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Social protection in the context of forced displacement: how can
programming better promote young people’s resilience in general
and during the Covid-19 pandemic?
Dr. Nicola Jones, 6th May 2021
Outline of presentation
1
• Framing: Why should social protection be gender and adolescent-
responsive?
2
•Overview: Jordan and our research in Jordan before and during Covid-19
3
•Findings: adolescent vulnerabilities and social protection responses
4
• Conclusions and implications for policy and programming
Please note that the photographs of adolescents DO NOT capture
GAGE research participants and consent was gained from their
guardians for the photographs to be used for GAGE
communications purposes.
Why should social
protection be gender and
adolescent-responsive?
Married Syrian girl @ Natalie Bertrams / GAGE 2019
Social protection: the state of play
 Social protection is embedded in the SDGs
 149 of the world’s developing countries have a social
transfer scheme
 Most programmes are not gender-responsive
 They often use women to invest in children—but take
too little account of women themselves
 Where programmes are twinned with plus programming, men
seldom involved
 Few programmes (outside of pilots) consider adolescents’
age-related needs
 Most focus on households—and younger children (esp. under-5’s)
 Where adolescents are visible in current programming—it’s
usually larger stipends/more cash to attend secondary school
Molyneux, 2020; Gavrilovic, 2020; Jones, 2020 in GRASSP Think Piece Series
Adolescence: an age of opportunity (and risk)
Rapid physical
growth—
including sexual
maturation
Greater need
to fit in with
peers
Heightened
importance of
social norms
Increased risk
taking and
novelty
seeking
Cognitive
development
—abstract
thought,
longer-term
planning
Improved
ability to
regulate
emotions
Rewards more
important
than
punishment
“Safe transitions”: leveraging social protection
 Focusing on adolescents provides a triple dividend for
social protection: adolescents themselves now, as
future adults and for their future children.
Age Gender
Girls:
• SGBV
• Child marriage
• Adolescent pregnancy
Boys:
• Child labour
• Substance use
• Interpersonal violence
Both:
• School drop-out
• Risky sex (but for
different reasons)
Harper et al. 2018; Chandra-Mouli et al. 2018; Jones et al. 2019; Lahiri 2020; TASAF et al. 2020
 Key is attending to the nexus of age and gender—and
programming for the specific risks and opportunities that
emerge (and diverge) for girls and boys over the second
decade due to social norms.
Where are the evidence gaps?
• What adolescent-specific outcomes does social protection improve?
• Do hard or soft conditions lead to more change? Why or why not?
• What are the costs and benefits of targeting adolescents—rather than households—with
cash and messaging?
• Does “plus” programming help? What types for which adolescents in which contexts?
Where are the gaps?
• Programming tends to have shorter-term objectives—even though displacement can be
protracted [the median duration in 2018 was five years (World Bank, 2019]
• e.g. protecting HHs from immediate deprivation rather than promoting longer-term opportunities
• Programming often ignores the trauma of displacement (and the reasons behind it)
• Very little data is age- and gender-disaggregated
• e.g. even impacts on school enrolment are sometimes reported only by age or by broad age groups
within gender
Gaps are larger in humanitarian contexts
Overview: Jordan and
our research in Jordan
Group of adolescents in Mafraq, Jordan @ Natalie Bertrams / GAGE 2019
Jordanian context
One-third of those living in Jordan are refugees. On a per capita basis Jordan has second
highest number of refugees globally.
There are over 2 million registered Palestinian refugees—most, not all, have
citizenship.
Of the 1.3 million Syrians, half are registered refugees. Most have been there a
decade.
Jordan faces significant economic and social challenges—unemployment and poverty
rates are high, and services are stretched.
COVID-19
in
Jordan
Access to social protection varies
 Syrians get food support from the WFP
(approx. 500,000 individuals)
 Syrians in formal camps are providing housing
 Access to education and basic health care is
free
 UNRWA provides services (but little social
protection) for Palestinians
There are three at-scale cash transfers:
National Aid Fund (NAF)
(poverty targeted for
Jordanians—approx. 92,000
HHs)
UNHCR
(poverty targeted for Syrians
in host communities—
approx. 32,000 HHs)
Hajati
(labeled for education for 10,000 Syrian
and Jordanian children)—expanded to
meet increased needs during COVID (extra
18,000 children) and with links to Makani
 UNICEF’s Makani (“My Space”) programming
provides non-formal tuition, life skills and child
protection services to children and adolescents
of all nationalities, and referrals back to school
for Hajati beneficiaries
 There is an array of NGOs providing an array
of types of support—mostly for Syrians
Gender and Adolescence: Global Evidence:
By finding out ‘what works,’ for whom, where
and why, we can better support adolescent girls
and boys to maximise their capabilities now and
in the future.
We are following the largest cohort of adolescents in the Global South
GAGE longitudinal research sample
GAGE’s conceptual framework
Associated research in Jordan
UNHCR-UNICEF
commissioned study in
2016/2017
Mixed methods—survey and
interviews with a sample of
2100 households benefitting
and not benefitting from cash
transfers
Focused on the impacts of
UNHCR and UNICEF cash on
HHs
UNICEF commissioned study
in 2020
Mixed methods—PDM survey
and focus group discussions
with a sample of 1000
households benefitting from
Hajati
Focused on the impacts of
Hajati cash on HHs and
children
GAGE COVID-19 research in
2020 (and ongoing)
Mixed methods—several
rounds of phone surveys with
WHO (we reached ¾ of the
GAGE main sample) and online
interviews with 170
individuals
Focused on exploring the
impacts of COVID on
adolescents
Findings:
adolescent vulnerabilities
and social protection
responses
A boy from Zaatari camp at school @Herwig/UNICEF/2016
Adolescents’ access to education and learning is limited
At baseline, enrolment varied:
• 95% of 10–12-year-old girls
• 92% of 10–12-year-old boys
• 65% of 15–17-year-old girls
• 54% of 15–17-year-old girls
Jordanians> Palestinians>Syrians
Only 9% of ever married girls were
enrolled in school.
At baseline, learning was low and variable:
• 52% of girls could read a short story—vs 39% of boys
• 44% of girls could subtract—vs 35% of boys
Jordanians performed the best
• Of girls, Syrians lagged
• Of boys, Palestinians lagged
COVID closures have disrupted schooling:
• 67% of female caregivers are concerned that their child will not return to school
• ‘I wasn’t able to join the last two exams because of lack of internet connection. We
couldn’t buy credit.’ (older Syrian girl)
• ‘I don’t study as hard as before because I can’t focus anymore.’ (younger Syrian girl)
What limits education and learning?
Our research highlights several main reasons that adolescents are denied an education:
 Conflict and displacement—esp. for older adolescents, who do not see a route back in to education.
 Poverty--amplified by adolescent concerns about fitting in with peers.
 Some girls leave school to marry—most leave school because they will marry & family honour is paramount.
 Lack of/unaffordable transport forces families to prioritise protection over education for girls.
 Boys are expected to contribute to household economic needs—but have limited employment options.
 Girls and boys highlighted that they like to dress like their friends.
 Boys often mentioned needing pocket money to spend like their friends.
 Social norms—that prioritise girls’ reproductive roles and boys’ productive roles.
Poverty
‘My 13-year-old
doesn’t go to
school. I can’t
afford it.
(Syrian mother)
Norms
for
girls
‘In my family girls don't
complete their education.
They only study until
grade seven or eight. The
girl in the end [is
intended] for her
husband's house. These
are our customs and
traditions.’ (17-year-old
Syrian girl)
Norms
for
boys
‘Parents let their boys
drop out of school
starting from sixth
grade so they can help
them with work.’
(12-year-old Syrian girl)
Labour
market
realities
‘My brother graduated
college and he’s been
unemployed for a year
and a half now…. It is not
only my brother, most of
his friends graduated
and are unemployed.’
(Jordanian 17-year-old
boy)
Conflict
and
displacement
‘I tried when I first
arrived in Jordan… They
refused and said I
couldn’t go to school…
I felt hurt and I never
went again.’
(older Syrian boy)
Amplified
by
adolescence
‘Teachers punish
those who do not
wear school
uniforms, but how
can a girl explain the
reason for that in
front of the other
girls? She would be
embarrassed.’
(younger Syrian girl)
Cash is supporting access to education
 Enrolment and attendance are higher for Hajati cash beneficiaries—especially in ITS
 Monthly expenditures on education are higher for cash beneficiaries-- 34 vs 19 JOD/month
‘Hajati lets me buy books, pencils, rubbers and
notebooks for my children.’ (Syrian mother)
‘If the financial support did not exist, then
parents have two choices, either they are able
to pay for the transportation from their own
expenses, or they will have to stop their
daughter from going.’ (Makani KI)
‘If I did not receive support from Hajati, I would not be able to provide internet
for my children. The situation is really bad.’ (Syrian father)
‘My son Omar does not like to go to
the school no matter how I tried with
him, I tried to convince him to learn for
the sake of learning. UNICEF gave us
25 dinars, so I told him now please go
to school so they keep giving up this
money.’ (Syrian mother)
 Cash has become more important with COVID closures:
The value add of Makani ‘plus’ programming for education
Makani tutorials
improve learning
Makani life-skills support
classroom engagement
Makani centers help
children enroll
‘I know that I should go to my
teacher and tell her (that I don’t
understand). If I hadn’t learned
this at Makani, I wouldn’t tell
the teacher, so it was so useful.’
(12-year-old Syrian girl)
'We receive children who
don't go to schools and
rehabilitate them so they
can return to schools, their
natural places’.
(Makani facilitator)
‘If we go to a centre and if we
do not understand a certain
lesson, we tell the teacher in
the centre and they help us.’
(13-year-old girl)
Makani has been critical during school closures
 55% of those participating prior to COVID have received learning support from Makani
 50% of those have received support every day (via online apps, SMS texts)
‘[The support we are getting from Makani] is very helpful for us now…They also
explained how to study through TV … We talk through WhatsApp and Imo, too’.
