1. Lebanon
A Child Protection AssessmentA Child Protection AssessmentA Child Protection AssessmentA Child Protection Assessment
Palestinian Camps and GatheringsPalestinian Camps and GatheringsPalestinian Camps and GatheringsPalestinian Camps and Gatherings
Tyre, South LebanonTyre, South LebanonTyre, South LebanonTyre, South Lebanon
March 2009March 2009March 2009March 2009
Children in Borj el Chamali Camp, Tyre – South Lebanon
(Photograph supplied by Beit Atfal Assoumoud)

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Table of contentTable of contentTable of contentTable of content
Acknowledgments and Research Team Profiles
Executive Summary and RecommendationsExecutive Summary and RecommendationsExecutive Summary and RecommendationsExecutive Summary and Recommendations
Key findings: Child protection risks
Key findings:Gaps in the protective environment
Recommendations
Section One: ContextSection One: ContextSection One: ContextSection One: Context
Palestinian refugees in Lebanon
UNRWA
Palestinian camps throughout Lebanon
Structures of governance in the camps and key actors with regard to child protection
- Popular Committees
- Al-Kifah al-Musalah (Armed Struggle)
- Political Parties
- NGO Network
- Scouts
- UNRWA schools
Palestinian camps and gatherings in and around Tyre
Child population figures
Section Two: Purpose and Objectives of the AssessmentSection Two: Purpose and Objectives of the AssessmentSection Two: Purpose and Objectives of the AssessmentSection Two: Purpose and Objectives of the Assessment
How is child protection defined for this assessment?
Research methodology
Limitations of the research
Section Three: Assessment FindingsSection Three: Assessment FindingsSection Three: Assessment FindingsSection Three: Assessment Findings
3.1 Key child protection concerns
a) Children who drop-out of school
b) Child labour and exploitative working conditions
c) Child sexual abuse
d) Children’s exposure to conflict and violence
e) Children’s consumption of drugs, alcohol and tobacco
f) A lack of social space and activities for girls
3.2 Key gaps in the protective environment
a) Weak application and awareness of legislation to protect children from abuse
b) Parents have little faith in current actors and systems
c) No one is responsible for child welfare or protection within the Popular Committees
d) Children and young people have no forum to voice their opinions
e) Lack of co-ordination and networking between existing child protection actors
f) Poor child protection awareness amongst staff and volunteers working with children
g) An almost-total lack of services and recreational opportunities reaching children/youth in
the gatherings

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Section Four: Terre des hommes’ Recommendations for an Operational ResponseSection Four: Terre des hommes’ Recommendations for an Operational ResponseSection Four: Terre des hommes’ Recommendations for an Operational ResponseSection Four: Terre des hommes’ Recommendations for an Operational Response
List of recommendations
BibliographyBibliographyBibliographyBibliography
AppendicesAppendicesAppendicesAppendices
1: Map of Palestinian Camps in Lebanon
2: Tdh’s Community Conflict Transformation Approach
3: Record of Meetings and Interviews
4: Special Note on the Research Methodology and Focus Group Discussions
5: Diagram – The Protective Environment for Children
6: Diagram – Child Protection Governance Structures
7: Presentation of the activities of Terre des hommes Foundation in Lebanon
1.1.1.1.
AckowledgementsAckowledgementsAckowledgementsAckowledgements
The researchers would like to express their sincere thanks to all those who gave their
time, amidst busy schedules, to meet with us and discuss their projects, ideas and
experiences. In particular, we would like to extend our gratitude to Hassan Salem of the
Palestinian Boys and Girls Scouts Movement, not only for sharing his ideas with us on an
individual basis, but also for helping to arrange the focus group discussions with parents
and children.
Our special thanks also go to the parents and children who were willing to share their
experiences of living in the camps – we thank you for deepening our understanding of the
day to day reality of camp life.
We would also like to thank the individuals who assisted with by interpretation during
meetings and focus group discussions – Sara Hoballah, Rana Al Hariri, Majed El Bedeiwi
and Hala Chilbi.
The researchers would also like to acknowledge the support received from Tdh
Headquarters primarily through Mr. Yann Colliou, Program Manager for the Middle East
and North Africa Zone and his assistant Ms. Marie du Pontavice.
A note about quotationsA note about quotationsA note about quotationsA note about quotations
The quotations that appear throughout the text are, on the whole, interpretations from
Arabic. Whilst we trust they convey the true meaning the speakers intended, we
acknowledge they are approximate translations of the original speech.

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Terre des hommesTerre des hommesTerre des hommesTerre des hommes AAAAssessssessssessssessmentmentmentment TTTTeameameameam
Hassan Bahani: Tdh Child Protection Officer
Hannah Newth: Tdh Child Protection Consultant and Primary Author
Andy Mason: Community Harmonisation Consultant
Jason Squire: Tdh Country Delegate
Hassan BahaniHassan BahaniHassan BahaniHassan Bahani has 20 years experience working with local and international
organizations as a center manager, pedagogical coordinator, senior field officer in psycho-
social support, protection, income generation and children with special needs. In 2006
Hassan joined TDH as a Project Coordinator and currently holds the position of Child
Protection Officer for Lebanon and acts as a regional consultant for Tdh projects. Hassan
is still active in the Palestinian context as a training coordinator for the Palestinian Scouts
in Lebanon on the voluntary bases, specialized in social animation and play.
Hannah NewthHannah NewthHannah NewthHannah Newth has spent the majority of the past decade working with refugee children
in the UK. Her most recent post was as manager of a psycho-social support project aiming
to promote emotional wellbeing and integration of unaccompanied refugee children. She
was seconded to Tdh from Save the Children UK as part of their Child Protection in
Emergencies Trainee Scheme, and undertook the needs assessment as a component of her
training. Hannah has a Masters in International Child Welfare.
Andy MasonAndy MasonAndy MasonAndy Mason spent ten years in organisational development and conflict resolution in the
UK before moving to Sri Lanka in 2002. Here he worked for five years with local NGOs
and people affected by the Tsunami and War. His main focus was on relationship
building among communities and local organisations. In 2008 he joined Tdh as a
Community Harmonisation Consultant on their Iraqi refugee project in Lebanon, Syria
and Jordan. Andy holds a Masters in Peace and Conflict Studies.
JasoJasoJasoJason Squiren Squiren Squiren Squire joined Tdh in 2004 and has carried out various child protection roles within
the organisation, in numerous delegations globally. Jason is the current Country Delegate
and has worked in Lebanon since 2007. His background is mainly in human service
delivery and working with communities. Jason holds degrees in labour relations and a
Masters in Education, focusing on adult learning.

