Környezeti demokrácia Magyarországon

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Antal Attila

Előadás 2017. április 10-én Szegeden a Szegedi Politológus Hallgatók Egyesületének meghívására.

Presentaciones y charlas públicas

Antal Attila:
Környezeti demokrácia MagyarországonKörnyezeti demokrácia Magyarországon
Előadás
Szegedi Politológus Hallgatók Egyesülete
2017. április 10.

TémakörökTémakörök
I. Kiindulópont: a környezeti demokrácia elmélete
II. A környezeti demokrácia Magyarországon
III. Paks 2.

„A környezeti demokrácia célja a polgári önrendelkezés
és persze az egyéni önmegvalósítás ökológiai és
társadalmi feltételeinek kommunikációja. Az egyik jele
annak, hogy ez a kapcsolat egyre centrálisabb elme
demokratikus önértelmezésünknek éppen az, hogy
nem vagyunk többé hajlandóak elfogadni azt a
»demokratikus« politikai rendszert, amelyik
szándékosan vagy véletlenül aláássa az alapvető
szociális és környezeti jogokat, szabadságokat.”
(Michael Mason)
I. Kiindulópont: a környezeti demokrácia elméleteI. Kiindulópont: a környezeti demokrácia elmélete

I. Kiindulópont: a környezeti demokrácia elméleteI. Kiindulópont: a környezeti demokrácia elmélete
„Ahogyan a demokratáknak el kell ítélniük azokat, akik
más embereket elhallgattatnak, ugyanúgy kellene
elítélniük azokat is, akik a természetet hallgattatják el
azáltal, hogy elpusztítják.” (Dryzek)
A 21. század demokráciája (és annak minősége)
elválaszthatatlan a környezetvédelem és energetika
kérdéseitől.
Társadalmi igazságosság – környezeti igazságosság

I. Kiindulópont: a környezeti demokrácia elméleteI. Kiindulópont: a környezeti demokrácia elmélete
A demokráciamodellek/típusok és a demokráciaelméletek
DemokráciamodellekDemokráciamodellek
(makroszint)(makroszint)
Pozitív, empirikus ésPozitív, empirikus és
normatívnormatív
Demokrácia-Demokrácia-
elméletekelméletek
Demokráciatípusok (mezo- ésDemokráciatípusok (mezo- és
mikroszint)mikroszint)
LiberálisLiberális, konszociális,, konszociális,
deliberatív, egalitárius,deliberatív, egalitárius,
részvételi/közvetlen,részvételi/közvetlen,
többségitöbbségi

A demokráciamodellek/típusok és a demokráciaelméletek
I. Kiindulópont: a környezeti demokrácia elméleteI. Kiindulópont: a környezeti demokrácia elmélete

I. Kiindulópont: a környezeti demokrácia elméleteI. Kiindulópont: a környezeti demokrácia elmélete

I. Kiindulópont: a környezeti demokrácia elméleteI. Kiindulópont: a környezeti demokrácia elmélete
A környezeti demokrácia hagyományos jelentése (Aarhusi
Egyezmény):
Hozzáférés a környezeti információkhoz
Ennek alapján részvétel a politikai döntéshozatalban
Állami garanciaként az utóbbiak peremfeltételeinek
megteremtése (azaz a részvételre képesítés)
Ezekhez kapcsolódóan az igazságszolgáltatáshoz való jog
biztosítása

I. Kiindulópont: a környezeti demokrácia elméleteI. Kiindulópont: a környezeti demokrácia elmélete
Magyarországon a környezeti demokrácia elmélete és gyakorlata
a jogi alkotmányosság koncepciója alatt bontakozott ki. A
liberális demokrácia fő közjogi paradigmája 2010-ig a jogi
alkotmányosság volt, ennek minden előnyével (a
környezetvédelem anyagi jogi és eljárásjogi szempontból
kidolgozott) és minden hátrányával (a környezetvédelem
depolitizálódik és nem épül ki a társadalmi lábazata). 2010
után mind a liberális demokrácia, mind az ahhoz kötődő
környezeti demokrácia súlyosan meggyengült és az
uralkodó közjogi (politikai alkotmányosság) és politikai
paradigma számára nem fontos a környezetvédelem.