(12-year-old Syrian girl)
BUT social assistance could do more to support adolescent education
The real and opportunity costs of education are higher for adolescents—but Hajati stipends
are static (25 JOD/month) across ages and grades
 Tutoring becomes important as adolescents progress through school
 Boys’ opportunity costs grow (vis-à-vis paid work)
 Girls’ transport costs grow (due to sexual harassment risks)
‘The more they grow up,
the more needs they
have.’ (KI, MoE)
‘For fifth and sixth grade,
these are the tough
years, one can get a
tutor.’ (Syrian mother)
‘The minimum amount should be
35 JOD. Increasing the money
would mean that children are
not obligated or forced to go to
work so they can help their
families, because 35 JOD is what
they would usually earn.’
(Makani KI)
‘When it comes to
transportation, it is important
for middle and especially high
school, as usually these are far
from where they live.’
(Makani KI)
In-kind support and support beyond basic education are also key
 Adolescents would like in-kind support as well as cash.
 Hajati does not support students at the secondary level.
 There are too few scholarships for tertiary education—which reduces
interest in secondary.
‘The money that will be spent on school materials will be
spent on rent - and food.’ (younger Syrian girl)
‘When he turned 15, they stopped giving him Hajati… although his expenses increased, and he
needed more cash than before. I don’t know why these are the rules.’ (Syrian mother)
‘They would have the capability to buy pens and notebooks, but not a new uniform
because it is more expensive. So, I would rather have the uniform instead.’
(older Syrian girl)
Makani could be better tailored to support adolescent education
‘Entertainment is a need, not a want, from adolescents’ perspectives.’ (Makani KI)
‘My teacher in the centre gave us a brief overview about photography…. I began loving
photography.’ (17-year-old Syrian boy)
Engage adolescents with more hands-on courses on topics they care about to
encourage interest in education.
Adolescents need and want educational and career guidance.
‘The Syrians came from rural side of Syria…they didn’t have education, all their life was based on
work.’ (Makani KI)
‘Some parents keep saying that if you finish your education or not, it’s the same thing, since you
are not going to go to university nor are you going to find a job. This mentality is frustrating.’
(older girl)
‘My mother in-law doesn’t mind me going back to school again. But my husband doesn’t allow it.’
(married Syrian girl)
Engage caretakers (including husbands and in-laws) on the value of education –
for boys and girls.
Adolescent health and nutrition vulnerabilities
Poor nutrition
• At baseline, diet diversity was poor.
• Married girls are especially vulnerable,
because they are deprioritized in the
household.
• COVID has increased food insecurity—
16% increase in hunger in the last month
Lack of puberty education
• Few adolescents have timely, complete
information about their changing bodies.
‘I did not tell her about periods, this generation is
taught by themselves, they teach each other.
They know more than me’ (Syrian mother)
For boys, substance use
• 34% had smoked cigarettes
• 45% had smoked shisha
• 36% reported increased smoking due to
COVID stress
‘Since the virus started, we smoke more
hashish.’ (younger Syrian boy)
For girls, adolescent pregnancy
• At baseline, only 43% of married girls could
identify a form of contraception.
• COVID has reduced girls’ access to
contraception and maternity care.
‘I asked my husband, but he doesn’t have money
for it now’. (married Syrian girl)
Age
related
Gender
related
Social assistance supports adolescent health & nutrition
‘This was so useful for our children because it helped us
in terms of health and nutrition.’ (Syrian mother)
Improves diets
 WFP vouchers are critical to HH food
security
 88% of Hajati beneficiaries report that
cash improves children's nutrition
Supports access to health care
 Our 2017 work for UNHCR and
UNICEF found that cash beneficiaries
are more than twice as likely to
spend money on children’s health
care (50% vs 19%)
‘We get the food coupon each month … My
mother buys rice, sugar, flour, margarine, and
oil … and tea.’ (17-year-old Syrian girl)
‘UNHCR is funding women, giving birth
and returning without paying anything.’
(Syrian mother)
The value add of Makani ‘plus’ programming for health
‘The doctor in Makani said you should
drink 2 cups of milk, and I take zaatar
[thyme] and olive sandwiches with me to
school.‘ (12-year-old Jordanian boy)
‘I took a course at the Makani center,
called “The Woman and the Girl”, and
brought along a female doctor so we
could ask her anything.’
(14-year-old girl, Azraq)
 Teaches adolescents about nutrition and puberty
 Provides a space for active play and sports—which is especially important
for girls.
 24% of older girls who attend Makani play a sport—vs 12% of those
who do not
BUT social protection could do more to promote good health
1
• Meet HH costs for medication and care-related transportation—esp during COVID-also
provide hygiene kits, esp in ITS and host communities
2
• Improve access to quality school feeding (when schools are in session)
3
• Step up provision of puberty education courses through plus programming
4
• Offer substance use education for boys (and fathers) through plus programming
5
• Develop girls’ only exercise classes through plus programming
6
• Reach out to marital families to promote contraception and equitable access to food
through plus programming
7
• Adolescent targeted transfers could support girls’ health—but perhaps harm boys
Adolescents face violence in myriad environments
At home:
 37% of female caregivers admitted to using
violent discipline in the last month
 8% admitted to severely beating their adolescent
child in the last month
‘I have no solution except beating
them. I like beating… it is like
emptying and a release.’
(Syrian mother, host community)
At school:
 58% of boys and 26% of girls have experienced
corporal punishment in the last month
In the community:
 Boys are bullied by their peers
 Nearly all older girls face sexual harassment
‘He took my hand. I was shocked for two days and I did not eat at that time
and I kept crying. After that, I never went out on my own.’
(older girl, Zaatari refugee camp)
‘They beat us with the blade.’
(10-year-old Syrian boy, host community)
Child marriage is common, complex, and often violent
COVID has amplified violence in the home
‘50% of families suffered from increased stress and
conflicts intensified. Men are not used to staying at
home, feel frustrated, and during the curfew the
stressful relationships between parents were projected
onto children and adolescents.’ (Health KI)
Photo taken by 18-year-old Palestinian girl
•53% of adolescents reported more HH stress
during the pandemic
•49% reported HH members are more angry
•Married girls are especially at risk—of yelling,
physical violence, and forced sex
Social protection can support adolescents' bodily integrity
Makani ‘plus’ programming is aimed at
protecting young people from violence:
 Cash and food vouchers reduce
parental stress.
 Of older girls, those who attend
Makani were 30% more likely to
know where to seek support from
violence.
Centres work
with parents
and girls to
reject child
marriage.
Centres
teach girls
how to protect
themselves
from sexual
harassment.
Centres
support social
cohesion—
and reduce
bullying.
Centres help
families
interface with
schools to
stop corporal
punishment.
Centres
work with
adolescents
on how and
where to
report.
Centres teach
adolescents to
recognize
violence and
know their
rights.
Centres work
with parents
on alternative
discipline
strategies.
Social protection could do more
1
• Cash could be used to keep girls in school through
secondary school—which would delay marriage.
2
• Makani does too little work with boys and men—as
brothers, peers, husbands or fathers.
3
• Makani messaging on child marriage—to parents and
girls—often falls flat because it is not nuanced
4
• Makani messaging is not addressing consanguineous
marriage customs.
5
• Makani does too little to proactively target married girls
to reduce their vulnerability.
‘If you offer this woman
cash every term, she will be
convinced to allow her
daughter to study…the girls
can stay without marriage
until 19 or 20.’
(Syrian mother)
‘My husband used to pour
water in my ears, because
these things don’t leave any
marks on the outside.’
(19-year-old Syrian)
Threats to adolescents’ psychosocial wellbeing
At baseline, about 1/3 of adolescents exhibited
psychological distress.
• Distress is caused by household violence,
displacement-driven uncertainty, and
poverty.
‘Depression … comes from very severe poverty … It has
a high effect on adolescents as all their needs aren’t
complete.’ (social worker)
Girls are distressed by gender norms that lead to
sexual harassment, social isolation, and child
marriage.
• At baseline, older girls were 38% less likely to
leave home daily and 54% less likely to leave the
community weekly (than older boys).
‘I don’t allow my daughters to get out of home. They may
look from the door for 5 minutes and then I ask them to close
it.’ (Palestinian mother)
Pandemic restrictions have deepened girls’ isolation and distress.
• Older girls report not leaving home for a mean of 5 days—compared
to 2.9 for boys.
• 70% of girls reported more gender-based constraints on their
behaviour post-COVID
‘I’m not happy with my life. The life in general is miserable.’ (Syrian girl)
Social assistance helps—at least for age-related risks
Of Hajati beneficiaries:
 95% report reduced anxiety about income
 75% report improved social connections
 70% report improved access to recreation for children
GAGE adolescents report that cash lets them enjoy some leisure time:
‘We go to play PlayStation …each
one pays 0.5 JD.’
(16-year-old Syrian boy)
‘My father, my mother, and her family told us to have fun. They took us to a place called
Winter Valley …and there were swimming pools and waterfalls. They wanted to have some
fun…. It was the most beautiful day. We still remember the day.’ (younger Syrian girl)
‘We went on a trip. We were joyful, we had a barbecue,
and we were happy.’ (10-year-old Palestinian girl)
Makani centres foster supportive relationships
‘Everyone in the centre is smiling … because they have the opportunity to leave
home and see one another.’ (16-year-old girl, ITS)
Centres provide adolescents with a safe space to interact with each other.
‘You can talk to her if you have any problem and she helps you to solve it.’
(Younger girl, Zaatari)
Centres connect adolescents with caring adults
‘Girls … feel some positive change in their relations with the family …after their
and their parents' participation in such activities.’ (Makani facilitator)
Centres strengthen parent-child relationships
‘There was a course I participated in…It was mixed between Syrian and Jordanian
girls…I used to have some prejudice but then it all turned out to be wrong.’