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Executive SummaryExecutive SummaryExecutive SummaryExecutive Summary
Terre des hommes Foundation Lausanne (Tdh) carried out the following needs assessment
in the Palestinian camps and gatherings around Tyre, South Lebanon between November
2008 and March 2009.
The aims of the assessment were:
•••• To establish children’s protection needsTo establish children’s protection needsTo establish children’s protection needsTo establish children’s protection needs in the camps and gatherings through
identifying the major risks to their safety and well-being
•••• To examine how current formal and informal structures, systems and actors areTo examine how current formal and informal structures, systems and actors areTo examine how current formal and informal structures, systems and actors areTo examine how current formal and informal structures, systems and actors are
working to protect childrenworking to protect childrenworking to protect childrenworking to protect children from the identified risks
•••• To identify gaps in the protective environment for childrenTo identify gaps in the protective environment for childrenTo identify gaps in the protective environment for childrenTo identify gaps in the protective environment for children
The assessment focused on the three camps of El Buss, Borj El Chamali and Rashidiyeh,
and the eleven gatherings in the Tyre area. Together, they have a total population of
around 70,405; 34% of whom are estimated to be children (approx. 23,937).
The assessment was carried out using an ‘action-oriented’ research approach. During this
process 36 interviews were conducted and meetings were held with a range of key actors
including community leaders, staff from international and local NGOs and UN
representatives. Tdh also held seven focus group discussions (FGD) with parents and
children inside the camps. The findings reflect both the views and experiences that were
shared by all participants, as well as information documented in existing reports and
research.
Key findings: Child protection risksKey findings: Child protection risksKey findings: Child protection risksKey findings: Child protection risks
Child protection is defined as work which aims to prevent, respond to and resolve the
abuse, neglect, exploitation and violence experienced by children in all settings.
The following were consistently raised as major child protection concerns by parents,
children, I/NGO staff and community leaders:
1.1.1.1. The number of children who dropThe number of children who dropThe number of children who dropThe number of children who drop----out of schoolout of schoolout of schoolout of school
Approximately one-third of children over the age of ten either drop out of school before
completing their primary education, or have never attended school at all.
The reasons given for the high level of school drop-outs are:
•••• Lack of motivation. Palestinians face severe restrictions on their right to access
employment. In such a context, parents and children questioned the value of
completing their education.
•••• Physical violence from teachers. UNRWA have recently taken steps to ban the use of
corporal punishment in schools, but interviewees still cited this as a key reason for
children not wanting to attend school.
•••• The family’s poor economic situation. Whilst children’s wages were reported to be
very low, some parents still require their children to contribute to the family income.

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2.2.2.2. Child labour linked to financial exploitation and abuseChild labour linked to financial exploitation and abuseChild labour linked to financial exploitation and abuseChild labour linked to financial exploitation and abuse
Interviewees spoke of exploitative employers, very poor wages, a lack of training and
physically inappropriate demands being placed on working children. There was also a
widely held view that children in the work place are at higher risk of physical
punishment and sexual abuse.
3.3.3.3. Child sexual abuseChild sexual abuseChild sexual abuseChild sexual abuse
A formerly taboo and undiscussed topic, interviewees at every level spoke of child sexual
abuse as a growing concern. They often linked it to the work place, but mothers, in
particular, also expressed concerns about child sexual abuse perpetrated by family
relatives in the home.
4.4.4.4. Children’s exposure to coChildren’s exposure to coChildren’s exposure to coChildren’s exposure to conflict and violencenflict and violencenflict and violencenflict and violence
The pervading political, social and economic conditions in Lebanon result in Palestinian
children either witnessing or becoming involved in conflict-related violence on a daily
basis, both inside and outside the camps and gatherings. Children spoke of the fear
generated by the recent conflict in Gaza and of conflicts which often erupt between
Lebanese and Palestinian youth outside the camps. Within the camps and gatherings,
political dynamics, a lack of space to play, overcrowding, poverty and unemployment
create an atmosphere that is often charged with tension and stress leading to frequent
conflict between community members, families, UNWRA, service providers and political
structures of governance.
5.5.5.5. Children’s consumption of drugs, alcoChildren’s consumption of drugs, alcoChildren’s consumption of drugs, alcoChildren’s consumption of drugs, alcohol and tobaccohol and tobaccohol and tobaccohol and tobacco
Many of the adults interviewed were concerned about a rise in the smoking of cigarettes
and narguilé, and in the consumption of alcohol – all generally amongst boys and male
adolescents. There is also a perceived rise in the number of children both taking and
being asked to distribute illegal drugs.
6.6.6.6. A lack of social space and activities for girlsA lack of social space and activities for girlsA lack of social space and activities for girlsA lack of social space and activities for girls
Professionals were concerned about the potential for girls to become isolated within the
family home. There are few female-only youth clubs or social opportunities, so if a girl’s
parents are unhappy for her to mix with boys, she can become very isolated.
Key findings: Gaps in the protective environmentKey findings: Gaps in the protective environmentKey findings: Gaps in the protective environmentKey findings: Gaps in the protective environment
Both the Tdh assessment and existing research show that the protective environment in
the camps and gatherings is weak. Tdh analysis suggests the following reasons:
1. Weak application and awareness of legislation to protect children from abuse
Interviews and FGD’s revealed very poor knowledge of existing legislation (Law 422)
which protects all children in Lebanon from abuse. Equally there was poor awareness of
NGOs with specific expertise in child abuse and protection, resulting in weak referral
pathways and assistance for children at risk.

