolitical realities. South Asia is more likely synonymously in the literature. Yet these to be served by Singapore and Dubai for the time being. three types of  s are difficult to define We see Mumbai being an  that serves India in the in a clear-cut, mutually exclusive fashion; first stage and leapfrogs to serving the global economy in its next stage of evolution. Ironically, Mumbai as an although they are quite distinct. All these  is likely to serve its region after it serves the world, centres are ‘international’ in the sense that rather than before. For that reason, although the  they deal with the flow of finance and was asked to look into Mumbai becoming a regional financial centre we dispensed with that characterisation financial products/services across borders. early on in the knowledge that it would be misleading. But that description does not differentiate Throughout this report therefore we refer to Mumbai them sufficiently in terms of their scope. becoming an international rather than a regional FC.
  • 17. Executive Summary xvii spectra; equity and quasi-equity for pri- will become increasingly important to vate, public and public-private corpora- Indian firms as they evolve into s. tions; as well as risk-management appen- f. Global/Regional Corporate Treasury dices attached to primary fund-raising Management Operations: involves transactions to ensure that the risk expo- fund raising, liquidity investment and sure of the primary borrower or fund- management, asset-liability and dura- raising entity (to currency, interest rate, tion matching, and risk-management credit, market, operational and political through insurance and traded deriva- risks) does not exceed tolerable limits. tive products for currency, interest-rate, b. Asset Management and Global Port- credit and political risk exposure. folio Diversification: undertaken by a g. Global/Regional Risk Management Op- variety of national, regional and global erations and Insurance/Re-insurance: asset managers including, inter alia pen- which involves highly developed ex- sion funds, insurance companies, in- change traded and tailored derivatives vestment and mutual funds of various (futures, options, swaps, swaptions, caps types characterised by nature of instru- and collars) as well as world class deriva- ment (i.e. debt, equity or convertibles), tives exchanges that trade a variety of geography, or sector of activity. global contracts. c. Personal Wealth Management (PWM): h. Global/Regional Exchange Trading of for high-net worth individuals (s). Financial Securities, Commodities and This activity is estimated to involve the Derivatives Contracts in Financial In- management of personal assets of $– struments/Indices and in Commodi- trillion worldwide. Overseas Indians ties: There is an increasing tendency to- are estimated to hold financial wealth ward multiple listings of financial securi- (i.e. apart from real estate, gold, art, ties (equities and debt), and of derivative etc.) of over $ billion and total and commodity contracts, on different wealth of over $ trillion. PWM takes exchanges with emerging investor de- place in established  s, but is more mand for  x  x  trading of all listed skewed towards specialised -s securities across all exchanges. Demand in the Channel Islands, Switzerland, is highest for the securities of index- Luxembourg, Monaco and Lichtenstein corporations in each major capital mar- for the  and Africa; Caribbean ket. It will gradually cascade downwards offshore centres for the  and Latin to cover global trading of all listed se- America; Bahrain and Dubai for the curities in all markets – developed and Middle East; Singapore, Hong Kong and emerging. Mumbai is better placed than some Pacific Island offshore centres for most s to meet this demand, because East/North Asia. of its human capital and  capability, d. Global Transfer Pricing: This is an as well as its world-class exchanges and activity that o, like most governments, improving exchange regulation. looks askance at, but needs to realise i. Financial Engineering and Architec- and accept the reality of, in a global ture for Large Complex Projects: This economy dominated by transnational primarily involves energy and infras- corporations. This will become tructure projects requiring funds from increasingly important to Indian firms a variety of global sources (public and as they evolve into multinationals. private) with attached risk-management. e. Global Tax Management and Cross- Again, Indian financial institutions and border Tax Liability Optimisation: former FIs have well-honed skills in this which provides a business opportunity particular arena. for financial intermediaries as well as j. Global/Regional Mergers and Acquisi- accountants and law firms until national tions Activity: This will become increas- tax regimes begin to converge toward ingly important in India and for which a global low tax norm. This activity a considerable amount of back-office