(17-year-old Syrian girl)
Centres foster social cohesion
Makani centres support agency and resilience
‘We learn if we face a problem, we
shouldn’t feel that is a difficult problem…
We should face the problem.’
(10-year-old Syrian girl, Zaatari)
‘My son used to fight a lot with the other kids, so there was a teacher that taught him and
helped him to change. This teacher told him that he’s a hero…His personality became
stronger and more confident.’ (Syrian mother, host community)
‘Self-confidence is the most powerful skill
we benefited from, as it raised our
awareness and increased our confidence.’
(18-year-old Jordanian boy)
‘One of the projects created by the girls … was a distributor fan inside kitchens [to remove
smells]. They made it from simple materials and presented their project in front of
community members and leaders … They comfortably received and answered their
questions.’ (Makani KI)
In part by providing adolescents with opportunities to do and lead
‘Plus’ programming could do more
‘I would like to register at Makani, but
my mother refuses…. it’s the distance
and that there are boys there.’
(younger Syrian girl)
‘Because I have a baby, so I can't get
out.’ (14-year-old Syrian mother)
‘The interaction with parents of younger
children is the greatest.’ (Makani KI)
‘Classes that interfere with some
traditions and customs, like the relation
between the male and female … are
totally refused by the community.’
(Makani KI)
1
Too little interaction with the parents of
adolescents.
2
Too little outreach to parents of girls—which
leaves girls excluded.
3
Too little focus in parenting classes on
gendered parenting practices and how they
limit girls’ lives (e.g. restrictions on mobility
and access to technology and peers).
4
Married girls are almost entirely shut out of
programming:
• Due to lack of outreach to marital families
• Due to childcare responsibilities.
Household poverty is deepening
Prior to COVID, of households receiving
Hajati, only a minority had a working adult.
Earned income is generally very low.
149
42
132
58
90
0
50
100
150
200
Fathers Mothers Other adults Boys< 16 Boys 17-18
Mean monthly wage in JOD of those in work (by household member)
COVID has further stressed households.
‘Debt is now common among our community, even my family borrows money for food and
vegetables…The financial situation is much harder than at the beginning of the pandemic.’
(younger Syrian girl, Zaatari refugee camp)
‘The financial situation of my family is very difficult. My father lost his work and my brothers
also struggle.’ (younger Jordanian boy)
Few adolescents are economically empowered
• Due to household poverty.
• Due to cultural age hierarchies.
• Girls were disadvantaged compared to boys
• >> 22% of older girls vs 28% of older boys
At baseline, few GAGE adolescents (24%) had controlled any cash in the last year.
• Girls have little access to paid work because of gender norms.
• Boys have little access to decent paid work because of labour market realities.
At baseline, most (73%) GAGE adolescents aspired to professional careers BUT…
‘Vocational training is an overly complicated subject in the Ministry of Education.’
(MoE KI)
‘What adolescents need in the camp is craft centres and vocational training. We don’t
have this here.’ (Palestinian father)
For adolescent refugees—esp boys-- access to TVET courses is limited.
Social protection is helping households make ends meet—BUT
‘There is no funding at the moment…if the person is
patient until the funding comes, he will be dead.’
(Syrian father)
 Our 2017 work for UNHCR and UNICEF found that only Syrian HHs benefitting from UNHCR
and UNICEF cash as well as WFP food support were “breaking even” on a monthly basis.
 Our 2020 work for UNICEF found that of households receiving Hajati—nearly all income is
from social assistance.
 Per capita monthly income is only 47 JOD.
 The mean monthly gap between income and expenditures is
NEGATIVE 2 JOD/capita.
 Gaps are largest in Amman, because rent is the highest.
 Respondents agree that cash is meets survival needs—barely.
 But the larger issue is that too few households have sustained access.
‘It barely fulfils our basic
needs… We can’t regularly
buy things for our children
or enhance the quality of
food.’ (Syrian mother)
‘One can afford living with a small amount
of food ... but it would be impossible
without a house.’ (Syrian father)
Social protection is beginning to support skills training, but
efforts are small scale and nascent
A planned pilot for training has been delayed by COVID
‘The idea of this programme is to extend Hajati services to cover the transition from learning to earning for
Hajati beneficiary families – 2 year programme for families with young people 18-24 – focused on building
the capacity of youth to access economic engagement and employment opportunities.’ (UNICEF KI)
UNICEF offers some
scholarships for training.
‘We have scholarship method,
which is basically paying for
vulnerable youth to go and
have different programs.’
(UNICEF KI)
UNHCR is disseminating some
information.
‘They gave us a brochure about
colleges were you can go after
10th grade to study cooking,
sewing, cosmetics, business..
Some for 3 or 9 months.’
(17-year-old Syrian girl)
Makani has some initiatives
that support income
generation.
‘They started an initiative
making tables from cars
wheels... they sell them to earn
money and return the money to
the people who took part.’
(Makani KI)
Case management could support the most vulnerable
‘That kind of thing – linking a cash incentive
programme to a social assistance programme
associated with a trigger identified as keeping a child is
out of school, it would be very helpful.’ (FCDO KI)
‘I don’t want the social worker to tell my mother and father
about my problems…my father would be angry that I didn’t
tell him of my problems.’ (younger Syrian girl)
‘We succeeded by the intensity
of follow up.’ (CARE KI)
‘Our society doesn’t accept
this…They don’t allow having
a stranger in the house.’
(married Syrian girl)
1
Respondents agreed that active case management could help meet complex needs.
2
Parents felt it could motivate their children to stay in school.
3
Adolescents liked the idea—but noted a need for cultural sensitivity.
Implications for policy
and programming
Girls at school in Jordan© Ingrid Gercama / GAGE 2017
Recap
of
education
and
health 1
What’s worked?
Cash supports access to education and Makani ‘plus’ supports access and learning
2
What could be improved?
Adolescents need larger stipends—not no stipends—for boys to offset opportunity costs of lost
work, for girls to offset real costs and ‘overcome’ gender norms
3
COVID implications
HHs need more support to buy devices and airtime—and adolescents need more support to help
offset quality issues and boredom with online learning—they will also need help to catch up, once
schools re-open, and outreach to the most vulnerable at risk of not re-enrolling.
1
What’s worked?
Cash and food vouchers have been critical to HH food security—and most health care needs are
covered for free.
2
What could be improved?
Adolescents’ specific age-related health needs have been ignored; boys smoking is not addressed
and girls are not free to use free contraception.
3
COVID implications
Age related risks have been exacerbated, as access to care has been limited. There is an increased
need for hygiene kits, esp in host communities and ITS.
Recap
of
bodily
integrity
and
psychosocial
wellbeing 1
What’s worked?
Cash has reduced HH stress levels and violence and Makani ‘plus’ programming has contributed to
reductions on a range of types of violence.
2
What could be improved?
Girls’ risk of child marriage would drop in tandem with stipends for secondary school, marriage
messaging needs nuancing, and the most vulnerable are often shut out of programming by those
who harm them.
3
COVID implications
Violence has escalated as support has dropped—those in camps have been relatively better
supported, as ‘plus’ supports scaled more quickly and complement informal support.
1
What’s worked?
Cash has reduced HH stress and increased adolescent fun—Makani ‘plus’ has increased resilience
by building self-confidence and strengthening support networks.
2
What could be improved?
The most vulnerable remain excluded and there is too little appetite for engaging parents on topics
including gender norms.
3
COVID implications
Isolation and distress have been amplified—esp for girls—with those in camps relatively better
supported. There is a need to engage communities on building adolescent resilience.
Recap
of
economic
empowerment
1
What’s worked?
Support is helping HHs meet survival needs and there are some efforts to help
adolescents acquire the skills they need for longer-term self-sufficiency.
2
What could be improved?
Given labour market realities, support is too limited. Cash needs to be made
available to more HHs for longer—and adolescents need more support to find
decent employment. The most vulnerable HHs would benefit from case
management.
3
COVID implications
With unemployment and poverty at higher levels, support should be scaled up for
the foreseeable future—esp in host communities, where there are fewer other
sources of support and costs are higher.
Publications
‘Some got married, others
don’t want to attend
school as they are
involved in income-
generation
Social protection in humanitarian contexts: how
can programming respond to adolescent- and
gender-specific vulnerabilities and promote young
people’s resilience? (unicef-irc.org)
Achieving social protection
for all adolescents: how
can a gender norms lens
support more effective
programming? | GAGE
(odi.org)
Interrogating the potential of a “cash plus”
approach to tackle multidimensional
vulnerability in humanitarian contexts: the case
of Syrian refugees in Jordan : Social Policy in the
Middle East and North Africa (elgaronline.com)
For more resources see:
https://www.gage.odi.org/publications/
Adolescents in
Humanitarian Crisis
(forthcoming June 2021)
Contact Us
WEBSITE
www.gage.odi.org
TWITTER
@GAGE_programme
FACEBOOK
GenderandAdolescence
About GAGE:
 Gender and Adolescence: Global Evidence
(GAGE) is a nine-year (2015-2024) mixed-
methods longitudinal research programme
focused on what works to support
adolescent girls’ and boys’ capabilities in
the second decade of life and beyond.
 We are following the lives of 18,000
adolescents in six focal countries in Africa,
Asia and the Middle East.