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2. Parents have little faith in current actors and system2. Parents have little faith in current actors and system2. Parents have little faith in current actors and system2. Parents have little faith in current actors and systemssss
Parents expect little or no support from key duty bearers (The Popular Committee, The
Armed Struggle, Opposition Line (Al-Tahaluf), school directors, etc.) when their children
are exposed to abuse, violence, exploitation or conflict.
3. No one is respo3. No one is respo3. No one is respo3. No one is responsible for child welfare or protection within the Popularnsible for child welfare or protection within the Popularnsible for child welfare or protection within the Popularnsible for child welfare or protection within the Popular
Committees or Opposition Line (AlCommittees or Opposition Line (AlCommittees or Opposition Line (AlCommittees or Opposition Line (Al----Tahaluf)Tahaluf)Tahaluf)Tahaluf)
The camps and gatherings lack a focal point for child protection concerns, and
community members have no one within the Popular Committee or opposition line who
they see as responsible for issues regarding children’s welfare.
4. Children and young people have no forum to voice their opinions4. Children and young people have no forum to voice their opinions4. Children and young people have no forum to voice their opinions4. Children and young people have no forum to voice their opinions
Children who participated in FGD’s showed a heightened awareness of their rights
providing evidence that substantial work has been done in this area. However, they lack a
forum or social space to express their opinions and feel that their voices are not heard.
5. Lack of co5. Lack of co5. Lack of co5. Lack of co----ordination, shared data and networking between existing childordination, shared data and networking between existing childordination, shared data and networking between existing childordination, shared data and networking between existing child
protection actorsprotection actorsprotection actorsprotection actors
Information sharing, co-ordination and service awareness is poor. The networks that have
been established in the north of the country, following the destruction of Nahed al
Bahred, have not been replicated in the southern camps and gatherings, which also need
the same.
6666. Poor child protection awareness amongst staff and volunteers working with. Poor child protection awareness amongst staff and volunteers working with. Poor child protection awareness amongst staff and volunteers working with. Poor child protection awareness amongst staff and volunteers working with
childrenchildrenchildrenchildren
Major actors such as the Scout Association and some local NGOs employ staff and
volunteers who receive no child protection training on how to identify and respond to
children protection risks.
7.7.7.7. There are limited services and recreational opportunities reachingThere are limited services and recreational opportunities reachingThere are limited services and recreational opportunities reachingThere are limited services and recreational opportunities reaching
children/youth in the gatheringschildren/youth in the gatheringschildren/youth in the gatheringschildren/youth in the gatherings
Children and youth in gatherings face limited or non-uniformed child focused
services. There are some gatherings which are well served, such as Qasmiyeh but
others have very few activities or actors working with children and youth.
RecommendationsRecommendationsRecommendationsRecommendations
In order to strengthen the protective environment for Palestinian children in the camps
and gatherings around Tyre, Tdh recommends the range of interventions and measures
below. The forthcoming Tdh project will provide an operational response in some of
these areas; other recommendations are intended for duty bearers such as the Popular
Committees, Opposition Line (Al-Tahaluf) UNRWA and other child-focused I/NGOs.
The following recommendations are not made in priority order:
1. Children are empowered to speak up and receive action-based support against all
forms of abuse, violence and exploitation.

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2. A co-ordination body focused on child protection is established specifically for the
Palestinian camps and gatherings around Tyre.
3. The Popular Committees and Opposition Line (Al-Tahaluf) have a representative
responsible for child welfare that is accessible and a point of contact for children
and community members.
4. A child protection focal point is established within each camp and gathering where
children and parents can raise concerns about all child protection risks
confidentially.
5. There is greater awareness of current legislation, particularly Law 422 and referral
pathways to protect children who are victims of abuse and ill treatment.
6. Increased recognition is given to Al-Kifah al-Musalah (Armed Struggle) as one of
the primary ‘policing’ actors who investigate and intervene in child protection
focussed conflict and events within the Palestinian camps, with a view to raising
their awareness on child protection principles and good practice.
7. Increased recognition is given to the role played by Scout groups in the protective
environment and support is given to build their capacity as child protection actors
encouraging clear links with existing child protection networks within the
Palestinian Camps and gatherings.
8. Community conflict transformation initiatives seek to address conflicts where they
impact on child protection risks matched with on-going community based coaching
following theoretical inputs.
9. Research is conducted with Palestinian working children to generate improved
knowledge on their condition of employment, its impact on their development,
education and well being.
10. Research is conducted with Palestinian communities on the commercial sexual
exploitation of children with a view to examining the extent and concrete actions to
prevent or to enforce the investigation and application of current law.