II. A környezeti demokrácia MagyarországonII. A környezeti demokrácia Magyarországon
Vizsgálatok
The Access Initiative (2001, 2005)
Environmental Democracy Index (2015)

II. A környezeti demokrácia MagyarországonII. A környezeti demokrácia Magyarországon

III. Paks 2.III. Paks 2.
Greenpeace, 2014

III. Paks 2.III. Paks 2.
Paks 2. kockázatai
Paks 2. hatása az árampiacra
Költségvetési, átláthatósági és korrupciós problémák
Paks 2. és az Európai Unió
Az energia-demokrácia és a környezeti demokrácia korlátozása
Paks 2. érdekében

Köszönöm a figyelmet!Köszönöm a figyelmet!
antal.attila@ajk.elte.hu

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This is a lecture at Sovereignties in Contention: Nations, Regions and Citizens in Europe 26th International Conference of Europeanists, which takes place between June 20-22, 2019 at Universidad Carlos III de Madrid. It seems to be that Hungary under the Orbán-era has become one of the main fighters for sovereignty in the EU. In this paper I am trying to challenge this over-simplification and show the many faces of the system. According to my hypothesis under the populist-nationalist surface of the Orbán-regime there is disappointing compromise between the government and the globalized capitalism. The most state direct (subsidies, tax benefits) and indirect (labour law against the employees) aids have been given by the “nationalist Orbán’s governments” since the regime change. In this sense I put an emphasize on the investigation this new form of post-modern nationalism, which is based on discursive fight for sovereignty, but at the same time sacrifice it in the context of neoliberal capitalism. In this sense, I will analyse the pact between the Orbán’s governments and neoliberal (especially German) companies. Emphasizing and analysing this embarrassing phenomenon, the abdication of sovereignty and the brutal fight for it, are the main goals of this paper. I am dealing with this paper the discursive and economic nationalism as crucial factors of sovereignty.

Fighting for sovereignty: The Lie Behind the Right-Wing Populist Nationalism ...

Antal Attila

This lecture is presented at Sovereignties in Contention: Nations, Regions and Citizens in Europe26th International Conference of Europeanists | June 20-22, 2019. Universidad Carlos III de Madrid Abstract: It seems to be that Hungary under the Orbán-era has become one of the main fighters for sovereignty in the EU. In this paper I am trying to challenge this over-simplification and show the many faces of the system. According to my hypothesis under the populist-nationalist surface of the Orbán-regime there is disappointing compromise between the government and the globalized capitalism. The most state direct (subsidies, tax benefits) and indirect (labour law against the employees) aids have been given by the “nationalist Orbán’s governments” since the regime change. In this sense I put an emphasize on the investigation this new form of post-modern nationalism, which is based on discursive fight for sovereignty, but at the same time sacrifice it in the context of neoliberal capitalism. In this sense, I will analyse the pact between the Orbán’s governments and neoliberal (especially German) companies. Emphasizing and analysing this embarrassing phenomenon, the abdication of sovereignty and the brutal fight for it, are the main goals of this paper. I am dealing with this paper the discursive and economic nationalism as crucial factors of sovereignty.

Fighting for sovereignty

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30 years after the Eastern European transitions it is high time to reappraise the social and political impact of the regime changes. This paper is about how the political science in Hungary institutionalized in 1970s and 1980s. It would be exaggerated to say that politics science or other social sciences in general had a very important role in transition, but at the same time they contributed to creating a regime change atmosphere. The political science in Hungary has been subordinated to politics since the 1980s, that is why despite of adaption of Western European standards it has not developed any critical approaches. The Hungarian political science was integrated as planned into the Socialist-Communist framework from the second half of the 1970s, on the other hand due to the weakening system the scientific elite from other areas of social science constantly widened the boundaries of the system and opened up opportunities for the application of Western political science in Hungary. Political processes overtook political science, and this distance increased after the regime change. I am convinced since the 1970s that political science has been reorganized. A transcript of lecture held at Openness and Closedness – Culture and Science in Hungary and the Soviet Bloc after Helsinki Conference, 12 June 2019 organized by Institute of Political History, Budapest. http://polhist.hu/programok2/openness-and-closedness-culture-and-science-in-hungary-and-the-soviet-bloc-after-helsinki/