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Promoting Young People's Resilience Through Social Protection

  • 1. Social protection in the context of forced displacement: how can programming better promote young people’s resilience in general and during the Covid-19 pandemic? Dr. Nicola Jones, 6th May 2021
  • 2. Outline of presentation 1 • Framing: Why should social protection be gender and adolescent- responsive? 2 •Overview: Jordan and our research in Jordan before and during Covid-19 3 •Findings: adolescent vulnerabilities and social protection responses 4 • Conclusions and implications for policy and programming
  • 3. Please note that the photographs of adolescents DO NOT capture GAGE research participants and consent was gained from their guardians for the photographs to be used for GAGE communications purposes. Why should social protection be gender and adolescent-responsive? Married Syrian girl @ Natalie Bertrams / GAGE 2019
  • 4. Social protection: the state of play  Social protection is embedded in the SDGs  149 of the world’s developing countries have a social transfer scheme  Most programmes are not gender-responsive  They often use women to invest in children—but take too little account of women themselves  Where programmes are twinned with plus programming, men seldom involved  Few programmes (outside of pilots) consider adolescents’ age-related needs  Most focus on households—and younger children (esp. under-5’s)  Where adolescents are visible in current programming—it’s usually larger stipends/more cash to attend secondary school Molyneux, 2020; Gavrilovic, 2020; Jones, 2020 in GRASSP Think Piece Series
  • 5. Adolescence: an age of opportunity (and risk) Rapid physical growth— including sexual maturation Greater need to fit in with peers Heightened importance of social norms Increased risk taking and novelty seeking Cognitive development —abstract thought, longer-term planning Improved ability to regulate emotions Rewards more important than punishment
  • 6. “Safe transitions”: leveraging social protection  Focusing on adolescents provides a triple dividend for social protection: adolescents themselves now, as future adults and for their future children. Age Gender Girls: • SGBV • Child marriage • Adolescent pregnancy Boys: • Child labour • Substance use • Interpersonal violence Both: • School drop-out • Risky sex (but for different reasons) Harper et al. 2018; Chandra-Mouli et al. 2018; Jones et al. 2019; Lahiri 2020; TASAF et al. 2020  Key is attending to the nexus of age and gender—and programming for the specific risks and opportunities that emerge (and diverge) for girls and boys over the second decade due to social norms.
  • 7. Where are the evidence gaps? • What adolescent-specific outcomes does social protection improve? • Do hard or soft conditions lead to more change? Why or why not? • What are the costs and benefits of targeting adolescents—rather than households—with cash and messaging? • Does “plus” programming help? What types for which adolescents in which contexts? Where are the gaps? • Programming tends to have shorter-term objectives—even though displacement can be protracted [the median duration in 2018 was five years (World Bank, 2019] • e.g. protecting HHs from immediate deprivation rather than promoting longer-term opportunities • Programming often ignores the trauma of displacement (and the reasons behind it) • Very little data is age- and gender-disaggregated • e.g. even impacts on school enrolment are sometimes reported only by age or by broad age groups within gender Gaps are larger in humanitarian contexts
  • 8. Overview: Jordan and our research in Jordan Group of adolescents in Mafraq, Jordan @ Natalie Bertrams / GAGE 2019
  • 9. Jordanian context One-third of those living in Jordan are refugees. On a per capita basis Jordan has second highest number of refugees globally. There are over 2 million registered Palestinian refugees—most, not all, have citizenship. Of the 1.3 million Syrians, half are registered refugees. Most have been there a decade. Jordan faces significant economic and social challenges—unemployment and poverty rates are high, and services are stretched.
  • 11. Access to social protection varies  Syrians get food support from the WFP (approx. 500,000 individuals)  Syrians in formal camps are providing housing  Access to education and basic health care is free  UNRWA provides services (but little social protection) for Palestinians There are three at-scale cash transfers: National Aid Fund (NAF) (poverty targeted for Jordanians—approx. 92,000 HHs) UNHCR (poverty targeted for Syrians in host communities— approx. 32,000 HHs) Hajati (labeled for education for 10,000 Syrian and Jordanian children)—expanded to meet increased needs during COVID (extra 18,000 children) and with links to Makani  UNICEF’s Makani (“My Space”) programming provides non-formal tuition, life skills and child protection services to children and adolescents of all nationalities, and referrals back to school for Hajati beneficiaries  There is an array of NGOs providing an array of types of support—mostly for Syrians
  • 12. Gender and Adolescence: Global Evidence: By finding out ‘what works,’ for whom, where and why, we can better support adolescent girls and boys to maximise their capabilities now and in the future. We are following the largest cohort of adolescents in the Global South
  • 15. Associated research in Jordan UNHCR-UNICEF commissioned study in 2016/2017 Mixed methods—survey and interviews with a sample of 2100 households benefitting and not benefitting from cash transfers Focused on the impacts of UNHCR and UNICEF cash on HHs UNICEF commissioned study in 2020 Mixed methods—PDM survey and focus group discussions with a sample of 1000 households benefitting from Hajati Focused on the impacts of Hajati cash on HHs and children GAGE COVID-19 research in 2020 (and ongoing) Mixed methods—several rounds of phone surveys with WHO (we reached ¾ of the GAGE main sample) and online interviews with 170 individuals Focused on exploring the impacts of COVID on adolescents
  • 16. Findings: adolescent vulnerabilities and social protection responses A boy from Zaatari camp at school @Herwig/UNICEF/2016
  • 17. Adolescents’ access to education and learning is limited At baseline, enrolment varied: • 95% of 10–12-year-old girls • 92% of 10–12-year-old boys • 65% of 15–17-year-old girls • 54% of 15–17-year-old girls Jordanians> Palestinians>Syrians Only 9% of ever married girls were enrolled in school. At baseline, learning was low and variable: • 52% of girls could read a short story—vs 39% of boys • 44% of girls could subtract—vs 35% of boys Jordanians performed the best • Of girls, Syrians lagged • Of boys, Palestinians lagged COVID closures have disrupted schooling: • 67% of female caregivers are concerned that their child will not return to school • ‘I wasn’t able to join the last two exams because of lack of internet connection. We couldn’t buy credit.’ (older Syrian girl) • ‘I don’t study as hard as before because I can’t focus anymore.’ (younger Syrian girl)
  • 18. What limits education and learning? Our research highlights several main reasons that adolescents are denied an education:  Conflict and displacement—esp. for older adolescents, who do not see a route back in to education.  Poverty--amplified by adolescent concerns about fitting in with peers.  Some girls leave school to marry—most leave school because they will marry & family honour is paramount.  Lack of/unaffordable transport forces families to prioritise protection over education for girls.  Boys are expected to contribute to household economic needs—but have limited employment options.  Girls and boys highlighted that they like to dress like their friends.  Boys often mentioned needing pocket money to spend like their friends.  Social norms—that prioritise girls’ reproductive roles and boys’ productive roles. Poverty ‘My 13-year-old doesn’t go to school. I can’t afford it. (Syrian mother) Norms for girls ‘In my family girls don't complete their education. They only study until grade seven or eight. The girl in the end [is intended] for her husband's house. These are our customs and traditions.’ (17-year-old Syrian girl) Norms for boys ‘Parents let their boys drop out of school starting from sixth grade so they can help them with work.’ (12-year-old Syrian girl) Labour market realities ‘My brother graduated college and he’s been unemployed for a year and a half now…. It is not only my brother, most of his friends graduated and are unemployed.’ (Jordanian 17-year-old boy) Conflict and displacement ‘I tried when I first arrived in Jordan… They refused and said I couldn’t go to school… I felt hurt and I never went again.’ (older Syrian boy) Amplified by adolescence ‘Teachers punish those who do not wear school uniforms, but how can a girl explain the reason for that in front of the other girls? She would be embarrassed.’ (younger Syrian girl)
  • 19. Cash is supporting access to education  Enrolment and attendance are higher for Hajati cash beneficiaries—especially in ITS  Monthly expenditures on education are higher for cash beneficiaries-- 34 vs 19 JOD/month ‘Hajati lets me buy books, pencils, rubbers and notebooks for my children.’ (Syrian mother) ‘If the financial support did not exist, then parents have two choices, either they are able to pay for the transportation from their own expenses, or they will have to stop their daughter from going.’ (Makani KI) ‘If I did not receive support from Hajati, I would not be able to provide internet for my children. The situation is really bad.’ (Syrian father) ‘My son Omar does not like to go to the school no matter how I tried with him, I tried to convince him to learn for the sake of learning. UNICEF gave us 25 dinars, so I told him now please go to school so they keep giving up this money.’ (Syrian mother)  Cash has become more important with COVID closures:
  • 20. The value add of Makani ‘plus’ programming for education Makani tutorials improve learning Makani life-skills support classroom engagement Makani centers help children enroll ‘I know that I should go to my teacher and tell her (that I don’t understand). If I hadn’t learned this at Makani, I wouldn’t tell the teacher, so it was so useful.’ (12-year-old Syrian girl) 'We receive children who don't go to schools and rehabilitate them so they can return to schools, their natural places’. (Makani facilitator) ‘If we go to a centre and if we do not understand a certain lesson, we tell the teacher in the centre and they help us.’ (13-year-old girl) Makani has been critical during school closures  55% of those participating prior to COVID have received learning support from Makani  50% of those have received support every day (via online apps, SMS texts) ‘[The support we are getting from Makani] is very helpful for us now…They also explained how to study through TV … We talk through WhatsApp and Imo, too’. (12-year-old Syrian girl)
  • 21. BUT social assistance could do more to support adolescent education The real and opportunity costs of education are higher for adolescents—but Hajati stipends are static (25 JOD/month) across ages and grades  Tutoring becomes important as adolescents progress through school  Boys’ opportunity costs grow (vis-à-vis paid work)  Girls’ transport costs grow (due to sexual harassment risks) ‘The more they grow up, the more needs they have.’ (KI, MoE) ‘For fifth and sixth grade, these are the tough years, one can get a tutor.’ (Syrian mother) ‘The minimum amount should be 35 JOD. Increasing the money would mean that children are not obligated or forced to go to work so they can help their families, because 35 JOD is what they would usually earn.’ (Makani KI) ‘When it comes to transportation, it is important for middle and especially high school, as usually these are far from where they live.’ (Makani KI)
  • 22. In-kind support and support beyond basic education are also key  Adolescents would like in-kind support as well as cash.  Hajati does not support students at the secondary level.  There are too few scholarships for tertiary education—which reduces interest in secondary. ‘The money that will be spent on school materials will be spent on rent - and food.’ (younger Syrian girl) ‘When he turned 15, they stopped giving him Hajati… although his expenses increased, and he needed more cash than before. I don’t know why these are the rules.’ (Syrian mother) ‘They would have the capability to buy pens and notebooks, but not a new uniform because it is more expensive. So, I would rather have the uniform instead.’ (older Syrian girl)
  • 23. Makani could be better tailored to support adolescent education ‘Entertainment is a need, not a want, from adolescents’ perspectives.’ (Makani KI) ‘My teacher in the centre gave us a brief overview about photography…. I began loving photography.’ (17-year-old Syrian boy) Engage adolescents with more hands-on courses on topics they care about to encourage interest in education. Adolescents need and want educational and career guidance. ‘The Syrians came from rural side of Syria…they didn’t have education, all their life was based on work.’ (Makani KI) ‘Some parents keep saying that if you finish your education or not, it’s the same thing, since you are not going to go to university nor are you going to find a job. This mentality is frustrating.’ (older girl) ‘My mother in-law doesn’t mind me going back to school again. But my husband doesn’t allow it.’ (married Syrian girl) Engage caretakers (including husbands and in-laws) on the value of education – for boys and girls.