  • 18. xviii R      M  I F C / and due diligence research limits set by RBI. The ability of Indian work is already being outsourced to In- households to move resources across the dia. border has increased with India’s increasing k. Financing for Global/Regional Public- openness. The proliferation of Indian s Private Partnerships: This relatively operating around the world – and transfer new activity has emerged on scene with pricing with their subsidiaries abroad – considerable force since the development has led to  demand for fund-raising, of the London Underground PPP. It has corporate treasury management and global particular and immediate relevance for tax management. With rapidly increasing the financing and rapid development of annual flows, the stock of assets outside the Indian infrastructure without recourse country controlled by Indian households to the treasury. and firms is rising rapidly. These assets require  for wealth, asset and global 5. Growth and globalisation tax management. All these phenomena imply inevitable increases in  purchases drive India’s demand for IFS associated with the growing size of cross- Since , India has grown rapidly and its border flows. Calculations in this report economy has globalised. As India grows, suggest that on average, the  revenue it globalises faster. That happens through stream works out to % of the gross flows the increased share of trade and foreign across the boundary. investment in economic activity. Evidence of This translates to about $ billion of that lies in two-way cross-border flows. Such IFS purchases by Indian clients in . flows, on the current and capital accounts Looking ahead, India’s engagement with combined, rose from $ billion in  the world will intensify in three ways: (a) (<% of  ) to $ billion in  reduction in barriers such as customs duties (>% of ). The forces that resulted in and capital controls; (b) improvements in this six-fold increase are intensifying and will infrastructure; and (c) greater participation further accelerate growth of cross-border by s (Indian and foreign) in the Indian flows. The next decade is likely to see cross- economy. These developments will induce border flows growing as fast. deeper globalisation of the Indian economy Current and capital account flows in- in the coming decade, inducing an upsurge variably necessitate purchases of  . For of  purchases. example, current account transactions in- Our estimates suggest that IFS pur- volve payment services, credit enhancement, chases by Indian households and firms will currency risk management, etc. Capital ac- rise to $ billion by  on the basis of count flows involve purchase of investment conservative assumptions in a ‘base-case’ banking, legal, accounting, risk manage- scenario. Under more propitious circum- ment, research and other similar services. stances (e.g. if GDP growth is sustained at When  / enters or exits India, fees %) that figure could be over US$ billion. are paid to various  providers (e.g. com- By  that amount could exceed US$ mercial and investment banks, securities billion in nominal terms. brokerages, exchanges, insurance compa- These estimates warrant a different way nies, asset managers, etc.). As India engages of thinking about  exports and about more with the world, the stock of assets held an  in Mumbai. Traditional conceptu- in India by foreigners rises. Similarly, the alising by Indian exporters about market stock of foreign assets held by Indian house- opportunities typically assumes tapping into holds and firms also rises. Purchases of risk a quasi-infinite world market. Financial ser- management services grow in proportion to these stocks which are far larger than the  This was the approach taken by the Indian software capital flows of any one year. industry which now has domestic sales of a mere $ million while its exports are a -fold multiple of It is estimated that Indian households roughly $ billion a year. The search for growth on have accumulated considerable wealth the part of firms like , Infosys or Wipro has been outside the country; well beyond the present primarily about finding international customers. The
