The State Of Budget Transparency Worldwide

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Vivek Ramkumar - ramkumar@cbpp.org
International Budget Partnership

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The International Budget Partnership’s Open Budget Survey 2008, a comprehensive evaluation
of budget transparency in 85 countries, finds that the state of budget transparency around the
world is deplorable. This encourages inappropriate, wasteful, and corrupt spending and—
because it shuts the public out of decision making—reduces the legitimacy and impact of anti-
poverty initiatives. Weak performers are typically low-income countries that are heavily
dependent on donor funding, countries that are heavily dependent on exports of oil and gas, and
countries that have weak democracies or autocracies. At the same time, the Survey shows that a
number of countries have significantly improved their performance over the past two years. It
also shows that many more governments could quickly improve budget transparency at low cost
by making available to the public the budget information that they already produce for their
donors or internal use.

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An extensive survey of government budget transparency in 85 countries issued on February 1,
2009, by the International Budget Partnership (IBP) found that 80 percent of the world’s
governments fail to make public enough information on their management of their national
budgets to enable their citizens to hold them accountable for the management of taxpayers’
funds. The Survey has also found that even those institutions – specifically, national legislatures
and supreme audit institutions (SAI) – that are specifically charged with approving and/or
overseeing the expenditure of public funds lack the powers and resources necessary to perform
these functions effectively.

IBP’s Open Budget Survey 2008 is an independent and comprehensive analysis that evaluates
whether central governments give the public access to budget information as well as
opportunities to participate in budget formulation, implementation, and evaluation processes.
The Survey also examines the ability of legislatures and SAIs to hold their governments
accountable. This article draws on the Open Budget Survey 2008 report published by the
International Budget Partnership. The entire report is available in six languages (English,
French, Spanish, Russian, Arabic, and Chinese) at
http://openbudgetindex.org/index.cfm?fa=fullReport.

The Survey analyzes the results drawn from a rigorous questionnaire that reflects generally
accepted good practices related to public finance management developed by international
organizations, such as the International Monetary Fund’s Code of Good Practices on Fiscal
Transparency, the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development’s (OECD) Best
Practices in Budget Transparency, and the International Organization of Supreme Audit
Institutions’ Lima Declaration of Guidelines on Auditing Precepts. The Survey was managed by
IBP and implemented by independent budget experts drawn from civil society organizations and
academic institutions in the 85 countries examined.

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The budget is the government’s most important economic policy tool and affects the lives of all
citizens, particularly the poor. A good budget will include measures to support poverty
alleviation while a bad budget can ignore the poor or even actually work to their detriment.

Transparency and public participation in financial management are the cornerstones of effective
and accountable governance and are central to ensuring that a national budget reflects the
priorities of the citizenry. Without access to information, legislatures, SAIs, the media, and
citizens cannot effectively participate in decision-making nor hold their governments
accountable for the use of public resources. Transparency and effective public participation are
central to enhancing the credibility of policy choices and the effectiveness of policy
interventions. On the other hand, lack of transparency can lead to the selection of inappropriate
and unpopular programs and allow corrupt and wasteful spending to occur.

The Open Budget Survey 2008 provides an in-depth set of measures that assess the individual
performance of national governments against international best practices in transparency and
oversight. It also points to the steps that governments can take to improve their practices by
expanding the amount of information available to the public and, concomitantly, by providing
new opportunities for the public to participate in budget implementation.

Evidence shows that when citizens have access to information and opportunities to participate in
the budget process, the allocation of scarce public resources is more equitable and effective. For
example:

• In Mexico, Fundar, a nongovernmental organization, found the budget did not allocate funds
to combat the loss of lives during childbirth and successfully argued for funds for emergency
obstetrical care, especially in rural areas.
• In India, Mazdoor Kisan Shakarti Sangathan, an organization of farmers with small
landholdings and daily wage workers, uncovered corruption through their examination of
budget-related documents. Among other types of corruption, they found that the names of
dead people and fictitious names were recorded on payrolls and that payments were made for
work never done.
• At the urging of the Uganda Debt Network, which monitors local spending, Uganda officials
identified substandard work in school construction and evidence of corruption by local
officials and eventually denied payment to a construction firm.