  • 24. Adolescent health and nutrition vulnerabilities Poor nutrition • At baseline, diet diversity was poor. • Married girls are especially vulnerable, because they are deprioritized in the household. • COVID has increased food insecurity— 16% increase in hunger in the last month Lack of puberty education • Few adolescents have timely, complete information about their changing bodies. ‘I did not tell her about periods, this generation is taught by themselves, they teach each other. They know more than me’ (Syrian mother) For boys, substance use • 34% had smoked cigarettes • 45% had smoked shisha • 36% reported increased smoking due to COVID stress ‘Since the virus started, we smoke more hashish.’ (younger Syrian boy) For girls, adolescent pregnancy • At baseline, only 43% of married girls could identify a form of contraception. • COVID has reduced girls’ access to contraception and maternity care. ‘I asked my husband, but he doesn’t have money for it now’. (married Syrian girl) Age related Gender related
  • 25. Social assistance supports adolescent health & nutrition ‘This was so useful for our children because it helped us in terms of health and nutrition.’ (Syrian mother) Improves diets  WFP vouchers are critical to HH food security  88% of Hajati beneficiaries report that cash improves children's nutrition Supports access to health care  Our 2017 work for UNHCR and UNICEF found that cash beneficiaries are more than twice as likely to spend money on children’s health care (50% vs 19%) ‘We get the food coupon each month … My mother buys rice, sugar, flour, margarine, and oil … and tea.’ (17-year-old Syrian girl) ‘UNHCR is funding women, giving birth and returning without paying anything.’ (Syrian mother)
  • 26. The value add of Makani ‘plus’ programming for health ‘The doctor in Makani said you should drink 2 cups of milk, and I take zaatar [thyme] and olive sandwiches with me to school.‘ (12-year-old Jordanian boy) ‘I took a course at the Makani center, called “The Woman and the Girl”, and brought along a female doctor so we could ask her anything.’ (14-year-old girl, Azraq)  Teaches adolescents about nutrition and puberty  Provides a space for active play and sports—which is especially important for girls.  24% of older girls who attend Makani play a sport—vs 12% of those who do not
  • 27. BUT social protection could do more to promote good health 1 • Meet HH costs for medication and care-related transportation—esp during COVID-also provide hygiene kits, esp in ITS and host communities 2 • Improve access to quality school feeding (when schools are in session) 3 • Step up provision of puberty education courses through plus programming 4 • Offer substance use education for boys (and fathers) through plus programming 5 • Develop girls’ only exercise classes through plus programming 6 • Reach out to marital families to promote contraception and equitable access to food through plus programming 7 • Adolescent targeted transfers could support girls’ health—but perhaps harm boys
  • 28. Adolescents face violence in myriad environments At home:  37% of female caregivers admitted to using violent discipline in the last month  8% admitted to severely beating their adolescent child in the last month ‘I have no solution except beating them. I like beating… it is like emptying and a release.’ (Syrian mother, host community) At school:  58% of boys and 26% of girls have experienced corporal punishment in the last month In the community:  Boys are bullied by their peers  Nearly all older girls face sexual harassment ‘He took my hand. I was shocked for two days and I did not eat at that time and I kept crying. After that, I never went out on my own.’ (older girl, Zaatari refugee camp) ‘They beat us with the blade.’ (10-year-old Syrian boy, host community)
  • 29. Child marriage is common, complex, and often violent
  • 30. COVID has amplified violence in the home ‘50% of families suffered from increased stress and conflicts intensified. Men are not used to staying at home, feel frustrated, and during the curfew the stressful relationships between parents were projected onto children and adolescents.’ (Health KI) Photo taken by 18-year-old Palestinian girl •53% of adolescents reported more HH stress during the pandemic •49% reported HH members are more angry •Married girls are especially at risk—of yelling, physical violence, and forced sex
  • 31. Social protection can support adolescents' bodily integrity Makani ‘plus’ programming is aimed at protecting young people from violence:  Cash and food vouchers reduce parental stress.  Of older girls, those who attend Makani were 30% more likely to know where to seek support from violence. Centres work with parents and girls to reject child marriage. Centres teach girls how to protect themselves from sexual harassment. Centres support social cohesion— and reduce bullying. Centres help families interface with schools to stop corporal punishment. Centres work with adolescents on how and where to report. Centres teach adolescents to recognize violence and know their rights. Centres work with parents on alternative discipline strategies.
  • 32. Social protection could do more 1 • Cash could be used to keep girls in school through secondary school—which would delay marriage. 2 • Makani does too little work with boys and men—as brothers, peers, husbands or fathers. 3 • Makani messaging on child marriage—to parents and girls—often falls flat because it is not nuanced 4 • Makani messaging is not addressing consanguineous marriage customs. 5 • Makani does too little to proactively target married girls to reduce their vulnerability. ‘If you offer this woman cash every term, she will be convinced to allow her daughter to study…the girls can stay without marriage until 19 or 20.’ (Syrian mother) ‘My husband used to pour water in my ears, because these things don’t leave any marks on the outside.’ (19-year-old Syrian)
  • 33. Threats to adolescents’ psychosocial wellbeing At baseline, about 1/3 of adolescents exhibited psychological distress. • Distress is caused by household violence, displacement-driven uncertainty, and poverty. ‘Depression … comes from very severe poverty … It has a high effect on adolescents as all their needs aren’t complete.’ (social worker) Girls are distressed by gender norms that lead to sexual harassment, social isolation, and child marriage. • At baseline, older girls were 38% less likely to leave home daily and 54% less likely to leave the community weekly (than older boys). ‘I don’t allow my daughters to get out of home. They may look from the door for 5 minutes and then I ask them to close it.’ (Palestinian mother) Pandemic restrictions have deepened girls’ isolation and distress. • Older girls report not leaving home for a mean of 5 days—compared to 2.9 for boys. • 70% of girls reported more gender-based constraints on their behaviour post-COVID ‘I’m not happy with my life. The life in general is miserable.’ (Syrian girl)
  • 34. Social assistance helps—at least for age-related risks Of Hajati beneficiaries:  95% report reduced anxiety about income  75% report improved social connections  70% report improved access to recreation for children GAGE adolescents report that cash lets them enjoy some leisure time: ‘We go to play PlayStation …each one pays 0.5 JD.’ (16-year-old Syrian boy) ‘My father, my mother, and her family told us to have fun. They took us to a place called Winter Valley …and there were swimming pools and waterfalls. They wanted to have some fun…. It was the most beautiful day. We still remember the day.’ (younger Syrian girl) ‘We went on a trip. We were joyful, we had a barbecue, and we were happy.’ (10-year-old Palestinian girl)
  • 35. Makani centres foster supportive relationships ‘Everyone in the centre is smiling … because they have the opportunity to leave home and see one another.’ (16-year-old girl, ITS) Centres provide adolescents with a safe space to interact with each other. ‘You can talk to her if you have any problem and she helps you to solve it.’ (Younger girl, Zaatari) Centres connect adolescents with caring adults ‘Girls … feel some positive change in their relations with the family …after their and their parents' participation in such activities.’ (Makani facilitator) Centres strengthen parent-child relationships ‘There was a course I participated in…It was mixed between Syrian and Jordanian girls…I used to have some prejudice but then it all turned out to be wrong.’ (17-year-old Syrian girl) Centres foster social cohesion
  • 36. Makani centres support agency and resilience ‘We learn if we face a problem, we shouldn’t feel that is a difficult problem… We should face the problem.’ (10-year-old Syrian girl, Zaatari) ‘My son used to fight a lot with the other kids, so there was a teacher that taught him and helped him to change. This teacher told him that he’s a hero…His personality became stronger and more confident.’ (Syrian mother, host community) ‘Self-confidence is the most powerful skill we benefited from, as it raised our awareness and increased our confidence.’ (18-year-old Jordanian boy) ‘One of the projects created by the girls … was a distributor fan inside kitchens [to remove smells]. They made it from simple materials and presented their project in front of community members and leaders … They comfortably received and answered their questions.’ (Makani KI) In part by providing adolescents with opportunities to do and lead
  • 37. ‘Plus’ programming could do more ‘I would like to register at Makani, but my mother refuses…. it’s the distance and that there are boys there.’ (younger Syrian girl) ‘Because I have a baby, so I can't get out.’ (14-year-old Syrian mother) ‘The interaction with parents of younger children is the greatest.’ (Makani KI) ‘Classes that interfere with some traditions and customs, like the relation between the male and female … are totally refused by the community.’ (Makani KI) 1 Too little interaction with the parents of adolescents. 2 Too little outreach to parents of girls—which leaves girls excluded. 3 Too little focus in parenting classes on gendered parenting practices and how they limit girls’ lives (e.g. restrictions on mobility and access to technology and peers). 4 Married girls are almost entirely shut out of programming: • Due to lack of outreach to marital families • Due to childcare responsibilities.