The (re)institutionalization of hungarian political science

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This paper is dealing with the case of Hungarian nationalist populism and illiberalism which gained its last landslide electoral success in April 2018. I am investigating the contemporary nationalist populism in Hungary in the context of agonizing liberal democracy. I am convinced that the organic crisis of liberal democracy before 2010 has lead the creation of hybrid political regime in Hungary which is based on the permanent state of exception. This paper based on the political theoretical, social and critical theoretical literature. The Hungarian nationalist populism cannot be understood without the situation behind, that is why I am investigating in the first part of this paper the historical tradition of the regime and the wide context as the collapse of liberal democracy and the era of populism. After that I will analyze the political theories of the Orbán’s regime: the concept of Carl Schmitt, the leader democracy and political constitutionalism. In the third part the “System of National Cooperation” has been detailed analyzed: its electoral success (2010, 2014, 2018), the main characteristics and consequences. Concluding the paper, I will rise the question: what can the EU do with such a nationalist-populist and illiberal system? Dealing with this problem the theoretical (the EU as an externally coordinator) and practical (EU Rule of Law Mechanisms) assumption will be investigated here. My main concern is that without a serious political turn in Hungary (creating an anti-hegemony against the Orbán’s regime) the EU would not achieve success fighting for rule of law.

Nationalist Populism and Illiberalism in Hungary

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This paper aims to conceptualize the theory and bases of Ecosocialism which is a wave of ecological thought and action based on fundamental gains of Marxism. I am convinced that ecological issues mean great challenges for a renewal of Marxist thought in the 21st century, especially in Eastern Europe. Ecosocialism could be a new agenda for Left in this region. Ecosocialist thinking has deep historical roots and traditions. In the first section I will elaborate the main pillars and theoretical backgrounds of Ecosocialism. I put an emphasize on the comparison and distinction of Ecosocialism and Anarchism. After that I will analyse the ecological foundation of Marx and the direction of Ecosocialism, especially the Ecological Marxism. In the second part of this draft paper the environmental and climate justice have been investigated in Eastern European perspectives. The two main issues which have been emphasized is the climate injustices in Roma population and energy or fuel poverty. In the third part I conceptualize a potential ecosocialist turn in Eastern Europe under the nationalist-populist Right-wing era. I am convinced that the ecosocialist turn requires the reconciliation some of the Marxist and post-Marxist traditions: Ecosocialism, Left-populism, the reinventing Rosa Luxemburg theories on imperialist nature of capitalism. I am really convinced that Ecosocialists must know that the workers and their organizations are an indispensable force for any radical transformation of the system.

Ecosocialism in the 21st Century from the Perspective of Eastern Europe

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In Eastern Europe the successful populist parties are mostly Right-wing nationalist (for instance the Hungarian Fidesz and the Polish Law and Justice) or exceptionally left-wing populist (for instance Slovak Direction – Social Democracy in Slovakia) with a huge nationalist sentiment. It seems to be that in this region populism and nationalism have been closely related or merged. Moreover, following the traditional literature on populism (Ghita Ionescu, Ernest Gellner), we can easily say that our contemporary “populist Zeitgeist” can be seen as some kind of (post)modern nationalism. In this paper, I am dealing with the problem, how can we define and analyse populism in Eastern Europe. It is hard to say that populism and nationalism have nothing to do with each other, but I am convinced that populism cannot be identified with nationalism. That is why, I introduce the term of historical-theoretical complex of nationalism and populism. According to post-Marxist, critical and discursive literature (Ernesto Laclau, Chantal Mouffe) it is obviously that populism is not just a Right-wing phenomenon and there is a thing which can be called transnational Left-wing populism (Benjamin Moffitt, Panos Panayotu). This version of populism is not an unknow phenomenon in this part of Europe, because the Communist regimes before 1989 a transnational populist agenda has been created (Antal, 2017b), but the Left-wing populism is seriously underrepresented in contemporary Eastern Europe. I am investigating here the political theoretical (Antal, 2017a) and historical background of nationalist populism of our time in Eastern Europe analysing examples from the following countries of this region: Hungary, Slovakia, Czech Republic, Poland, Bulgaria, Romania. My main thought is that the politics in this region has always been populist in that sense there is a constant need to contrast “the people” (as a large powerless group) and “the elite” (a small powerful group). This “never ending” political tradition of Eastern European populism turned up in the history once in nationalist and other times in transnational perspectives. However, the contemporary Right-wing nationalist populism means a relatively new phenomenon, but it has deeply historical ground in the interwar Right-wing nationalism.