• In the Philippines, Government Watch has used budget information since 2000 to monitor the
delivery of school textbooks, the construction of new schools and other infrastructure, and
the distribution of disaster relief funds. With the cooperation of other groups, the G-Watch
efforts have dramatically cut the cost of textbooks to the government, improved the quality of
the books, and substantially lowered the percentage of “no-show” contractors who previously
failed to deliver contracted books.

• Public Service Accountability Monitor in South Africa’s Eastern Cape Province has used
budget reports and other information it obtained to monitor the misuse of and irregularities in


funds budgeted for essential services – such as education, health care, and the provision of
clean water – that have led to poor quality in the provision of these services.

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The IBP Survey reports four key findings. The first key finding relates to budget transparency,
which is calculated through the Open Budget Index (OBI). The OBI is a comparative measure of
the accessibility and comprehensiveness of the eight key budget documents that international
good practice says all governments should publish (a listing of the eight documents is provided
in Table 3). Table 1 presents by world region the average scores achieved by the countries
examined as part of the IBP assessment. The average score for the OBI 2008 is 39 out of a
possible 100. This means that, on average, countries surveyed provide minimal information on
their central government’s budget and financial activities. IBP concludes from this that the state
of budget transparency around the world is very poor.

Table 1: Strength of Oversight Institutions and Average OBI Score by Region
Region Legislative Strength SAI Strength Average OBI Score
East Asia the Pacific 41 53 39
Eastern Europe Central Asia 48 57 50
Latin America the Caribbean 40 47 39
Middle East North Africa 27 21 24
South Asia 32 41 42
Sub-Saharan Africa 35 29 25
Western Europe the U.S. 78 84 80
Overall Average 42 45 39
Source: The Open Budget Survey 2008

Second, countries that perform badly on budget transparency share certain common
characteristics, including regional concentration (mostly in the Middle East North Africa
region and in the sub-Saharan Africa region), dependence on foreign aid and on revenues from
hydrocarbon exports, and political systems that are weak democratic institutions or autocratic
regimes.

Third, countries that perform poorly on the OBI are typically also countries in which inadequate
powers are available to formal oversight institutions (legislatures and SAIs), thus undermining
the ability of these institutions to provide effective budget oversight. The average score for
“strength of legislatures” in the Survey is 42 out of a possible 100 while the average score for
“strength of SAIs” is 45.

Finally, in an encouraging finding, the Survey identifies that it is in fact possible for countries to
improve budget transparency quickly and at little cost. The OBI is a biennial Survey and
comparisons between the OBI results for 2006 and those for 2008 show that some countries have
improved their budget transparency over the past two years.

Each of the key findings from the Open Budget Survey 2008 is discussed in greater detail below.


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According to the Open Budget Survey 2008, the vast majority of countries surveyed fail to meet
basic benchmarks for budget transparency; as a consequence, the public is almost entirely shut
out of the budget process in approximately 80 percent of the countries surveyed. Only five
countries (the UK, France, New Zealand, South Africa, and the US) provide extensive
information on their budgets to the public. An additional 12 countries provide significant
information on the central government’s budget and financial activities. This category includes
developed economies, such as Norway and Sweden; transitional countries, such as Romania; and
some developing countries, like Botswana, Brazil, and Peru. Forty-one of 85 countries provide
only minimal, scant, or no information on budgets. For example, the Democratic Republic of
Congo, Nicaragua, Kyrgyz Republic, China, Nigeria, and Saudi Arabia provide scant
information on their budgets to the public.

While these survey results are a cause of concern, it is likely that the actual levels of budget
transparency in many countries are even lower than those countries’ scores on the OBI would
indicate. This is because information on some public funds and state-owned enterprises is not
included in the government’s budget documents and therefore not assessed by the Survey.