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SectionSectionSectionSection OOOOne: Contextne: Contextne: Contextne: Context
Palestinian refugees in LebanonPalestinian refugees in LebanonPalestinian refugees in LebanonPalestinian refugees in Lebanon
Lebanon has been host to Palestinian refugees since 1948, when approximately 140,000
Palestinians1 came to seek refuge at the outbreak of the first Arab-Israeli conflict. Just
over sixty years later, the Palestinian population in Lebanon now stands at around
416,6082 and accounts for approximately one tenth of the country’s total population.3
It is widely acknowledged that when compared with fellow refugees living Syria and
Jordan, Palestinians in Lebanon face levels of discrimination and exclusion unequalled
elsewhere in the region.4 A recent ECHO report underlined this difference in their status
and treatment:
‘The Palestinians in Syria and Jordan are fairly well integrated into the social and
economic life of their host countries. Although Palestinians in Syria lack Syrian
citizenship and Palestinians in Jordan seem to be discriminated against in at least
the public sector, they are not considered outcasts and undesirables, as the
Palestinians in Lebanon are.’5
This position is mainly due to the role that Palestinians have played in the instability and
conflict that has dominated much of Lebanon’s recent history. Arguably, Palestinians are
blamed for igniting the fifteen year civil war in Lebanon (1975 -1990)6 and resent them
for heightening conflict and tensions with Israel. Since the end of the Civil War, the
country’s carefully guarded confessional balance between Christians, Shi’ite and Sunni
Muslims and the perceived threat to that balance of granting the mainly Sunni Palestinian
population tawtin (naturalisation or permanent settlement), serve as rationale for denying
Palestinians their basic civil, political and economic rights.7
With no right to citizenship, Palestinians are seen as ‘stateless citizens’ in Lebanon.
According to Lebanese law, foreigners are subject to reciprocity agreements in order to
benefit from Lebanon’s public services, but as stateless citizens, the Palestinian position
leaves them unable to benefit from such arrangements. The Lebanese authorities
consequently take no responsibility for the provision of services to Palestinians refugees,
leaving the United Nation’s Relief and Works Agency (UNRWA) as their principal source
of social, economic and material support. Controversially within UNRWA’s service
1 International Crisis Group (2009:4)
2 UNRWA http://www.un.org/unrwa/publications/index.html Accessed on 26.2.09 However, figures
generally vary between 400 – 600,000 (Ugland, 2003):16
3 Amnesty International (2006).
4 See ECHO (2008); International Crisis Group (2009)
5 ECHO (2008) : 37
6 Knudsen, A. (2007)
7 Knudsen, A. (2007)

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obligation is the continual crisis of registered, non-registered and non-ID Palestinian
refugees.
‘Registered refugees’Registered refugees’Registered refugees’Registered refugees’ are Palestinians who are registered with both UNRWA and the
Lebanese authorities. Statistics on the numbers of registered refugees are said to be
unreliable for two main reasons: a) registration is voluntarily, and primarily for the
purpose of receiving UNRWA services and b) Palestinians remain registered despite
moving permanently abroad.8
Lebanon also hosts approximately 35,000 ‘nonnonnonnon----registered’ refugeesregistered’ refugeesregistered’ refugeesregistered’ refugees who, despite being
registered with the Lebanese authorities, are not registered with UNRWA. They mostly
took refuge in Lebanon as a result of the 1967 Arab-Israeli conflict.
The third group of Palestinians in Lebanon are the ‘non‘non‘non‘non----ID refugees’ID refugees’ID refugees’ID refugees’ who are not
registered with any authority, often have no form of identification, and receive no
services from either UNRWA or the Lebanese authorities. According to The Danish
Refugee Council, they number approximately 2,200 in Lebanon currently.9
Palestinians are largely confined to living in the country’s twelve refugee camps and fifty
six gatherings10, denied basic public services and property rights, and prohibited by law
from entering into many forms of employment. Unemployment and poverty levels are
high; reports stating that between 80 and 90% of the population live below the poverty
line.11
UNRWAUNRWAUNRWAUNRWA ---- United Nation’s Relief and Works AgencyUnited Nation’s Relief and Works AgencyUnited Nation’s Relief and Works AgencyUnited Nation’s Relief and Works Agency
UNRWA was created in 1949 to provide a direct relief and works programme for
Palestinian refugees. Despite being initially established as a temporary organisation, the
lack of any other durable solution to the ‘Palestinian question’ has meant that its mandate
has been repeatedly renewed over the years. The current mandate is set to expire in
2011.12 UNRWA provides the official Palestinian camps in Lebanon with basic services:
schools, health clinics, social services and infrastructure. The regional UNRWA mandate
does not require the organisation to supply secondary education or hospitalisation, but
due to the exceptional restrictions placed on Palestinian’s access to state schools and
health services in Lebanon, UNRWA has been obliged to run secondary schools and
provide a limited form of hospital care. UNRWA will also contribute towards the costs of
serious medical treatment such as heart and brain surgery and cancer treatment.
8 DRC (2005):11 and ECHO (2008):10
9 Interview with The Danish Refugee Council 6.2.09. For more information on Non-ID refugees, see DRC
(2007)
10 Number of gatherings is taken from the DRC Needs Assessment (2005)
11 See Save the Children Sweden (2008):30 and Ugland, F (2005):159
12 See http://www.un.org/unrwa/overview/index.html Accessed 2.3.09