  • 38. Household poverty is deepening Prior to COVID, of households receiving Hajati, only a minority had a working adult. Earned income is generally very low. 149 42 132 58 90 0 50 100 150 200 Fathers Mothers Other adults Boys< 16 Boys 17-18 Mean monthly wage in JOD of those in work (by household member) COVID has further stressed households. ‘Debt is now common among our community, even my family borrows money for food and vegetables…The financial situation is much harder than at the beginning of the pandemic.’ (younger Syrian girl, Zaatari refugee camp) ‘The financial situation of my family is very difficult. My father lost his work and my brothers also struggle.’ (younger Jordanian boy)
  • 39. Few adolescents are economically empowered • Due to household poverty. • Due to cultural age hierarchies. • Girls were disadvantaged compared to boys • >> 22% of older girls vs 28% of older boys At baseline, few GAGE adolescents (24%) had controlled any cash in the last year. • Girls have little access to paid work because of gender norms. • Boys have little access to decent paid work because of labour market realities. At baseline, most (73%) GAGE adolescents aspired to professional careers BUT… ‘Vocational training is an overly complicated subject in the Ministry of Education.’ (MoE KI) ‘What adolescents need in the camp is craft centres and vocational training. We don’t have this here.’ (Palestinian father) For adolescent refugees—esp boys-- access to TVET courses is limited.
  • 40. Social protection is helping households make ends meet—BUT ‘There is no funding at the moment…if the person is patient until the funding comes, he will be dead.’ (Syrian father)  Our 2017 work for UNHCR and UNICEF found that only Syrian HHs benefitting from UNHCR and UNICEF cash as well as WFP food support were “breaking even” on a monthly basis.  Our 2020 work for UNICEF found that of households receiving Hajati—nearly all income is from social assistance.  Per capita monthly income is only 47 JOD.  The mean monthly gap between income and expenditures is NEGATIVE 2 JOD/capita.  Gaps are largest in Amman, because rent is the highest.  Respondents agree that cash is meets survival needs—barely.  But the larger issue is that too few households have sustained access. ‘It barely fulfils our basic needs… We can’t regularly buy things for our children or enhance the quality of food.’ (Syrian mother) ‘One can afford living with a small amount of food ... but it would be impossible without a house.’ (Syrian father)
  • 41. Social protection is beginning to support skills training, but efforts are small scale and nascent A planned pilot for training has been delayed by COVID ‘The idea of this programme is to extend Hajati services to cover the transition from learning to earning for Hajati beneficiary families – 2 year programme for families with young people 18-24 – focused on building the capacity of youth to access economic engagement and employment opportunities.’ (UNICEF KI) UNICEF offers some scholarships for training. ‘We have scholarship method, which is basically paying for vulnerable youth to go and have different programs.’ (UNICEF KI) UNHCR is disseminating some information. ‘They gave us a brochure about colleges were you can go after 10th grade to study cooking, sewing, cosmetics, business.. Some for 3 or 9 months.’ (17-year-old Syrian girl) Makani has some initiatives that support income generation. ‘They started an initiative making tables from cars wheels... they sell them to earn money and return the money to the people who took part.’ (Makani KI)
  • 42. Case management could support the most vulnerable ‘That kind of thing – linking a cash incentive programme to a social assistance programme associated with a trigger identified as keeping a child is out of school, it would be very helpful.’ (FCDO KI) ‘I don’t want the social worker to tell my mother and father about my problems…my father would be angry that I didn’t tell him of my problems.’ (younger Syrian girl) ‘We succeeded by the intensity of follow up.’ (CARE KI) ‘Our society doesn’t accept this…They don’t allow having a stranger in the house.’ (married Syrian girl) 1 Respondents agreed that active case management could help meet complex needs. 2 Parents felt it could motivate their children to stay in school. 3 Adolescents liked the idea—but noted a need for cultural sensitivity.
  • 43. Implications for policy and programming Girls at school in Jordan© Ingrid Gercama / GAGE 2017
  • 44. Recap of education and health 1 What’s worked? Cash supports access to education and Makani ‘plus’ supports access and learning 2 What could be improved? Adolescents need larger stipends—not no stipends—for boys to offset opportunity costs of lost work, for girls to offset real costs and ‘overcome’ gender norms 3 COVID implications HHs need more support to buy devices and airtime—and adolescents need more support to help offset quality issues and boredom with online learning—they will also need help to catch up, once schools re-open, and outreach to the most vulnerable at risk of not re-enrolling. 1 What’s worked? Cash and food vouchers have been critical to HH food security—and most health care needs are covered for free. 2 What could be improved? Adolescents’ specific age-related health needs have been ignored; boys smoking is not addressed and girls are not free to use free contraception. 3 COVID implications Age related risks have been exacerbated, as access to care has been limited. There is an increased need for hygiene kits, esp in host communities and ITS.
  • 45. Recap of bodily integrity and psychosocial wellbeing 1 What’s worked? Cash has reduced HH stress levels and violence and Makani ‘plus’ programming has contributed to reductions on a range of types of violence. 2 What could be improved? Girls’ risk of child marriage would drop in tandem with stipends for secondary school, marriage messaging needs nuancing, and the most vulnerable are often shut out of programming by those who harm them. 3 COVID implications Violence has escalated as support has dropped—those in camps have been relatively better supported, as ‘plus’ supports scaled more quickly and complement informal support. 1 What’s worked? Cash has reduced HH stress and increased adolescent fun—Makani ‘plus’ has increased resilience by building self-confidence and strengthening support networks. 2 What could be improved? The most vulnerable remain excluded and there is too little appetite for engaging parents on topics including gender norms. 3 COVID implications Isolation and distress have been amplified—esp for girls—with those in camps relatively better supported. There is a need to engage communities on building adolescent resilience.
  • 46. Recap of economic empowerment 1 What’s worked? Support is helping HHs meet survival needs and there are some efforts to help adolescents acquire the skills they need for longer-term self-sufficiency. 2 What could be improved? Given labour market realities, support is too limited. Cash needs to be made available to more HHs for longer—and adolescents need more support to find decent employment. The most vulnerable HHs would benefit from case management. 3 COVID implications With unemployment and poverty at higher levels, support should be scaled up for the foreseeable future—esp in host communities, where there are fewer other sources of support and costs are higher.
  • 47. Publications ‘Some got married, others don’t want to attend school as they are involved in income- generation Social protection in humanitarian contexts: how can programming respond to adolescent- and gender-specific vulnerabilities and promote young people’s resilience? (unicef-irc.org) Achieving social protection for all adolescents: how can a gender norms lens support more effective programming? | GAGE (odi.org) Interrogating the potential of a “cash plus” approach to tackle multidimensional vulnerability in humanitarian contexts: the case of Syrian refugees in Jordan : Social Policy in the Middle East and North Africa (elgaronline.com) For more resources see: https://www.gage.odi.org/publications/ Adolescents in Humanitarian Crisis (forthcoming June 2021)
  • 48. Contact Us WEBSITE www.gage.odi.org TWITTER @GAGE_programme FACEBOOK GenderandAdolescence About GAGE:  Gender and Adolescence: Global Evidence (GAGE) is a nine-year (2015-2024) mixed- methods longitudinal research programme focused on what works to support adolescent girls’ and boys’ capabilities in the second decade of life and beyond.  We are following the lives of 18,000 adolescents in six focal countries in Africa, Asia and the Middle East.

Notas del editor

  1. GRASSP Think Piece Series, Think Pieces UNICEF Office of Research - Innocenti, Florence
  2. Adolescence is increasingly recognised as an age of opportunity where disadvantages in childhood can be remedied and changes fast-tracked, but also an age of risks given adolescent cognitive development and the importance of social rewards to adolescent behaviour
  3. The first use of “safe transitions” appears to be from the Pop Council a decade ago: Population Council 2011 https://www.popcouncil.org/uploads/pdfs/TABriefs/00_Overview.pdf And of course the Tanzania thing is kind of the only “at scale” thing out there—they just released round 3: TASAF et al. 2020 https://www.unicef-irc.org/publications/pdf/A-Cash-Plus-Model-for-Safe-Transitions-to-a-Healthy-and-Productive-Adulthood-Round-3-Report.pdf Jones et al. 2019 https://www.unwomen.org/-/media/headquarters/attachments/sections/library/publications/2019/un-women-policy-brief-12-gender-and-age-responsive-social-protection-en.pdf?la=en&vs=4617 Lahiri 2020 https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/25741292.2020.1747720 Blum et al. 2017 https://www.jahonline.org/article/S1054-139X(17)30355-5/fulltext Chandra-Mouli et al. 2018 https://www.nature.com/articles/s41562-018-0318-3
  4. https://blogs.worldbank.org/dev4peace/2019-update-how-long-do-refugees-stay-exile-find-out-beware-averages The average length of time that refugees spend in camps is 17 years." This cruel statistic has been quoted many times, influencing our perception of refugee crises as never-ending events which are spinning out of control. It has significant implications when deciding the type of aid that is needed, the combination of humanitarian and development support, and the possible responses to the crisis. But is it true? Not so. As of end-2018, the median duration of exile stands at 5 years, i.e. half of the refugees worldwide have spent 5 years or less in exile. But this leads to another important finding: trends can be counter-intuitive. In fact, a decline in the average duration of exile is typically not an improvement, but rather the consequence of a degradation of the global situation 
  5. On a per capita basis, Jordan has the second highest number of refugees in the world—behind only Lebanon The country has struggled to absorb refugee flows—the labour market is unable to keep up and basic services are stretched thin
  6. And like everywhere else these challenges have been exacerbated by the Covid-19 pandemic. In Jordan the government managed to keep the virus under control for about six months due to a timely and aggressive lockdown, but since October having started to re-open numbers rapidly escalated and the focus is now on vaccination roll out. By April 2021 approximately 7% of the population had been vaccinated.