  • 19. Executive Summary xix vices are like software services in that they are exists for Indian financial genius to achieve labour, skill, /communications intensive. similar export success in world markets; But, in terms of market opportunity, there is but with one key difference. India’s own a fundamental difference between finance growth and globalisation, and consequent and software. It lies in India’s hinterland domestic demand for , generates natural advantage. Rapid growth, even more rapid opportunities for  producers in India integration with the rest of the world, and (local and foreign) to acquire  skills and the high consequent growth rate of two-way exploit economies of scale. Indian software cross-border financial flows now being seen, exports required an enabling framework all serve to make India a large and growing from the State in the form of telecom customer for . Unlike  service exports, reforms. Indian  exports will require India provides a platform for nurturing  a similar enabling framework from the capabilities that can ‘go global’ instantly. State. Deeper and wider reforms and Against that growing demand for , a improvements are needed in: (a) India’s failure to respond on the supply-side, (i.e. financial system and the way it is governed by creating a successful  in Mumbai) and regulated; as well as (b) Mumbai’s urban will simply oblige Indian customers to infrastructure and political/administrative do increasing  business abroad. That governance on a scale not yet envisaged. will fuel the growth of Singapore, Dubai, London and other  s while depriving 6. India’s competitive Mumbai of capturing opportunities for high advantages in creating an value-added  exports. For example, IFC the Tata Steel-Corus deal generated  revenues in Singapore and London. Some Hinterland Advantage: As argued above elements of such transactions do not appear the growth of the Indian economy in Indian BOP accounts. Financial firms and and more rapid growth of cross- policy makers in the three s and  border financial flows have created are highly attuned to the opportunities substantial local demand for . This for selling  into India. They have ‘driver’ supports the development of embarked on strategies that exploit the skills, and generates economies of current infirmities of the Indian financial scale on the part of financial firms system. The most capable Indian financial operating in Mumbai. China has the firms are likely to move to these centres in same hinterland advantage. New York order to acquire the flexibility to provide has the North American economy as their extant client base with the  they its hinterland. London has the even need, rather than risk losing their clients to larger  economy, as well as its own global financial firms. national economy, to serve. Singapore Rapidly growing demand for  in has a limited national economy. But it is the financial epicentre of an India provides an opportunity for its A regional economy that is financial services industry that its software almost as large as China and larger industry never had. Indian software exports than India. Dubai does not have were generated by ingenious Indian human that kind of national or regional capital exploiting foreign markets and economy. But it is located in a region requiring nothing from the State other that is generating enormous financial than telecom reforms. Indian  genius surpluses for investment abroad. conquered world markets between  and Human Capital: India has four strengths  in a way that was not imagined in even by way of human capital endowments the most optimistic forecasts of . In that give it a competitive edge over the case of  , an identical opportunity Shanghai, Singapore and Dubai: • The extensive use of English, domestic market does not loom large to the  s of these firms, and played no role in their graduating into which is the lingua franca of export-oriented MNCs. international finance
  • 20. xx R      M  I F C • Generations of experience with upholding liberal values, protecting entrepreneurship, speculation, property rights and maintaining trading in securities and deriva- political stability. It fares well tives, risk taking, and accounting. compared with China, Singapore or Indeed the ability to provide  Dubai but does not match London or seems to be genetically coded into New York. Indian finance professionals Mindshare: High  growth, the • Strong skills in information tech- / phenomenon, and the nology and quantitative thinking success of Indians in global finance all over the world, ensure that India • Individuals of Indian origin play has significant ‘mindshare’ at policy- a prominent role in the top  making levels in global financial firms. global financial firms. They are India has an edge over Singapore and well-positioned to intermediate Dubai, and perhaps even over China, between the business strategies of in this respect. these vital firms and the genuine strengths and weaknesses of India Strong securities markets and advanced trad- as an . ing platforms: India has the foun- dations for providing global  by Location: Mumbai is well located in being virtue of its dynamic, technologically able to interact with all of Asia capable securities trading platforms and Europe through the trading day. in the  and . These are the Apart from the Americas, transactions rd and th biggest exchanges in the with