Populism and Nationalism from an Eastern European Perspective

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In recent years populism has not only become some kind of Zeitgeist, but it has redesigned our beliefs and assumptions concerning liberal democracy. Is seems to be that radical right populism is more successful than leftist populism. According to my hypothesis we have entered the era of populist democracy and there is a fierce competition between the left and right to define and maintain the core nature of this populist democracy. I will apply the well know theory of Empire and Multitude by Michael Hardt and Antonio Negri (2000) to understand our current populist tendencies. It will be argued in my paper that right-wing nationalist populism can be seen as a manifestation of the Empire. According to my understanding the populist parties and movements on the political right belong to the realist conception of the Empire: these actors are seeking the political power and would like to conquer the institutions of global capitalism. Right-wing nationalist populism is neither anti-capitalist, nor anti-elitist. It means that a new political elite has been created (for instance this is Donald Trump and alt-right in the USA, Viktor Orbán and his regime in Hungary) and seeks to gain political power with populist political communication and style. That’s why I call this new phenomenon elitist populism or Empire Populism. These actors are acting like populist in that sense they understand and solve the people’s problems, in fact they serve elitist purposes. On the other hand, the (radical) left populism has been called here a utopian or Multitude Populism. This form of populism tries to concern the multitudes of the people. Occupy movement, Indignados) and DiEM25 have emerged as left populist promises. I will analyse in my paper the political theoretical backgrounds of Empire and Multitude Populism. It has been stated here that the populist right has been inspired by the concepts of Carl Schmitt (the concept of the Political; the nature of neoliberalism; state of exception), Max Weber (leader democracy), and populist constitutionalism. On the left side, the Multitude Populism seems to be frozen from ideological point of view and suffering from ideological emptiness, but transnational populism could fill this theoretical gap. That is why I will put forward my thought on this crisis and argue that populist left needs to reformulate its bases as transnational political communities based on multitude.

Empire and Multitude Populism

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Helyreállítható-e az alkotmányos jogállam Magyarországon?

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Post-truth (PT) and post-factual politics (PFP) has increasingly been core pillars of our public and media sphere. This can be analyzed in the broader context of the politics, which shows that the core nature of politics has changed: emotions, enemies, political personalities have been moved in to the center of the politics. Facts, institutions, experts, law- and right-based approach begin to lose their importance. On the one hand, populist forces felt this political shift; on the other hand, they have begun to force and push these tendencies. I will put forward here a hypothesis concerning the relationship between the populist turn of politics and the climate change. Climate skepticism and climate change denial were existing and flourishing phenomena before the populist era of PT and PFP, but the law- and expert-based neoliberal politics tried to handle this situation with transnational agreements (most recently with the Paris Agreement). Unfortunately, populist (mainly on the political right) forces are attempting to use PT and PFP techniques to attack environmental measures and self-evident facts concerning the climate change. According to my hypothesis this combat can not only be seen as result of a political strategy to support industry donors, but also the massive anti-climate policy based on the concept of political sovereignty. The nationalist populist right (from Donald Trump to Viktor Orbán) recognized that the adaptation and mitigation in the context of the Anthropocene and climate change need to have a new concept of sovereignty. I will investigate here the roots of PT/PFP and fake news politics and I am elaborating the concept of biopopulism concerning the climate change. After all I will conclude some assumptions how to protect the climate against the populist post-truth regimes.

Populism and Climate Change in the Era of Post-Truth

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According to Cas Mudde we live in a “populist Zeitgeist”. It will be argued in my paper that not only the 21th century but the 20th century is about populism. In the first section I elaborate the theoretical background of my paper: the various notions of populism have been analysed here and I will refer the biopolitical framework of populism. After that, I explore the populism of the Horthy era (1920-1944) in the context of Communist populism. Then I bring up the case of Communist populism in Hungary (1948-1989), which has been analysed here from several aspects. In the context of the working class and the bourgeois elite; the regime biopolitical character; goulash communism as a populist legitimacy; and the point of view of socialist patriotism. I conclude this paper with the usefulness of investigating historical populism in conjunction with contemporary tendencies.