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By looking at the availability of each of the eight key budget documents that good practice
indicates should be made public throughout the budget process, it is possible to identify the
weakest phases of the process as well as the opportunities for improvement that exist. Thus, we
find that the budget formulation, execution, and audit phases are typically characterized by a
much lower level of transparency than the budget approval phase, which is relatively more open
than other phases of the budget process.


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The Open Budget Survey assesses whether governments produce and disseminate to the public eight key
budget documents throughout the fiscal year. A listing of these documents including good practices that
they should follow is provided below:

A Pre-Budget Statement should be issued at least one month before the executive submits the budget
proposal to the legislature. It should present the assumptions used in developing the budget; expected
revenue, expenditure, and debt levels; and the broad allocations between sectors.

The Executive’s Budget Proposal is the result of the formulation stage. It presents the government’s
detailed declaration of the policies and priorities it wants to pursue in the upcoming budget year,
including specific allocations to each ministry and agency. It should be submitted to the legislature at
least three months prior to the start of the fiscal year to allow for proper review. The budget should be
enacted prior to the start of the fiscal year.

The Enacted Budget should then be made publicly available, as it is the legal document that authorizes
the executive to implement the policy measures the budget contains.

The budget is usually a lengthy, technical document. Thus governments should also publish a Citizens
Budget, a simplified summary of the budget in languages and through media that are widely accessible to
the public.

There are three documents that governments should publish during the course of budget execution. First,
the executive should issue monthly or quarterly In-Year Reports on revenues collected, expenditures
made, and debt incurred. These allow citizens to monitor whether the government is spending as much as
promised on key sectors, as well as whether these funds are reaching the targeted institutions and
beneficiaries.

Second, the executive should publish a Mid-Year Review to discuss any changes in economic
assumptions that affect approved budget policies. For example, an unexpected change in the price of oil
and gas can lead to huge revenue windfalls or shortfalls in resource-rich countries.

Third, the executive should issue a Year-End Report summarizing the situation at the end of the fiscal
year. The Year-End Report should include an update on progress in achieving the policy goals in the
Enacted Budget.

Best practice requires that a body that is independent from the executive issue an annual Audit Report.
The supreme audit institution should report its findings annually to the legislature, as well as to the
general public. Audit Reports should cover all activities undertaken by the executive, although guidelines
from the International Organization of Supreme Auditing Institutions allows for the exclusion of cases
involving “interests worthy of protection or protected by law.” The Audit Report should be issued within
12 months of the end of the fiscal year.

During budget formulation, the government determines the amount of revenues to be collected,
the allocation of expenditures, and the levels of deficit and debt for the coming fiscal year. Civil
society engagement at this stage is critical. Because most legislatures have limited powers to
change proposed budgets, the formulation stage is often the final opportunity civil society has to


influence major priorities and allocations for the coming budget year (and sometimes future
years).

Of the 85 countries in the Survey, only 30 countries make a Pre-Budget Statement publicly
available. In 12 of the countries that make a Pre-Budget Statement available, only partial
information is provided; however, almost two-thirds of the countries surveyed (55) do not
publish a Pre-Budget Statement at all. Of these, more than half (29 countries) produce the
document only for internal purposes and do not make it public at any time.

In 23 countries, the public does not see the executive’s budget proposal before it is approved by
the legislature. As a result, the public is completely shut out from meaningful input into the
formulation or approval of government budget policies and receives the annual budget as a fait
accompli.

On the other hand, an encouraging finding concerning the approval phase is that almost all
countries (81 countries) publish an enacted budget. The fact that enacted budgets are generally
published makes it possible for civil society organizations to engage in some level of monitoring
on how budgets are executed. Only four countries in the survey do not publish even an enacted
budget: China, Equatorial Guinea, Saudi Arabia, and Sudan.