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Of its own admittance, UNRWA has been struggling to meet the needs of the refugee
population in Lebanon.13 A decline in funding, coupled with serious crises, such as the
destruction of Nahr El Bared camp in 2007, has left UNRWA with significant funding
deficits that affect the quality of service provision. The UNRWA website states that:
“Today, all 12 official refugee camps in the Lebanon Field suffer from serious
problems - no proper infrastructure, overcrowding, poverty and unemployment.
The Lebanon Field has the highest percentage of Palestine refugees who are living
in abject poverty and who are registered with the Agency's "special hardship"
programme” 14
Participants in interviews and focus group discussions expressed significant dissatisfaction
with many of the services provided by UNRWA, particularly in the areas of health and
education.
Palestinian camps throughout LebanoPalestinian camps throughout LebanoPalestinian camps throughout LebanoPalestinian camps throughout Lebanonnnn
There are twelve official refugee camps in Lebanon which are serviced by UNRWA
(Appendix 1)(Appendix 1)(Appendix 1)(Appendix 1). They all occupy the same area of land as was first granted in the 1950s,
with the inevitable consequence that space has become a critical issue. All camps,
including those in the Tyre area, are overcrowded and amongst the most densely
populated urban areas in the world.15
Security is tight with a constant presence of Lebanese military around the camps.
Lebanese army checkpoints are placed at the entrance to each camp, which Palestinians
must pass through in order to enter their homes and foreign visitors are required to gain a
permit from the Lebanese army prior to entry. Not only are the checkpoints a source of
resentment amongst Palestinians but, as Amnesty International state, they also reinforce
‘a perception that [Palestinians] are outsiders and a potential threat rather than refugees
in need of protection’16
Child Protection Governance Structures (Appendix 6)Child Protection Governance Structures (Appendix 6)Child Protection Governance Structures (Appendix 6)Child Protection Governance Structures (Appendix 6)
Popular CommitteesPopular CommitteesPopular CommitteesPopular Committees
The Popular Committees are the main official body of governance in the camps and
gatherings. At their inception they were intended to represent all residents, so included a
representative of every political party and professional union. Over time their unity has
been affected by political disputes with the result that their members today are mostly
aligned with the PLO or pro-PLO factions, but not all members. Whilst attempts have
been made to encourage democratic elections for positions on the Committees, their
13 See communication with Salvatore Lombardo, UNRWA Lebanon Director in International Crisis Group
(2009):23
14 UNRWA website: http://www.un.org/unrwa/refugees/lebanon.html Accessed 12.3.09
15 http://www.un.org.lb/Subpage.aspx?pageid=65 Accessed 2.3.09
16 Amnesty International (2007): 4

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members are currently nominated by the political parties rather than voted for by the
camp population.
The Popular Committees play the role of a municipality, and are responsible for
overseeing services such as refuse collection, water, electricity and sewage, as well as
solving small scale conflicts.17 They also act as the main focal point for liaison between
camp residents, UNRWA and the Lebanese authorities.
AlAlAlAl----Kifah alKifah alKifah alKifah al----MusalahMusalahMusalahMusalah
Al- Kifah al-Musalah (commonly translated as ‘The Armed Struggle’) is responsible for
maintaining security, law and order within the camps. Formed as part of the Cairo
Agreement in 1968 and also aligned with the PLO, the Armed Struggle carry out security
surveillance by patrolling the camps. They will also work with the Popular Committees to
resolve internal disputes and act as a primary ‘policing’ body for investigation and
intervention on child protection focussed events, such as: family conflict, youth conflict
and children who breach camp rules.
It is also recognised their knowledge of child protection principles and good practice is
low and this leads to difficulties in mediation and actions with child protection focussed
events.
Political partiesPolitical partiesPolitical partiesPolitical parties
According to the recent ECHO (2008) report, there are 23 Palestinian political factions in
Lebanon, which are all represented in the camps.18 The main Fatah-Hamas division is the
most prominent feature of the political scene amongst Palestinians, with parties being
aligned with either the PLO (and Fatah) or The Alliance of Palestinian Forces - the
Tahaluf (and Hamas). According to The International Crisis group, a third division also
exists consisting of Jihadi-leaning Islamist forces.19
Whilst it is not the concentration of this report to examine the different political groups
and alliances in depth, it is worth noting that the political parties do play an important
role in overseeing the welfare of their members. Many services and actors within the
camps, including NGOs, clinics, kindergartens and Scout groups will be aligned with
either the PLO or Tahaluf parties. Leaders of the political parties will often intervene and
mediate in disputes or other problems on behalf of members. Parents in focus group
discussions frequently spoke of turning to the political parties for support with social
issues and concerns. Equivalent structures to the Popular Committee and The Armed
Struggle, whilst not having the same official recognition, also exist with the Tahaluf
(Hamas-aligned) parties.
17 Echo (2008): 37
18 For more information see ECHO (2008):38-40
19 See International Crisis Group (2009): 1