most of world  can occur world measured by number of trans- in daylight. Given the remarkable actions. India has an edge over China and growing role of London in and Dubai, but not over Singapore, in providing global  today, India has this respect. the advantage of having a – hour overlap with London time. There is Taking these formidable advantages into no  operating within an hour’s account, the initial conditions supporting variation of the Indian Standard Time India’s entry into the global market for  zone. India has an edge over Shanghai, are promising; especially when compared but not over Dubai, in this respect. with the early days of software exports Democracy and Rule-of-Law: Properly from India. In the latter case, there was functioning financial markets require no hinterland advantage, location did not a constitutional basis and machinery matter, democracy did not matter, and there for system governance that is stable, was no beach-head. The six comparative reliable, resilient and flexible; i.e. and competitive advantages that India has, one that reduces future political suggest that there is a genuine opportunity risks and uncertainty. Globally for India to create a viable  able to credible financial systems need to compete with the best in providing  to be rooted in legislative, judicial, and the Indian and global markets in a short span regulatory frameworks that adhere of time. But, it confronts some daunting to rule-of-law and respect/protect challenges. Our report highlights these in property rights; in principle and detail. They include: (a) financial regime in practice.  can be provided governance in India; (b) missing markets credibly only from environments that and institutions and (c) urban facilities and permit open and honest expression governance in Mumbai. of independent views by portfolio managers, analysts, commentators, 7. Financial regime governance: researchers, etc. even when such views policy and regulation contradict those of governments and powerful personalities with a vested A sound basic framework for develop- interest. India has proven strengths in ing/applying law and regulation are intrinsic
  • 21. Executive Summary xxi to  . The quality and credibility of  traded volumes – in all areas other than provided from India is inextricably linked to equities. A normative rule-of-thumb the soundness and global acceptability of the would suggest that the traded volume regulatory/legal system that governs finance of an exchange-traded futures contract in India. Global competition in  is, to in India should be at least one-tenth the an extent, a function of global competition turnover of a corresponding product in (in terms of reputation, capability, efficiency the  . By this yardstick, the turnover and effectiveness) among regulatory regimes of Nifty futures is about that size. But and the institutions that apply those regimes. that is not the case for almost all of the The market share of an  is determined as top  underlying contracts in the . much by the quality and reputation of its • An inadequate universe of institutional regulatory/legal regime as by the abilities of investors: The second deficiency in its financial firms. A cross-country assess- India is a universe of institutional ment suggests that India is weak on many investors that have the size, visibility aspects of the legal and regulatory frame- and capability of those in established work governing its financial system which s. The progress made so far the report discusses in detail. The report with liberalisation has been based also identifies two key strategic institutional largely on speculative price discovery (or structural) weaknesses in Indian finance by non-institutional investors in equity that impede  production: markets. Other segments are dominated by state-owned entities which are • ‘Missing’ Debt, Currency, and Deriva- bound by restrictive rules. Banks and tives Markets: The most critical finan- insurance companies are restrained, if cial market components missing in In- not banned, from undertaking risk- dia are: a properly functioning bond hedging activities and other kinds of market, a currency market and a deriva- sophisticated business due to regulatory tives market for currencies and inter- restrictions. Consequently their assets est rates. These three interlinked mar- are growing too slowly. kets are termed collectively as the bond- Indian financial firms tend to operate currency-derivatives ( BCD ) nexus in in one key business segment at a this report. Six specific deficiencies time. Their portfolios are narrowly in this respect include the absence of: confined and concentrated; so is their (a) a liquid and efficient sovereign risk exposure. That has stunted their bond market with an arbitrage-free growth, imagination and ability to  yield curve, (b) a wide range