Communist populism in Hungary

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I am dealing in this paper with the question of environmental and climate (in)justices in Eastern and South Europe (ESE). At first, I will refer the theoretical pillars of environmental justice and my statement is that there is an expanding sphere concerning environmentalism which has grounded the theory of climate justice. The environmental justice has been expanded to climate justice, because it increasingly addressed that the environmental and social conditions provide for individual and community needs and functioning and justice depends on the environmental conditions. It has been put forward here that populism could bring closer the meaning of environmental and climate related disasters to the people’s everyday lives and experience. In the next part of this paper the connection of climate justice and social problems have been analyzed. The investigation elaborated here is based on a very important initiative called Environmental Justice Organizations, Liabilities and Trade (EJOLT) and its Environmental Justice Atlas. I will focus two main environmental and climate injustice caused challenges: the first one is the situation of the Roma communities in ESE, and the second one is the emerging case of fuel or energy poverty. I will conclude this paper that we need to (re)enhance the social nature of environmental problems and this will strengthen the environmental consciousness in ESE. The relating discourse of environmental and climate justice in ESE is need to be based on environmental identities constructed on ethnical and social solidarity. Finally we should have a look on the biopolitical structure of modern State.

Environmental and Social Justice in Eastern and South Europe_Ecopolitics and...

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A kivételes állapot mint a politika „normál” állapota előadás

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This study examines the Hungarian environmental and energy democracy from the regime change in 1989 to 2015. The main pillars of environmental democracy (access to information, public participation and access to justice) have been strengthened and the Aarhus’s regime has been incorporated to the Hungarian legal system. It has been put in this study that environmental democracy belongs to the normative-empirical theories of democracy. I will elaborate the constitutional and legal bases of environmental democracy and I will argue here that since 2010 several restrictions have been carried out about the environmental democracy by the Hungarian governments. Since the projected extension of the Paks Nuclear Power Plant this situation has increased. Despite of the strong legal foundations, the Hungarian environmental policy and environmental democracy have been in continuous regression and under attack. This paper proposes two main hypothesis. According to the first, the Hungarian environmental democracy has been evolved by the legal constitutionalism, and its restrictions elaborated here are in conjunction with the political constitutionalist era since 2010. My other hypothesis concerning the energy democracy, which means socializing and democratizing the methods of energy production and consumption, without harming or endangering the environment or people. It has been argued that the prevailing of the Aarhus’s pillars in the field of energy policy (i.e. energy democracy) has a huge impact on the environmental democracy.

Environmental and Energy Democracy in Hungary_ECPR_Presentation

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A 21. század egyik alapvető jelensége a képviseleti demokráciák válsága. E válságnak az az egyik legjelentősebb kísérőjelensége, hogy a képviseleti intézményrendszer újraértelmezése és a közvetlen (direkt) demokrácia megoldásai folyamatosan napirenden vannak. Az előadás gyakorlati példák segítségével felvázolja a képviseleti rendszer gyengeségeit, s ráirányítja a figyelmet a direkt demokrácia legjelentősebb tendenciáira: városi tanácsok, deliberatív közvélemény-kutatás, részvételi költségvetés. Az előadás során arra keressük a választ, hogy a közvetlen/direkt megoldások magának a képviseleti demokráciának a reformját jelentik vagy pedig - ha a jövőt fenntartható helyi közösségekben képzeljük el - egy egészen új demokrácia képét vetítik elénk.

A képviseleti demokrácia válsga és a közvetlen demokrácia

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Marx, marxizmus, ökopolitika_Antal Attila

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Más de Antal Attila (20)

Fighting for sovereignty: The Lie Behind the Right-Wing Populist Nationalism ...

Fighting for sovereignty

The (re)institutionalization of hungarian political science

Nationalist Populism and Illiberalism in Hungary

Ecosocialism in the 21st Century from the Perspective of Eastern Europe

Populism and Nationalism from an Eastern European Perspective

Empire and Multitude Populism

Helyreállítható-e az alkotmányos jogállam Magyarországon?

Populism and Climate Change in the Era of Post-Truth

Communist populism in Hungary

Environmental and Social Justice in Eastern and South Europe_Ecopolitics and...

A kivételes állapot mint a politika „normál” állapota előadás

Populism in Hungary the false promise of repoliticisation

Politikai ellenség és identitás

Environmental and Energy Democracy in Hungary_ECPR_Presentation

A képviseleti demokrácia válsga és a közvetlen demokrácia

Marx, marxizmus, ökopolitika_Antal Attila

Nacionalizmus és környezetvédelem

Hogyan lett az arányos többségi

Környezetpolitika a rendszerváltás után

Környezeti demokrácia Magyarországon

1. Antal Attila: Környezeti demokrácia MagyarországonKörnyezeti demokrácia Magyarországon Előadás Szegedi Politológus Hallgatók Egyesülete 2017. április 10.

2. TémakörökTémakörök I. Kiindulópont: a környezeti demokrácia elmélete II. A környezeti demokrácia Magyarországon III. Paks 2.