The availability of information during the budget execution and auditing phases of the budget
process is very limited. During the budget execution phase, funds are actually spent to
implement the policies, programs, and projects outlined in the budget. However, given that in
practice, budgets are seldom executed exactly as approved and actual expenditures can deviate
from planned expenditures (for both legitimate and less legitimate reasons, including poor
financial management, unauthorized expenditures, inefficiency, and fraud), having timely,
accurate, accessible, and useful information during budget execution can enable civil society to
augment government monitoring capacity.

The Open Budget Survey 2008 finds that performance on the provision to the public of budget
execution information is mixed, but can be described as poor overall. While 20 countries publish
all three relevant reports, 39 publish two of them, and 15 countries publish only one of them.
Eleven countries (Algeria, Democratic Republic of Congo, Equatorial Guinea, Malawi, Nigeria,
Pakistan, Rwanda, São Tome e Príncipe, Saudi Arabia, Sudan, and Trinidad and Tobago) do not
release any budget execution reports to the public at all.

Central to reporting on how government expenditures track with budgeted expenditures are In-
Year Reports, the Mid-Year Review, and Year-End Reports. The Open Budget Survey 2008
found that surveyed countries are more likely to produce In-Year Reports than the Mid-Year
Review or Year-End Reports. However, the specific information provided in In-Year Reports
varies widely. Of the 85 countries surveyed, only 27 were found to provide comprehensive
information on budget execution in their In-Year Reports.

Very few countries provide extensive information in their Mid-Year Reviews and Year-End
Reports (10 and five, respectively). Of particular concern are the countries that do not publish
Mid-Year Reviews or Year-End Reports at all (63 countries and 21 countries, respectively).


During the final stage in the budget cycle, the audit institution should perform an assessment of
whether public resources have been used appropriately and effectively, and the audit institution
should make its reports public. Citizens can use this information to call for improvements in the
expenditure of public funds and punishment of those responsible for corrupt actions.

The Open Budget Survey 2008 results show that even at this last budget process stage,
transparency is rather poor. In 27 of the countries surveyed, the Audit Report is not made
publicly available at all. In six of these countries – Cameroon, Equatorial Guinea, Liberia,
Morocco, Niger, and Serbia – Audit Reports are not even produced. Nevertheless, 21 countries
publish comprehensive Audit Reports. These countries span diverse contexts, again
demonstrating that good performance can be achieved in most situations, if the political will
exists.

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The Open Budget Survey 2008 finds that countries that perform badly on budget transparency
share certain common characteristics. Typically, countries in the bottom of the OBI rankings
tend to be low-income countries – mostly in sub-Saharan Africa and the Middle East North
Africa regions – that are often highly dependent on foreign aid. Countries that depend heavily
on revenues from hydrocarbon exports also perform very poorly on the OBI. Finally, many of
the countries at or near the bottom of the OBI rankings have weak democratic institutions or are
governed by autocratic regimes.

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The Middle East North Africa region has the lowest average regional OBI score – 24 out of a
possible 100. Five of the seven countries in this region release minimal, little, or no budget
information. Notably, however, Jordan scores 52 out of a possible 100 – well above the scores
achieved by its regional neighbors or even by the region as a whole.

The sub-Saharan African region also has a low regional score – only 25 out of a possible 100
(just one point above the regional score for the Middle East North Africa). More than two-
thirds of the countries surveyed from this region release minimal, little, or no budget
information. Botswana and South Africa are, however, strong performers in sub-Saharan Africa:
Botswana’s score is 62 while South Africa has a score of 87 and is among the most transparent
countries included in the Open Budget Survey 2008. Both of these countries have a much higher
per capita income than almost all other sub-Saharan African countries. If we remove these two
top performers, the average OBI score for sub-Saharan Africa falls to a disappointing 20.

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Countries that rely extensively on foreign aid also tend to perform poorly on the OBI. Thus, the
average score for the 30 countries that received more than five percent of their Gross National
Income (GNI) in foreign aid in recent years is 24, compared with a score of 62 for countries that
did not receive any foreign aid over the same period. However, even within this list, Uganda and
Papua New Guinea are outliers that have performed relatively higher on the OBI than other aid-
dependent countries.