of handle risk. Indian financial firms now essential derivatives on  interest need to evolve into full fledged large, rates, (c) a liquid spot market for - complex financial institutions (s in denominated corporate bonds, (d) credit Basel parlance). They need to operate in derivatives on credit spreads or credit all financial market segments of finance events, (e) a liquid currency market and to come up with credible  offerings (f) a full range of currency derivatives. and ‘packages’ for the export market. Under a functional  nexus, all India lacks domestic commercial and six elements are based on vibrant investment banks capable of taking on speculative price discovery, and are global counterparts without higher levels tightly knitted by arbitrage. They of capitalisation, global market access, interact to result in market efficiency.  operational expertise, and high- There is no successful  that lacks such level human capital. India also lacks a  nexus. Its conspicuous absence large securities brokerages capable of in India handicaps the country’s ability competing with global counterparts. to provide  . Another shortcoming India’s brokerage industry reflects the is the inadequacy of India’s spot and infirmities of its retail sector as a derivatives markets – in terms of the whole. It is characterised by too variety of contracts traded and their many small, undercapitalised, limited-
  • 22. xxii R      M  I F C capability firms (brokers and sub- regulation. There is no  that has so brokers) that are mostly still single compartmentalised an approach to the proprietorships in corporate form. structuring, management and regula- Structural reforms are required urgently tion of its financial markets. Reversing to create Indian financial firms that are counterproductive segmentation of fi- equivalent in size and capabilities to nancial markets in India, and removing global counterparts. Looking ahead, barriers to entry, would result in greater: if India is to create an  , there is no economies of scale/scope, competition, escape from inviting the participation and global market-reach. of domestic and foreign institutional • Inhibiting Financial Innovation: investors of adequate size, who would Whether an  should be created for deploy the economies of scale, global India to catch up with the world, or to ex- market-reach and efficiency-enhancing ploit comparative advantage in a global behaviour that is evident at other s.  market, a considerably faster pace Why does India have these weaknesses? of financial innovation in India is essen- Close scrutiny of the regulatory regime tial. But, financial regime governance in examines the origins of these infirmities India can only cope with change slowly. through a matrix that identifies and analyses The regulatory approach to any change restraints on the activities of different in the structure or functioning of the financial firms in providing various  . financial system is conservative, cautious Such a matrix has been prepared as a and inconducive to innovation. As a ‘wallchart’ for this report. It outlines result India falls behind international activities that take place at  s and practice by the day in every market seg- the kinds of financial firms that typically ment. The default signal emitted by undertake them. A careful analysis of this Indian regulators when faced with any wallchart reveals that, at present, most of new idea seems to be set at ‘amber’ if not the  activities that take place at  s ‘red’. Innovative instruments, contracts are banned or severely proscribed in India. and new ways of doing business are acted The red ink across the wallchart – signifying upon in days in the three  s. Such activities banned in India – portrays the a pace of rapid progress is not found license-permit-control raj that still operates in India. Basic contracts like interest in Indian finance. It retards development rate futures and options have failed to and sophistication of the financial sector materialise in this climate. and inhibits  exports. A pragmatic view of these constraints highlights three urgent, Deregulation and liberalisation through cross-cutting priorities for reform: the s have largely unshackled India’s manufacturing sector, and much of its • Competition Policy: India’s experience real economy. Competition, innovation with liberalisation in the real economy, and scale economies in these sectors are suggests that the most powerful tool for no longer blocked by the State. Yet, having efficient and well-functioning somewhat dissonantly, a much higher degree firms is competition. Application of of control continues to operate in key sound competition policy in all market parts of the financial sector; despite the segments of India’s financial sector is many regulatory reforms of the s. This now a matter of urgency. financial governance regime now needs to • Compartmentalisation of the Finan- be overhauled to create a more modern cial System: Global competitiveness re- governance regime. It does not need quires exploiting fully the economies traditional fine-tuning with the extant of scale and scope. India’s hinterland regime remaining largely intact. advantage represents an opportunity Regulatory reform has had a positive to exploit such economies. However impact on the functioning of India’s capital Indian finance has been artificially frag- markets and the insurance sector. In the mented by financial sector policy and capital markets, India has achieved global