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Network of NGOsNetwork of NGOsNetwork of NGOsNetwork of NGOs
There are numerous local NGOs working with children inside the camps in the Tyre area.
As a general overview they commonly offer kindergartens, youth centres, which are often
linked to vocational training and remedial classes, and training or awareness-raising
sessions on topics such as women’s and children’s rights, domestic violence and other
social issues.
Some, such as the General Union of Palestinian Women or The Human Charity for Relief
and Development receive funds directly from political parties and others are politically
aligned. Indeed, the reality of the Palestinian context means that operating in a
completely neutral manner without any political affiliations can be rare.
Staff working for these NGOs, especially youth centre managers and social workers,
clearly play an important role with regard to the protection of children in the camps.
ScoutsScoutsScoutsScouts
Scout groups, of various political persuasions, are a major actor amongst children and
young people in the camps. Relying heavily on a spirit of volunteerism, they are able to
maintain themselves on limited funds, allowing them much more independence from
international NGOs and donors than the local NGOs. This may partially explain why
their importance as a major child protection actor is often overlooked.
Scout groups are open to both girls and boys, between the ages of 5 and 23. For weekly
meetings and activities, they are divided into groups according to age. At the upper end,
the members themselves become leaders.
As mentioned above, Scout groups are divided and formed along political lines. The most
significant player is the Palestinian Boys and Girl Scouts Association. Formed in Palestine
in 1912 but reformed in exile, the Association was officially registered with the World
Organisation of the Scout Movement (WOSM) in 1996. They are directly linked with the
Palestinian Liberation Organisation.
Hamas also has its own Scout groups in the camps, although they are generally smaller.
The various Scout groups’ main aims are generally to pass on knowledge of Palestinian
cultural identity and history, to generate a sense of social responsibility and create an
awareness of environmental and public health issues. Promoting an awareness of
children’s rights and agency also features as a common theme throughout activities. 20
Leaders will often visit families in their homes to follow-up on social issues and concerns
that arise amongst the children. They also organise occasional awareness raising sessions
with parents.
20 Information from interviews with various Scout leaders (See Appendix 3) and leaflet entitled ‘National
Palestinian Scouts’ from Beit Atfal Assoumoud

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In the Tyre area it was estimated that approximately 3,150 children and young people
(between the ages of 6 and 23 years) attend Scout groups on a weekly basis.21 Borj El
Chamali alone has five different Scout groups operating in the camp.22 One Scout Leader
interviewed expressed the opinion that Scout Leaders in general have much more direct
contact with children and families in the camps than the Popular Committees. He felt
that the Popular Committee and The Armed Struggle were more involved in adults’
problems whereas the Scouts were the main body intervening on children’s issues.23
As a result of these child and youth focused actions and activities the Scout Groups and
their members are respected and trusted child and youth actors in Palestinian Camps and
gatherings.
Staff in UNRWA schoolsStaff in UNRWA schoolsStaff in UNRWA schoolsStaff in UNRWA schools
UNRWA has recently been introducing measures to improve awareness of child
protection issues amongst teachers. Tdh was told that a child protection policy with an
accompanying complaints procedure was about to be launched into UNRWA schools.24 It
is also understood that school counsellors and psychosocial support teachers are being
trained to work in UNRWA schools.
Palestinian camps and gatherings in and around TyrePalestinian camps and gatherings in and around TyrePalestinian camps and gatherings in and around TyrePalestinian camps and gatherings in and around Tyre
The focus of this needs assessment was the camps and gatherings in the Tyre area, in
southern Lebanon. Whilst this area was the focal point in terms of meetings with the
Poplar Committees and FGDs, many of the key informants interviewed for the assessment
were representatives of organisations which have a country-wide presence and were
therefore talking from a national perspective. Tdh would therefore suggest that the
majority of the findings have equal relevance to camps and gatherings elsewhere in
Lebanon.
CampsCampsCampsCamps
There are three official UNRWA camps in the Tyre area:
CampCampCampCamp Population (registered)Population (registered)Population (registered)Population (registered) 25252525 LocationLocationLocationLocation SituationSituationSituationSituation
Borj El ChamaliBorj El ChamaliBorj El ChamaliBorj El Chamali 19, 074 individuals East of Tyre
El BussEl BussEl BussEl Buss 9,508 individuals Adjacent to Tyre
City
The most urban of the camps
RashidiehRashidiehRashidiehRashidieh 29,361 individuals 7 km south of Tyre Largest of the camps
21 Interview with Hassan Salem, Country Delegate, The Palestinian Boys and Girls Scout Association 13.2.09
22 Interview with Nadar Said, deputy Director, El Howli Scouts Association 26.11.08
23 Interview with a group of prominent representatives of the Palestinian Boys and Girls Scout Association
7.1.09
24 Interview with Mahmoud Ziedan, UNRWA Human Rights Supervisor, 3.12.08
25 All statistics on camp population from http://www.un.org/unrwa/refugees/lebanon.html Accessed 2.3.09

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Registered, non-registered and non-ID refugees live in the camps and gatherings,
therefore the statistics presented above are of registered refugees only and are likely to be
an underestimate of the true numbers living in the camps in the Tyre region.
GatheringsGatheringsGatheringsGatherings
In addition to the official camps, it is estimated that around 63,000 Palestinian refugees
live in unofficial settlements or gatherings throughout Lebanon as a whole.26 These are
plots of land where refugees have settled but which are not managed by UNRWA, and
have no other official authority responsible for management or provision of services.
They live as a distinct group of Palestinians set apart from the Lebanese community.
There are eleven gatherings in the Tyre area.27
GatheringGatheringGatheringGathering Population (individuals)Population (individuals)Population (individuals)Population (individuals) HouseholdsHouseholdsHouseholdsHouseholds
AdlounAdlounAdlounAdloun 1,000 180
BaysariyehBaysariyehBaysariyehBaysariyeh 600 137
BurghliyehBurghliyehBurghliyehBurghliyeh 600 111
ItaniyehItaniyehItaniyehItaniyeh 450 90
Jal El BaherJal El BaherJal El BaherJal El Baher 2,200 450
Jim JimJim JimJim JimJim Jim 300 51
Kfar BaddaKfar BaddaKfar BaddaKfar Badda 700 120
MaashoukMaashoukMaashoukMaashouk 1,600 312
QasmiehQasmiehQasmiehQasmieh 2,430 450
ShabrihaShabrihaShabrihaShabriha 1,382 256
WastaWastaWastaWasta 1,200 240
Child population figuresChild population figuresChild population figuresChild population figures
Tdh has found no reliable data on the number of children living in the camps and
gatherings in the Tyre area. However, it is estimated that 34% of registered Palestinian
refugees are under the age of 18.28 Therefore, a calculation taken from available data
(presented above) would lead to an estimate of around 23,937 Palestinian children living
in the camps and gatherings in and around Tyre.
Household size amongst Palestinians in Lebanon is reported to be 3.79 or 3.8 depending
on sources.29
26 ECHO (2008):9
27 Danish Refugee Council (2005): vii-viiii
28 Save the Children Sweden (2008)
29 The Palestinian Central Bureau of Statistics reported the average household size of Palestinian refugees in
Lebanon in 2006 to be 3.8. See
http://www.pcbs.gov.ps/Portals/_pcbs/PressRelease/FINAL%20COPY%20REFUGEE%20DAY%20Edit.pdf.
See also UNRWA who report it as 3.79 in 2008:
http://www.un.org/unrwa/publications/pdf/family_size.pdf Both websites accessed on 17.3.09