There is some evidence that as a country’s dependence on aid increases, its budget transparency
actually worsens. This apparent relationship may simply reflect the fact that aid-dependent
countries are aid-dependent because of their low-income status, and low-income countries tend
to be less transparent. On the other hand, aid dependency can make accountability to donors
more important than accountability to the public, thus undermining transparency. However,
given that many of the aid-dependent countries have often received technical and even financial
assistance to strengthen their financial management practices, this pattern appears ripe for further
research.

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The Open Budget Survey 2008 confirms that countries that are dependent on oil and gas
revenues tend to be less transparent. Lack of budget transparency is particularly serious in the 21
oil and gas producing countries. Their average score is 23, which compares very poorly with
both the overall average OBI score of 39 and with the average score of 44 for countries that
depend on mineral resource revenues. Importantly, performance on the Open Budget Survey
does vary even among oil and gas producing countries. For example, Columbia, Norway, and
Mexico all exhibit fairly strong levels of budget transparency – which would tend to suggest that
reduced transparency is not an inevitable consequence of the generation of significant levels of
national income from hydrocarbon exportation.

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All of the 17 countries that provide extensive or significant budget information are regarded as
democracies to one degree or another. For example, the Economist magazine’s Economist
Intelligence Unit’s (EIU) Index of Democracies classifies nine of the 17 countries as full
democracies and eight as flawed democracies. In contrast, the EIU classifies two of the 25
countries that provide scant or no information as flawed democracies, six as hybrid regimes, and
15 as authoritarian regimes.

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The average Open Budget Survey 2008 score for “strength of legislatures” is 42 out of a possible
100. Table 1 (above) presents by world region the average scores achieved by the countries
examined as part of the IBP assessment. An analysis of the key findings related to legislatures
from the Survey is provided below.

Legal Powers: To be truly effective in budget decision-making, legislatures must have the legal
power to amend the executive’s budget proposal, to approve any budget modifications (such as
amendments) required during the fiscal year, to oversee the functioning of the national audit
office or the SAI, and to be consulted by the executive throughout the budgeting cycle. The
Survey finds that in 29 of the 85 countries surveyed, the legislature has either limited or no legal
power to amend the executive’s budget; legislatures have unlimited power to amend the budget
in only 24 of the surveyed countries.

Finally, in 41 of the 85 countries included in the Survey, the executive does not typically consult
with members of the legislature as part of the budget preparation process. In another 25


countries, the executive holds only limited consultations involving only a few members of the
legislature.

Access to Budget Information: In addition to formal legal powers, to be effective, the legislature
needs timely access to comprehensive budget information. The OECD recommends that the
executive provide a detailed budget proposal to the legislature at least three months prior to the
start of a fiscal year. However, fewer than half of all countries surveyed (32 out of 85 countries)
meet this deadline. In 17 countries, the budget proposal is received less than six weeks before
the start of the fiscal year – which often limits the legislature’s ability to conduct a thorough
review of the proposal. Notably, in seven countries, the legislature does not receive the budget
proposal until after the budget year has already begun.

Public Engagement: The IBP Survey finds that in 34 countries, no public hearings are held on
the macroeconomic and fiscal framework of the country. In another 33 countries, public
hearings are held but testimony is accepted only from the executive branch; in these countries,
the public is not given an opportunity to testify on the macroeconomic and fiscal framework
assessments which inform the development of the budget.

The Survey finds that within the 85 countries examined, very little public input is solicited even
on the actual annual budget. In 66 of the 85 countries surveyed, no public hearings are held on
the budget of administrative units during which the public can testify. Further, in 59 countries,
the legislature either does not release reports on the public hearings it has held or it does not hold
any public hearings.

Limited Follow-up on Audit Findings: The Survey found that many legislatures exercise poor
oversight during the audit and budget evaluation process. Because SAIs’ legal mandates usually
prevent them from playing a direct role in policy or political processes, for an audit to have
practical impact, the legislature must follow up on an SAI’s findings and recommendations.
However, in 17 of the countries surveyed, the legislature does not follow up on the work of the
SAI at all, while in another 20 countries, legislative follow-up is minimal. In 64 countries,
neither the SAI nor the legislature reports to the public on actions taken by the executive to
address audit recommendations, which makes it easier for government to ignore audit
recommendations.