  • 23. Executive Summary xxiii standards in some aspects. Other financial  in Mumbai. The goal of public markets lag behind in not yet having been policy is to foster high economic growth reformed as widely or deeply. Despite the and enhance welfare in India; it is not presence of a large number of different types to cater to the interests of Indian firms of banks, and despite incremental measures or their shareholders. But, in saying aimed at ‘opening-up’, the banking market this, the  is mindful of the reality in India has yet to improve substantially that developments during the last decade in competition, innovation and efficiency. have resulted in a debilitating anomaly The improvements achieved at the margins for Indian financial firms versus their have not yet permeated the banking system foreign competitors. In manufacturing, as a whole. They are unlikely to, without the removal of barriers to imports was a major reformative push and diminished accompanied by a simultaneous unshackling public presence. of Indian firms. Indian firms were exposed For that reason, a dramatic change to greater competition from imports and in the governance regime for all financial the entry of foreign  s in domestic markets in India is now imperative. Without market space. But they were, simultaneously, it India will not be able to create an given a transitional period and considerable innovation-orientated financial system freedom in terms of formulating business that can evolve and compete at a pace strategies and innovating. commensurate with changes in the Indian The evolution of Indian finance, economy and global finance. Such a in contrast, has resulted in growing system would have the following activities dissonance between external competition undertaken on a par with global norms: and a repressive license-permit raj. India’s (a) continual innovation and improvement long and tortuous evolution towards de facto in the design of financial products and convertibility (which in some respects is customer services as well as in their delivery; not dissimilar to tariff reductions in the (b) the rapid reintegration of segregated real economy) has not been accompanied financial markets into more liquid and more by Indian financial firms being given the integrated markets; and (c) the rapid growth same opportunity and room for manoeuvre and market-induced consolidation of Indian to develop their competitive capabilities. financial firms in a manner that enables They are at a disadvantage in coping with them to achieve economies of scale. competition (for their clients’  business) For this to be achieved, Indian financial from global  providers operating in India system regulation needs to be brought up and from abroad for two reasons: to world standards. Regulatory attitudes, • First, key financial markets (i.e. the policies, practices as well as institutional  nexus and risk management) have arrangements need to undergo a sea- been prevented from developing in India change. They need to become more because of regulatory restraints. That attuned to, and supportive of, the dynamism, has resulted in Indian financial firms not growth and global competitiveness of the having the opportunity or the time/space Indian financial services industry. Policy to develop domain knowledge and skill- and regulation must adjust and adapt to sets in crucial areas e.g. global fund- the needs of Indian and global financial raising or developing sophisticated risk markets. Financial markets should not management products/services tailored be artificially fragmented, segmented, to client needs. compartmentalised. • Second, the same regulatory restraints This report does not advocate using have deprived Indian financial firms of the hinterland argument as a reason the freedom they need to develop and for protectionism. Nor is the  the necessary flexibility in formulating making an argument for ‘self-sufficiency’. global business strategies. They have not Instead the  believes that India and had the scope for innovating for  and Indian financial firms should be globally thus developing the skills required to competitive in providing  through an compete with global  providers.