  7. The bulk of the data in this presentation is from GAGE. Gender and Adolescence: Global Evidence is a nine-year (2015-2024) mixed-methods longitudinal research programme exploring the gendered experiences of 18 thousand young people aged 10-19 years. GAGE aims to generate new evidence on ‘what works’ to transform the lives of adolescent girls and boys to enable them to move out of poverty and exclusion and fast-track social change.
  8. In Jordan, our full sample includes 4,000 adolescents 250 are participating in qualitative research 50 are participating in annual participatory research Our sample is highly diverse: Participants are Syrian, Jordanian, and Palestinian Participants live in host communities, formal refugee camps and informal tented settlements We have over sampled adolescents with disabilities and girls who are or have been married
  9. GAGE uses a capabilities framework that works well to explore how social protection can support adolescent transitions so that young people can enter adulthood ready to do the things and be the people they aspire to do and be. We consider six capabilities: Education and learning Health and nutrition Bodily integrity Psychosocial wellbeing Voice and agency Economic empowerment
  10. While the majority of the findings discussed in the presentation draw on GAGE’s main body of work, there are three other research projects that have contributed to our understanding of how social protection could be better leveraged to improve adolescents’ lives. Two are commissioned research aimed specifically at social protection The third is the pivot that GAGE has made to capture the effects of COVID.
  11. I now turn to present our key findings by capability domain – presenting first an overview of vulnerabilities per domain, and then discussing the extent to which social protection is addressing these age and gender-specific vulnerabilities.
  12. While the majority of younger adolescents in the GAGE sample were enrolled in school at baseline, there were a substantial number of 10-12 year old Syrians who were not attending school—most were boys School enrolment falls precipitously as adolescents complete basic education. Only half of 15-17 year old boys in the GAGE sample were enrolled at baseline. Married girls were very unlikely to be attending formal school. Of those who had ever been married—fewer than 1 in 10 were in school. Learning outcomes were also very low. The GAGE survey, like international tests such as TIMSS and PISA, found that few adolescents were on grade level. COVID has massively disrupted access to learning. Schools have effectively been closed for adolescents for more than a year. The GoJ offers classes online and via TV, but the poorest HHs are largely unable to access them because they lack the technology and costs to cover connectivity required to do so. Adolescents living in ITS are the least likely to have participated in distance education. Even adolescents with technology are often unable to keep up. Many Syrian parents are not literate—and so cannot help their children study. And many adolescents report that online learning is simply not engaging and they need interactions with peers to stimulate their engagement.
  13. At baseline, our research identified three main barriers to education: Poverty—which is more of a concern for adolescents rather than younger children—as the real and opportunity costs of schooling grow alongside children Social norms—which are again particularly important for adolescents, because girls and boys are pushed down highly gendered pathways towards adulthood. Boys are expected to be providers and many first work alongside school—and then later drop out entirely to focus on income generation. Girls are expected to be wives and mothers. Some leave school specifically in order to marry. Others leave school because their parents want to make sure their reputations stay “pure” enough to marry well in the future. Conflict and displacement have made problems worse. Poverty is deeper—because refugees can’t access many types of work Parents are more fearful for their daughters And many older adolescents are shut out of formal education bc when they arrived in Jordan there were no seat spaces at school and having spent years out of the classroom, they have never found a path back in
  14. Cash transfers are supporting adolescent education. Respondents note that cash helps them buy school supplies—including stationery and uniforms Parents of girls, esp. those in ITS and host communities, note that cash is esp useful for being able to afford transportation—many told us that their daughters would not be able to attend school if they could not afford to take the bus or a taxi Parents of boys often reported that cash gave them leverage to encourage their sons to attend school While students need fewer notebooks and no uniforms while schools are closed, respondents observe that cash has been esp useful while students are learning online—bc it enables them to buy the devices and air time that support access to remote learning
  15. UNICEF’s Makani programme is critical to supporting adolescents'’ access to education and learning For those who are out of school—who are disproportionately likely to be in ITS--centres make active referrals and help get young people enrolled. Centres also provide tutorials, to supplement the often-poor quality education that students receive in school Life-skills programming also supports learning—as it helps young people learn to speak up in the classroom when they do not understand lessons Makani centres closed during COVID—but quickly pivoted to providing online support Facilitators encourage adolescents to study--and offer tutorial support through a variety of apps
  16. Our research has made it clear that social protection could do far more to support adolescents' access to education and learning. Most critically—according to respondents—more cash is required. The real and opportunity costs of schooling expand as children grow up. School supplies are more expensive, tutoring is required for higher grades, there is a greater need for transport bc middle and high schools are farther away, and the opportunity costs of boys NOT working grow as they become able to take on better paid work. Current cash transfers, however, take no account of this. Stipends are fixed across ages and grades.
  17. Adolescent respondents also reported that they would like in-kind support of their own—uniforms, for example. Households are so poor that even cash labeled for education is primarily spent on rent and food—as those needs are at the bottom of Maslow’s hierarchy. Most critically—Hajati only covers students until the age of 15. Right as students need the MOST support—for transportation and for tutors --cash cuts off entirely. Respondents also observed that more university level scholarships would encourage more adolescents to complete secondary school. Quite a few young people observed that they saw no point in spending scarce HH resources on secondary school—when there was no hope that it would translate into a brighter future.
  18. Adolescents and Makani key informants also reported that Makani programming could be better tailored to support adolescent education—rather than child education. Middle and older adolescents reported that they did not want to take the same courses as their younger peers-and Makani Kis agreed that offerings need to be scaled up As schools primarily use rote educational methods, the largest demand is for hands-on topics that encourage adolescent interest in learning Adolescents also reported that they would like educational and career guidance—many said that they did not understand how to choose which “path” to study in high school or how to arrange their course schedules to achieve their goals. Adolescents and Makani staff also underscored that reaching adolescents requires first reaching gatekeepers. Many Syrian caregivers, because they are from rural parts of Syria, do not see value in secondary education. They expect their sons to work and their daughters to marry. Even when they do not insist that their adolescents leave school, they do not support them to stay. Supporting married girls to return to school will require special efforts—as many husbands and in-laws refuse to consider the idea because they believe it will lead to girls interacting with boys or men who are not their husbands.
  19. Adolescents in Jordan face a variety of health and nutrition vulnerabilities—some of which are related to age and others of which are gendered. Most young people live on simple carbohydrates—with relatively less protein and vegetables. This has gotten markedly worse during COVID, esp in host communities and ITS. Few adolescents receive quality timely puberty education—due to social norms that make sexuality a taboo topic. Girls often do not know about menstruation until after menarche and boys often receive no puberty education at all. Substance use is a real concern for adolescent boys in Jordan—who are mirroring the behavior of men—most of whom smoke. Fathers admit to supporting their sons’ access to tobacco. This has gotten worse during COVID—as incomes have declined, but stress has increased. For girls, adolescent pregnancy is a significant risk. Most young wives are expected to immediately demonstrate their fertility—so few use contraception. Some are prohibited—by their marital families—others don’t want it, because they have been told they will be divorced if they do not fall pregnant. We found quite a few cases of very young girls taking FERTILITY drugs, rather than contraceptives. COVID has reduced married girls’ access to contraceptives and maternity care—esp in the initial months of lock down.
  20. Social protection has done much to improve nutrition in particular. Our 2017 work for UNICEF and UNHCR found that WFP vouchers were critical to food security. Hajati has further improved children’s diets—the extra cash makes it easier for HHs to afford nutritious food rather than relatively more empty carbohydrate calories. Multiple actors are also working to support better access to health care—which for basic services, including SRH and maternity care, is quite good—esp in camps, where care can be accessed without also paying for transportation. Young people living in camps have fared better during COVID in this regard than those living in host communities. While those living in camps do not get cash, they have better access to food, including daily bread rations. They also have easier access to basic health care.
  21. UNICEF’s Makani programme also contributes to adolescent health and nutrition -by teaching children what healthy diets looks like -by offering puberty education—at least to some children -and by providing opportunities for girls to get exercise, which is difficult given gender norms and overcrowded homes
  22. Programming could do more to support adolescent health and nutrition, however, Esp in host communities, and esp during COVID, cash could be increased to cover the cost of medication and transport, given that HHs are already stretched thin. In ITS and host communities, there is a need for hygiene kits—as most HHs are not receiving cash and food vouchers cannot be spent on things like soap and period products School feeding could also be scaled up—at least once schools are back in session. In camps, school feeding emerged in our research as a significant source of both calories and nutrients. Puberty education classes are currently reaching too few young people—these should be scaled up at more Makani centres and offered alongside classes aimed at helping parents talk to their own children about puberty and sexuality. Substance use education is desperately needed—for boys and men. Makani centres could also be used to provide space for girls’ only exercise classes. Obesity is common in Jordan and many girls in our research are desperate to lose weight. Given how few options they have for movement, right now most rely on unhealthily strict dieting. There appears to be very little outreach to the husbands and mothers-in-law who control married girls’ access to contraception and food. Reaching girls would be a first step—given how few married girls participate in Makani—but beyond that, married girls are not in control of their lives. Finally, while providing a small amount of cash directly to adolescents would help girls meet their age-and gender-related needs, esp given that many reported that their needs for period products were deprioritized, cash might be harmful to boys. There is reason to believe that many would spend it on tobacco.