3. „A környezeti demokrácia célja a polgári önrendelkezés és persze az egyéni önmegvalósítás ökológiai és társadalmi feltételeinek kommunikációja. Az egyik jele annak, hogy ez a kapcsolat egyre centrálisabb elme demokratikus önértelmezésünknek éppen az, hogy nem vagyunk többé hajlandóak elfogadni azt a »demokratikus« politikai rendszert, amelyik szándékosan vagy véletlenül aláássa az alapvető szociális és környezeti jogokat, szabadságokat.” (Michael Mason) I. Kiindulópont: a környezeti demokrácia elméleteI. Kiindulópont: a környezeti demokrácia elmélete

4. I. Kiindulópont: a környezeti demokrácia elméleteI. Kiindulópont: a környezeti demokrácia elmélete „Ahogyan a demokratáknak el kell ítélniük azokat, akik más embereket elhallgattatnak, ugyanúgy kellene elítélniük azokat is, akik a természetet hallgattatják el azáltal, hogy elpusztítják.” (Dryzek) A 21. század demokráciája (és annak minősége) elválaszthatatlan a környezetvédelem és energetika kérdéseitől. Társadalmi igazságosság – környezeti igazságosság

5. I. Kiindulópont: a környezeti demokrácia elméleteI. Kiindulópont: a környezeti demokrácia elmélete A demokráciamodellek/típusok és a demokráciaelméletek DemokráciamodellekDemokráciamodellek (makroszint)(makroszint) Pozitív, empirikus ésPozitív, empirikus és normatívnormatív Demokrácia-Demokrácia- elméletekelméletek Demokráciatípusok (mezo- ésDemokráciatípusok (mezo- és mikroszint)mikroszint) LiberálisLiberális, konszociális,, konszociális, deliberatív, egalitárius,deliberatív, egalitárius, részvételi/közvetlen,részvételi/közvetlen, többségitöbbségi

6. A demokráciamodellek/típusok és a demokráciaelméletek I. Kiindulópont: a környezeti demokrácia elméleteI. Kiindulópont: a környezeti demokrácia elmélete

7. I. Kiindulópont: a környezeti demokrácia elméleteI. Kiindulópont: a környezeti demokrácia elmélete

8. I. Kiindulópont: a környezeti demokrácia elméleteI. Kiindulópont: a környezeti demokrácia elmélete A környezeti demokrácia hagyományos jelentése (Aarhusi Egyezmény): Hozzáférés a környezeti információkhoz Ennek alapján részvétel a politikai döntéshozatalban Állami garanciaként az utóbbiak peremfeltételeinek megteremtése (azaz a részvételre képesítés) Ezekhez kapcsolódóan az igazságszolgáltatáshoz való jog biztosítása

9. I. Kiindulópont: a környezeti demokrácia elméleteI. Kiindulópont: a környezeti demokrácia elmélete Magyarországon a környezeti demokrácia elmélete és gyakorlata a jogi alkotmányosság koncepciója alatt bontakozott ki. A liberális demokrácia fő közjogi paradigmája 2010-ig a jogi alkotmányosság volt, ennek minden előnyével (a környezetvédelem anyagi jogi és eljárásjogi szempontból kidolgozott) és minden hátrányával (a környezetvédelem depolitizálódik és nem épül ki a társadalmi lábazata). 2010 után mind a liberális demokrácia, mind az ahhoz kötődő környezeti demokrácia súlyosan meggyengült és az uralkodó közjogi (politikai alkotmányosság) és politikai paradigma számára nem fontos a környezetvédelem.

10. II. A környezeti demokrácia MagyarországonII. A környezeti demokrácia Magyarországon Vizsgálatok The Access Initiative (2001, 2005) Environmental Democracy Index (2015)

11. II. A környezeti demokrácia MagyarországonII. A környezeti demokrácia Magyarországon

12. III. Paks 2.III. Paks 2. Medián, 2014

13. III. Paks 2.III. Paks 2. Greenpeace, 2014

14. III. Paks 2.III. Paks 2. Paks 2. kockázatai Paks 2. hatása az árampiacra Költségvetési, átláthatósági és korrupciós problémák Paks 2. és az Európai Unió Az energia-demokrácia és a környezeti demokrácia korlátozása Paks 2. érdekében

15. Köszönöm a figyelmet!Köszönöm a figyelmet! antal.attila@ajk.elte.hu

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