  • 24. xxiv R      M  I F C The  is clear that, in providing debt of centre and states, including on-  from India, there is no case whatsoever and-off-balance-sheet liabilities (such for protectionism. The interests of Indian as pensions) and endorses a lower customers, and that of economic efficiency, level (than the present %) for the are best served by enabling them to choose total consolidated public debt-to-GDP from the best  providers in the world. ratio. A public debt ceiling should be But, the asymmetry in policy that has placed bolstered by flexible triggers for actions Indian financial firms at a disadvantage, to be taken by the Ministry of Finance underlines the case for phasing reforms (e.g. accelerated sales of public assets aimed at creating  capabilities in a whose proceeds are used to liquidate manner that enables Indian financial firms outstanding public debt if that is deemed to be similarly unshackled in competing to appropriate) when the adopted debt provide . ratio ceiling is breached. While the  did not wish to recommend a particular debt ceiling ratio without 8. Reorienting the financial looking more deeply into the matter, system towards IFS global experience suggests that ratios in provision: A temporal the range of –% are widely applied roadmap for reform as prudent. Such a debt ratio should be added to existing  measures for The strategy proposed in this report for deficit and debt reduction. creating an  comprises in essence a ten- For an Indian  to be credible, in point agenda: keeping with ‘best-practice’ worldwide, . Macroeconomic (i.e. Fiscal and Mone- India’s central bank should be indepen- tary) Management. dent and separate from government. It As a new competitor in global must be independent and separate from financial markets, the credibility of government; i.e. in the same way that India’s macro-economic policies, and the Federal Reserve in the , the  the quality of its macroeconomic and in Europe, the various national central financial system management, will be banks of Europe and Japan, and the Bank judged more stringently than in the case of England, are independent of and sepa- of established  s. This asymmetric rate from their governments. The central reality highlights the importance of bank must employ global best-practices redoubling efforts in reforming policies, in the conduct of monetary policy, in legal and institutional arrangements to order to suffuse international investors achieve and sustain a high growth rate and issuers with growing confidence in (–%) for the economy in general and the  as an acceptable global currency the financial sector in particular. for  transactions. The level of con- Creating a vibrant, competitive  fidence engendered should permit the in Mumbai will require, as an integral  to become one of the world’s major backdrop, success in meeting the reserve currencies by  or  at the legal commitments entered into by latest. the Government of India, and the The gold standard for a stabilising governments of individual states, to monetary policy is a transparent, reduce the consolidated fiscal deficit on independent, inflation-targeting central the timeline announced. In addition, it bank. With such an arrangement the will require (a) reducing the total public Indian State would be: (a) underlining debt/ ratio to more acceptable its commitment to delivering low and levels; and (b) pursuing sound fiscal predictable inflation; and (b) inducing and monetary policies thereafter. greater confidence in the  in the eyes HPEC therefore recommends that of domestic and global investors. The further action should be taken to  recommends that the Ministry reduce more rapidly the consolidated of Finance consider: (a) reforming
  • 25. Executive Summary xxv monetary institutions in the light There is considerable unmet global of recent developments in monetary demand for  bonds on the part economics; and (b) doing so in a way of long-term institutional investors that bolsters the case for a credible  such as foreign pension funds. A in Mumbai. rapidly emerging  bond market  also recommends a fresh look would trigger currency trading in India at applying key principles in guiding and foster the use of  currency reform of the tax system on the revenue and interest rate derivatives. That side, to ensure that India remains would facilitate the evolution of the globally competitive, and avoids price  as a global currency, used as distorting subsidies on the expenditure a numeraire by bond investors and side. This has particular implications for issuers from India and around the ensuring that inflation-targeting is not world. Internationalisation of the  distorted or rendered ineffective because (a prerequisite for a successful  in subsidies (e.g. for key energy prices) Mumbai) would expand transaction emit the wrong inflation signals. volumes in India’s bond, currency . Strategy for Public Debt Financing. and derivatives markets, as well as Traditionally, India has eschewed its equity and commodity markets, bond issuance outside the country, fear- coterminously. It would expand the ing the currency risk that arises with range of financing options open to, issuing forex bonds while having  and seignorage revenues derived by, the revenues. This risk of ‘original sin’ does Government of India and its central not arise if  denominated bonds bank. are sold to meet foreign demand for . Creation of the BCD Market Nexus. such debt. The HPEC therefore advo- The most important missing piece cates opening up fully to foreign invest- in Indian finance is the  nexus ex- ment in INR denominated sovereign plained earlier: i.e. the set of interlinked