  23. At baseline, we found that adolescents face violence in myriad environments. With caregivers stressed and homes overcrowded, most young people experience violence in the home. Nearly one-in-ten female caregivers admit to severely beating their child in the last month. Young people also face violent discipline from teachers. This is especially the case for boys, who attend boys’ only schools after the third grade. Violence in the community is rampant. In host communities, Syrian boys are often bullied because they are Syrian—and anti-refugee sentiment is common. Girls—regardless of nationality—face sexual harassment almost daily. Boys follow them on the street and make suggestive comments—and sometimes touch them. Many parents—and some girls—see this harassment as a reason to leave school and cloister at home until marriage.
  24. That child marriage is common in Jordan is well known. The most recent DHS reports that more than a third of young Syrian women were married as children. GAGE research highlights that drivers are very complex—with economic, social and conflict-related reasons for marriage highly intertwined. It also shows that preferences for child marriage often have to be understood from a more personal perspective. Nearly all of the married girls in our sample reported that they had actively agreed to marriage—sometimes because they wanted a pretty dress and a party and other times because they wanted to make their parents happy. On the whole, our work suggests that mothers are critical to maintaining child marriage—with grooms’ mothers often initiating the process because they wish their sons to become fathers. Intimate partner violence is rampant--with young husbands generally believing they have a right to control their wives’ movement, interactions, and dress-- and to beat them for any infraction.
  25. While violence at school and in the community has lessened during COVID, due to closures and lockdowns, violence in the home appears to have exploded. Half of adolescents report more stress and more anger. Because interviews are not private, there are limits to what we have been able to ask—and adolescents have been able to answer. Using vignettes, that enable adolescents to answer in the third person, married girls appear to have been at esp high risk over the last year. With unemployment and poverty up, and husbands at home more hours more days, all forms of violence have become more common.
  26. Caregivers in our research highlighted that cash assistance—and WFP food vouchers—do much to reduce their stress levels, as they are less concerned about keeping a roof over their heads and food on the table. Makani programming is also reducing adolescents’ risk of violence—and helping them access support to address it. Centres work with parents on alternative discipline strategies. Centres teach adolescents to recognize violence and know their rights. Centres work with adolescents on how and where to report. Centres help families interface with schools to stop corporal punishment. Centres support social cohesion—and reduce bullying. Centres teach girls how to protect themselves from sexual harassment. Centres work with parents and girls to reject child marriage. Our baseline found that young people participating in Makani programming were significantly more likely to know where they could get help if they experienced violence. For older girls, the difference was a full 30%.
  27. Our research has identified a number of entry points where social protection could better reduce adolescents’ risk of violence. Parents of married girls—when asked directly what would have helped them eschew child marriage—reported that educational stipends would have been the most helpful, as girls who are in school are not seen as “on the marriage market”. Most reported that if they had had more cash, to cover transport and uniforms and tutoring fees, they would have let their daughters study rather than marry. Better tailoring Makani programming could help too. Most centres do too little work with boys and men on the gender norms that drive the majority of violence. They do not engage boys—as brothers, peers, and future husbands-- on ways to feel masculine without violence--and few centres proactively engage fathers or husbands at all. Messaging on child marriage often falls flat—because it does not take into account the nuanced perspectives of different actors. Most messages appear to centre on the health concerns of child marriage—which are muted by the fact that they youngest girls are routinely provided C-sections. Critically, given that many child marriages are cousin-marriage—and girls’ families feel trapped bc if they do not uphold custom they can lose their place in the family—messages do not appear to consider this custom at all. Makani also does too little to proactively target married girls and convince their husbands and in-laws to allow them to participate.
  28. Unsurprisingly, given household violence, displacement, poverty, and now COVID—a significant proportion of adolescents, esp in host communities and ITS, exhibit emotional distress. Our qualitative work found that girls tend to be more distressed than boys—largely due to restrictions on their mobility and access to peers—but also due to sexual harassment and worries about marriage. It was not uncommon for girls, even before COVID, to go days without leaving the home or speaking to a friend. Isolation is generally worse for married girls—due to husbands’ jealousy that young wives might be seen by or interact with other boys or men. COVID has amplified adolescents’ distress—esp for girls. Girls in our research reported more restrictions on what they wore, who they spoke to, and whether they were allowed to ever leave home.
  29. For age related risks, social protection helps. As noted above, cash and vouchers reduce HH stress levels. Parents in our 2020 UNICEF work also observed that Hajati cash helps improve HH social connections and allows parents to provide their children with a bit of fun. Adolescents agreed. Several enthusiastically recounted family trips and several boys mentioned pocket money that let them have fun with friends.
  30. Our baseline found that Makani centres have been critical to providing children and adolescents with psychosocial support. They facilitate children’s interactions with one another, critical especially for girls who are rarely allowed to leave home, They connect young people with carefully trained adults who listen They help parents and adolescents learn to better communicate with one another, so that young people feel better supported at home, And they are improving social cohesion by helping Jordanian, Syrian and Palestinian adolescents learn that they are more the same than different. Support from Makani centres emerged as esp important during COVID, with Makani facilitators reaching out to young people to encourage them—not only in their studies, but in life In camps because the centres are run by Syrian volunteers – often seen as a way of strengthening community and giving back
  31. Adolescents who regularly attend Makani centres emerged in our qualitative work as generally more self-aware, better able to manage their emotions, and more self-confident. They were more likely to report that they had been taught to face problems—and were sure that they could solve them. We found that life-skills sessions were bolstered by opportunities for adolescents to do and lead Middle and older adolescents were delighted with chances to volunteer and contribute to their communities.
  32. Our research has also identified a number of ways in which Makani programming could better support adolescents’ psychosocial wellbeing. Most critical, given the importance of the parent-child relationship, are greater efforts to strengthen that bond between adolescents and their parents. Adolescents often reported being unable to talk to their parents. Some were worried about adding to their parents’ stress levels and others felt invisible. Makani KIs reported far more engagement with the parents of younger children compared to adolescents. Centres could build on ideas already in place for younger children (at least prior to COVID)—like father-son football matches. There is also a need for more engagement with parents on gender norms and how they contribute to girls' isolation and distress. Girls often reported that they would like to join Makani—but were not allowed. Makani Kis admitted that conversations with parents about gender are often so difficult, that they avoid them. When parents feel that their traditions are not valued, many refuse to continue participating. This leads to facilitators treading lightly. Married girls, as noted before, are almost entirely shut out. Marital families often refuse to allow girls to participate and even where girls have permission—they have such heavy domestic and childcare responsibilities that they can’t find the time.
  33. As noted above, unemployment and poverty rates are high in Jordan. The labour market has been unable to keep up with the influx of new workers—and for Syrian and Palestinian HHs, there are legal restrictions on what types of work are open. Of the HHs receiving Hajati, less than a third reported that fathers had any paid work. Women are shut out of the labour market almost entirely—Jordan has one of the world’s lowest rates of female labour force participation. Of the HHs receiving Hajati, only 5% reported that mothers had any paid work. COVID has significantly exacerbated unemployment and poverty, with HHs in camps—who do not have to worry about rent—faring better than HHs living in host communities and ITS.
  34. Due to HH poverty and age hierarches, few GAGE adolescents had controlled any money in the last year. While girls were disadvantaged, even older boys were unlikely to report having spent money in the last year. (although perhaps spending on cigarettes is normalised – although many gave up…) While most adolescents –girls and boys--reported wanting professional careers, few had realistic plans for helping them get there. On the whole, boys’ aspirations were lower—likely because they are expected to be providers and their dreams were better tempered by reality. Boys in particular have very little access to the TVET classes that might help them find decent work. While Jordanian boys largely don’t want those classes—refugees boys very much do.
  35. Social protection is critical to helping families make ends meet. Our 2017 work for UNHCR and UNICEF found that it takes both cash transfers and WFP food vouchers for most households to break even in terms of income and expenditures. Our 2020 work for UNICEF found that because earned income is low—household spending is reliant on social protection and charity. Households in that study took in only 47 JOD--$66-- per capita per month. The bulk of income was spent on rent and utilities. Respondents in our work are uniformly grateful for assistance—but many noted that transfers are barely sufficient for needs. The biggest issue is that too few HHs benefit from sustained support--—due to budget cuts. UNICEF’s cash transfer, which once support more than 55,000 children, was cut to only 10K before being expanded again due to COVID (and is still less than 30K). HHs living in camps, who pay no rent or utilities and have better access to food support, have fared better during COVID—even though they are not eligible for cash. This is also because transportation costs are more limited as schools and centres are within the camps.
  36. Alongside efforts to address HH poverty, there are some nascent efforts to use SP to help economically empower adolescents. UNICEF offers some scholarships to help adolescents access formal training programmes—and UNHCR is at least trying to get the word out about what programmes already exist. There were plans—prior to COVID—to scale up Hajati to support not just formal education, but skills training. The goal was to help adolescents and young adults to transition into decent—and sustained --work. Plans for this have been delayed due to COVID.
  37. Our research suggests that across capabilities, the most vulnerable adolescents in the most vulnerable families could be better supported through active case management. This could help HHs address the particular barriers and risks they face—whether they be child labor or gender-based violence. Currently HHs are visited on an annual basis to assess whether they will have continued access to UNHCR and UNICEF cash. Those visits, however, take no stock of non-economic needs. Several KIs from NGOs reported that through very active follow-up they had managed to get drop-out children re-enrolled, prevent child marriages, and help married girls escape violence. They emphasized that such efforts are very time intensive—but effective. Adolescents who took part in focus group discussions during our 2020 work for UNCIEF reported that they liked the idea of social workers—but that careful tailoring would be required. Some observed that their fathers would feel their authority encroached upon by social workers. Others noted that they did not want their fathers to know what they were worried about.
  38. To conclude, I would like to briefly recap what we’ve learned about how social protection can meet adolescents’ age- and gender- related needs in the context of forced displacement—both in general and during COVID. For each capability, I will touch on: What’s working? How is social protection supporting displaced young people? What could be improved? How could social protection better support displaced young people? What are the implications of COVID?