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The average score for “strength of SAI” on the Open Budget Survey 2008 is 45 out of a possible
100. Table 1 (above) presents by world region the average scores achieved by the countries
examined as part of the IBP assessment. An analysis of the key findings related to SAIs from the
Survey is provided below.

Independence: One of the most important measures of an SAI’s ability to provide effective
oversight is its independence from the executive branch. Unfortunately, in 26 countries
surveyed, the executive can remove the head of the SAI from office without the final consent of
either the legislature or the judiciary.


Further, in 38 of the 85 countries surveyed, the executive rather than the legislature or the
judiciary determines the annual budget allocation for the SAI. In 24 of these countries, the
Survey’s civil society researchers felt that funding for the SAI was below the level of resources
needed by the SAI to fulfill its mandate. Legal and financial dependence on the executive may
cause the head of an SAI to withhold reports that are critical of the executive. Even in those 21
surveyed countries in which the legislature (rather than the executive) determines the SAI’s
yearly budget allocation, SAI budgets were not assessed to be concomitant with resource
requirements.

In 31 of the 85 countries included in the Open Budget Survey, the SAI does not have the full
discretion in law to decide which audits it will undertake. In 13 of these 31 countries, SAIs have
very limited or no discretion to decide which audits they will undertake.

Public Engagement: In 27 of the countries surveyed, audit reports are not made publicly
available at all or within two years of the end of the fiscal year. In six of these countries, audit
reports are not even produced. It is, however, heartening that in many of the countries surveyed,
the SAI has some procedures in place to tap the public as a source of information. In 46
countries surveyed, SAIs maintain formal mechanisms through which the public can register
complaints and suggestions regarding the agencies, programs, or projects that citizens believe the
SAI should audit. However, in 12 of these 46 countries, the SAI receives little or no information
from the public on potential subjects for audit, which may suggest that the mechanisms
established by the SAI for soliciting public recommendations are inadequate, inconvenient, or
are simply not adequately publicized to the populace.

Timeliness: In 30 countries, the SAI either does not audit any expenditure or does not release
audit reports to the public within two years of the end of the fiscal year. In an additional 13
countries, the SAI completes its audits between 12 and 24 months after the end of the fiscal year.
In only 15 countries surveyed does the SAI release its annual report within six months of the end
of the fiscal year as recommended by international good practice. Delays in releasing audit
reports reduce the opportunities available to civil society and the public in these countries to use
audit information to advocate for improvements in government performance.

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The first Open Budget Survey was completed in 2006; that Survey examined 59 countries. In
the subsequent Survey conducted in 2008, an additional 26 countries were studied (85 countries
in total) in order to provide a balanced geographic sample of countries around the world. In the
59 countries in which the study was repeated, there is a slight improvement in the performance
of some of the countries. Based on comparative data from the first two Surveys, improvements
in overall performance can be attributed primarily to changes in government policies (see Table
4). For instance, the desire to join the European Union led to greater budget transparency in
Bulgaria and Croatia. Changes in the way the government produced information led to Sri
Lanka’s improvement in both the quality of information and the amount of information available
to the public. Nepal climbed a bit from the bottom of the index largely because a constitutional
crisis was followed by an election that led to more normal functioning of government institutions
whose functioning had been impaired during the crisis.


Other countries that showed improvement include Ghana, Egypt, Uganda, Georgia, Indonesia, El
Salvador, Ecuador, Mongolia, and Morocco. In several of the cases in which improvements
were observed, governments were able to significantly increase access to information by simply
releasing material that they already produced.

In Croatia, Kenya, Nepal, and Sri Lanka, significant improvements either were influenced by the
activities of civil society groups or have created opportunities for greater civil society
interventions.