bonds issued by GoI . It further recom- bond-currency-derivatives markets for mends that no limits should apply to spot and derivative instruments on in- purchases by foreign clients of INR de- terest rates, currencies and credit risk. In nominated corporate bonds or bonds order to ignite these markets, HPEC rec- issued by sub-sovereign entities (states ommends the immediate creation of a and metropolitan administrations). In currency spot market, with a minimum addition, the HPEC believes that the transaction size of Rs.  million, acces- function of a public debt management sible to all financial firms. In addition, office should be placed in the Ministry an INR -settled exchange-traded cur- of Finance rather than in a regulatory rency derivatives market should be cre- institution to avoid any perceptions of ated, with trading in futures, options conflicts-of-interest. and swaps on currencies, accessible to This would achieve two goals. First, it all. would open up a new financing channel These two initiatives, along with for  o (and state and municipal developing more rapidly the spot governments as well) thus enabling market for bonds, need to be merged it to abandon repressive policies that into the existing securities exchange pre-empt domestic savings with an ecosystem so as to trade alongside array of undesirable and unintended the spot and derivatives markets for consequences (e.g. crowding out and equity. The policy problems that undue pressure on the  interest have held back interest rate futures rate). Second, the internationalisation need to be rapidly resolved. The of  bonds (issued by the sovereign, responsibility for regulation of these sub-sovereigns and corporates) would markets – spot or derivatives; exchange accelerate the emergence of an Indian or ; government bonds, corporate  on the world stage. bonds, and currencies – needs to be
  • 26. xxvi R      M  I F C moved to  without further ado . Create wholesale asset management and unified with the regulation of businesses with freedom for outsourc- all organised financial trading. The ing by existing financial firms such as goal should be to create and launch a banks or insurance companies. This significant  nexus, in conformity would separate the legal and contrac- with world standards, within  months. tual structures through which assets . Financial Market Integration and are sourced and securities are created Convergence vs. Market Segmentation – across multiple front-ends across the country – from the ‘factories’ in Indian finance suffers from a frag- which assets are managed. It would mented approach whereby the overall also achieve economies of scale in financial industry has been cut up into asset management. pieces reflecting legislation that is out- dated by  years or more.  exports . Shift away from regulation by entity will not take place as long as the com- to regulation by domain. As an petencies of Indian financial firms are example, IRDA would regulate only artificially stunted. India now needs its the insurance business, not all the own  s present in all lines of busi- activities of insurance companies. ness, and able to achieve economies of . Principles-based Regulation scope and scale. A series of measures Over the decades India has built are needed to achieve market integra- up a license-permit raj in finance. tion and convergence, and thus enable It over-emphasises compliance at the economies of scale, economies of scope, expense of competence, competition greater competition and enhanced IFS and innovation in financial services. export capability, i.e.: A similar raj dominated the real economy since independence. But . Redraft the legal foundations for it was dismantled during the s organised financial trading, so as to the immense benefit of the Indian to unify all organised financial economy and particularly Indian global trading under  regulation. This competitiveness. To achieve the same would include currencies, equities, objectives, that raj in finance now needs sovereign and corporate bonds, and to be dismantled if India is to develop commodity derivatives. It would  provision and export capabilities immediately diminish some of the and if an  is to emerge in Mumbai. fragmentation which has taken place At present financial regulation in In- amongst financial firms. dia is fragmented and rules-based. It is . Remove barriers to a holding over-prescriptive and restrictive of man- company structure through which agerial discretion. In every market seg- virtual financial firms can be created, ment, regulators attempt to codify every with an array of subsidiaries that fit detail of a business in which the shape of Indian regulatory constraints but the future can neither be anticipated nor with corporate headquarters and predicted. Anything not explicitly per- top management able to operate mitted is banned. Any proposed change a unified financial firm. The in the way of doing business requires holding company would be regulated clearance from the regulator. Supervi- only by the Companies Act. It sors apply checklists in verifying that would typically be listed and able to every rule is met while not quite un- leverage itself; while its subsidiaries derstanding all the dimensions of the might be unlisted. All barriers to business possibilities of the regulated M&A in finance need to be identified entity and how it might evolve. This and removed, so as to achieve approach is inflexible and unamenable a market-induced consolidation to swift adaptation of a kind that the process which would permit Indian world of global finance demands. This s to emerge. is counterproductive for the purposes