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SectionSectionSectionSection TTTTwo: Purpose, Objectives and Methodologywo: Purpose, Objectives and Methodologywo: Purpose, Objectives and Methodologywo: Purpose, Objectives and Methodology
The purpose of the assessment was to ascertain whether there is a need and sufficient
humanitarian space in the southern camps and gatherings for Tdh intervention in coming
years; and, if so, what the potential role for the organisation could be.
To this end, the main objectives of the assessment were:
•••• To establish children’s protection needsTo establish children’s protection needsTo establish children’s protection needsTo establish children’s protection needs through identifying the major
risks to children’s safety and well-being; and by identifying where children
required greater protection to be able to develop and enjoy their rights, as laid
out in the UNCRC.
•••• To examine at how current formal and informal structures, systems andTo examine at how current formal and informal structures, systems andTo examine at how current formal and informal structures, systems andTo examine at how current formal and informal structures, systems and
actors are working to protect childrenactors are working to protect childrenactors are working to protect childrenactors are working to protect children from the identified risks.
•••• To identify gaps in the protective environment for children.To identify gaps in the protective environment for children.To identify gaps in the protective environment for children.To identify gaps in the protective environment for children. Where
formal and informal structures, systems and actors are failing to protect
children, the research sought to ascertain how protection mechanisms could
be strengthened to create a more protective environment for children.
How is child protection defined for this assessment?How is child protection defined for this assessment?How is child protection defined for this assessment?How is child protection defined for this assessment?
Child protection, as a discreet area of programming, is still a newly emerging field in some
contexts.30 It is often poorly understood, or confused with social protection, humanitarian
protection, or the protection of all children’s rights. Child protection is a more specific
field. For the purposes of this report, it is defined as work which aims to:
“prevent, respond to, and resolve the abuse, neglect, exploitation and violence“prevent, respond to, and resolve the abuse, neglect, exploitation and violence“prevent, respond to, and resolve the abuse, neglect, exploitation and violence“prevent, respond to, and resolve the abuse, neglect, exploitation and violence
experienced by children in all settingsexperienced by children in all settingsexperienced by children in all settingsexperienced by children in all settings”31313131
For Terre des hommes, the four main pillars of child protection are32:
•••• It is rightsrightsrightsrights----basedbasedbasedbased: all children are entitled to protection as laid out in the
UNCRC.
•••• It is primarily a state responsibilityprimarily a state responsibilityprimarily a state responsibilityprimarily a state responsibility: only where and when a state cannot
meet its responsibility to protect is it charged with enabling the provision of
humanitarian action by impartial organisations.
•••• It is delivered in accordance with humanitarian principals of nonnonnonnon----
discriminationdiscriminationdiscriminationdiscrimination and respect for all human beingsrespect for all human beingsrespect for all human beingsrespect for all human beings.
30 In Lebanon, ‘protection’ is currently undergoing a significant rise in profile within the Palestinian context.
At the time of research, UNRWA was establishing a new protection unit with a mandate to focus on the
prevention of violence, including a reduction in domestic violence and sexual abuse of children, amongst other
protection initiatives (Information gained from Early Recovery Inter-Cluster Forum Minutes, 30th Oct. 2008).
ECHO has recently introduced ‘protection’ as a new programme area for potential funding.
31 Save the Children Alliance (2007):7 See also Unicef: “What is child protection?”
http://www.unicef.org/protection/files/What_is_Child_Protection.pdf Accessed 3.3.09
32 Adapted from Terre des hommes (2008a): 16