The Survey finds that progress could be made elsewhere quickly and at relatively low cost, given
sufficient political will. Many countries that perform poorly are already producing much of the
budget information required for the achievement of good practice standards and almost all of the
governments in these countries have functioning websites. Eighty-one of the 85 countries
included in the 2008 Survey have functioning government or parliamentary websites on which
they could make budget-related information available to the public if they chose to do so.

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Country OBI OBI Change Comments
2006 2008
Egypt 18 43 +25 • Publication of Executive’s Budget Proposal
Georgia 33 53 +20 • Introduction of multi-year budgeting format
• Publication of Citizens’ Budget
• Elimination of extra-budgetary funds
Croatia 42 59 +17 • Introduction of multi-year estimates
• Publication of Citizens’ Budget
Sri Lanka 47 64 +17 • Introduction of 10-year implementation plan
• Preparation of 3-year budget projections
Bulgaria 47 57 +10 • Introduction of program budgets
• More documents published on Internet
Kenya 48 57 +9 • Improvements in external audit including prompt
reporting
• Increased citizen participation in budget process
Papua New 51 60 +9 • Production and publication of Mid-Year Review
Guinea • Publication of Year-End Report
• More documents published on Internet
Nepal 36 43 +7 • Reinstitution of Parliament after 2002 political
crisis

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IBP has developed the following recommendations that can help countries achieve
improvements in budget transparency. However, the most immediate – and often the least costly
– action that governments can take to improve transparency is to make publicly available
(through their websites) the budget information they already produce for the government’s
internal use. In addition, governments can take the following steps:


• Use methods and media that are understandable and useful to the wider population – such as
the publication of citizens’ budgets and budget summaries in languages spoken by local
populations – and to disseminate budget-related information. Countries can also broadcast
budget-related hearings and events through the media, including television, radio, and the
Internet.

• Provide the public the opportunity to influence the formulation of budgets by convening
regular public hearings during consideration of the Executive’s Budget Proposal and at
regular intervals throughout the budget cycle. Governments could also take advantage of
new technology to solicit such inputs from the public through emails (as is being done in
Kenya).

• Strengthen the political and financial independence of legislatures and SAIs and expand their
analytical capacity and legal powers. Such reforms could aim to improve the capacity of
legislatures and SAIs to play their formal oversight role.

• Enhance the quality and timeliness of available budget information by using public finance
information systems that provide clear, standardized information on the budget. In addition
to this, governments could also take the lead in strengthening their record-keeping
procedures and simplifying existing mechanisms such as freedom of information laws to
provide the public with the information it seeks.

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IBP’s work on budget transparency around the world suggests that legislatures and SAIs could
overcome some of the constraints they face in effectively overseeing budgets by expanding their
engagement with civil society organizations. Such collaboration could help develop legislatures’
and SAIs’ capacities to provide more effective budget oversight, bring more publicity to budget
and audit issues, build pressure on the executive to follow-up on legislative recommendations,
and bring to legislatures and SAIs new ideas and evidence for legislative oversight activities and
audit investigations.

Civil society groups specializing in budget issues can help to build legislatures’ and SAIs’
capacities in several ways. For example, groups in India, Mexico, Croatia, and elsewhere
prepare accessible summaries and guides to their countries’ national budgets. Civil society
organizations in some countries also provide training and technical assistance to boost
legislatures’ budget literacy and the quality of budget hearings and reports. Finally, civil society
can provide valuable independent analyses of the budget, which can enhance the capacity of
legislatures to analyze budgets in many developing countries. For instance, analyses by civil
society organizations focusing on the impact of the budget on poor and marginalized
communities often constitute the few accessible, timely, and critical interpretations of the budget.

In turn, legislatures and SAIs can assist civil society by consulting with them during the budget
and audit process. Legislatures could formally consult with civil society organizations through
public budget hearings during the budget approval and oversight processes; legislatures – or
individual legislators or political parties – could also organize informal meetings to solicit civil


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The State Of Budget Transparency Worldwide