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•••• It empowers people to be actors in their own protectionempowers people to be actors in their own protectionempowers people to be actors in their own protectionempowers people to be actors in their own protection: Even in cases of
humanitarian crisis and within a weak state, communities have their own
child protection and coping mechanisms, only often children do not benefit
from them. Intervention should always take into account the community’s
own coping mechanisms and seek to ensure that they are available and
connected to children.
Given that the current needs assessment was intended to be child protection-focused,
participants in interviews and FGDs were asked to comment on their primary concerns
regarding the safety of children in the camps and gatherings, and to state what they saw
as threats to children’s safety and wellbeing. The responses from participants often
included concerns that would usually be associated with the fields of education, health
and livelihoods.
Whilst it is important to acknowledge that child protection work requires a multi-
disciplinary, multi-sectorial approach, this assessment does not report on findings where
they are deemed to relate more closely to the fields of health or education. Many
participants did raise serious concerns about children’s access to health services and about
the quality of children’s education in the camps and gatherings. However, the findings
listed below are protection-specific and thus relate to children’s exposure to all forms of
abuse, neglect, exploitation and violence.
MethodologyMethodologyMethodologyMethodology
The needs assessment was carried out over a five month period from the beginning of
November 2008 to the end of March 2009.
It was carried out using an ‘action-oriented’ research approach. This approach is chosen
by Terre des hommes as it is best suited to research where the principal objective is to
provide timely and appropriate programme responses to identified needs. It has been
described as research which ‘collects information needed for an action to take place, in
order to design practical solutions to practical problems.33’ It is a dynamic process
whereby information is continuously collected and analysed, programmes are designed,
then further information is gathered to check the results. (Appendix 4)(Appendix 4)(Appendix 4)(Appendix 4)
In line with this process, the needs assessment had four distinct phases as laid out below.
Findings were largely based on the outcomes of meetings, interviews and focus group
discussions with key actors, children and parents.
Phase One:Phase One:Phase One:Phase One:
Phase one consisted of a desk review of existing literature, examining current knowledge
on the situation of Palestinian children throughout Lebanon. This was carried out
simultaneously to holding meetings with the Popular Committees in each of the camps
and several of the gatherings in the Tyre area. The objective of these meetings was to
33 The Regional Working Group on Child Labour (2002): 4

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inform the Popular Committees of the purpose of the assessment and gain their consent to
talk to members of the community.
Phase Two:Phase Two:Phase Two:Phase Two:
The second phase consisted of meetings and semi-structured interviews with key actors in
the camps and gatherings. The research team consisted of four members: one focusing on
overall co-ordination and coherence with Tdh’s principles of practice, two focusing on
children’s protection risks, and one, an external community conflict transformation
consultant, who carried out separate interviews focusing on conflict transformation
activities. (Appendix 2)Appendix 2)Appendix 2)Appendix 2)
The child protection-focused researchers carried out a total of 24 different interviews and
held meeting with around 50 key actors, in addition to the six meetings held with
members of the Popular Committees. These actors included representatives of UNRWA,
Opposition Line (Al-Tahaluf) and staff from international and local NGOs. (Appendix 3)(Appendix 3)(Appendix 3)(Appendix 3)
PhasePhasePhasePhase TTTThree:hree:hree:hree:
The third phase consisted of community-based focus group discussions with children,
young people and parents. A total of 47 children and young people between the ages of 10
and 18 years took part in four focus group discussions, and 36 parents participated in a
further three FGDs. The children and parents were all contacted through the Palestinian
Boys and Girls Scout Movement, and discussions took place at community centres inside
the three camps. (Appendix 4)(Appendix 4)(Appendix 4)(Appendix 4)
Phase Four:Phase Four:Phase Four:Phase Four:
Having gathered information from a wide range of participants, the research team
analysed findings. The qualitative data gained during meetings, interviews and FGDs was
cross-referenced with existing reports and research where available. Findings and
potential Tdh responses were then tested again with key informants, including members
of the Popular Committees, Opposition Line (Al-Tahaluf) and Scout leaders.
Limitations of the researchLimitations of the researchLimitations of the researchLimitations of the research
Child participation:Child participation:Child participation:Child participation: One of the core principals of Terre des hommes programming is that
children should actively participate in programme development and research should be as
‘child led’ as possible. The views of children were actively sought and listened to during
focus group discussions and the opinions they shared with researchers were taken into
account during the analysis and programme design stages.
Data:Data:Data:Data: The data gathered during the needs assessment was largely qualitative with findings
based on the experiences and opinions of key informants. Tdh did not gather quantitative
data for this assessment, and recognises that there are limitations to this report as a result.
However, it is important to note that there is a general lack of baseline data on Palestinian
children, especially with regard to protection-related issues such as child labour, school
drop-outs, incidence of abuse and early marriage. Data and statistics where they are
publicly available are often inconsistent and highlight the lack of shared tools for
measuring baseline data in the Palestinian context.

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SectionSectionSectionSection Three: Assessment FThree: Assessment FThree: Assessment FThree: Assessment Findingsindingsindingsindings
3.1 C3.1 C3.1 C3.1 Child protection needshild protection needshild protection needshild protection needs
Key areas of concernsKey areas of concernsKey areas of concernsKey areas of concerns:
The following were consistently raised as key child protection concerns by all participants
- parents, children, I/NGO staff and community leaders alike:
a)a)a)a) Children who dropChildren who dropChildren who dropChildren who drop----out of school:out of school:out of school:out of school:
Participants spoke of children regularly dropping out of school from the age of 10 years
upwards. Anecdotally, members of the Popular Committee and Follow-up Committee34
for the three camps estimated that 20 – 30% of children in a class drop out of school in
any given academic year, and a representative of the Popular Committee in Jel El Baher
stated that 70% of children there drop out early. Tdh understands that a research project
is currently being undertaken by AUB (The American University of Beirut) and UNRWA
to examine the issue of school drop-outs, but existing research puts early drop-out rates at
between 30 and 40%, and shows it to be affecting boys more than girls.35 Lebanon’s third
periodic report to the Committee on the Rights of the Child reports that “Out of three
Palestinian children in Lebanon, aged 10 and above, one child leaves school before
finishing primary or intermediate”. 36 The report goes on to state that the drop-out rate
amongst Palestinians is ten fold higher than for Lebanese students.
The reasons given for the high level of school drop-outs are various:
1. The lack of motivation to continue with educationlack of motivation to continue with educationlack of motivation to continue with educationlack of motivation to continue with education was frequently cited by parents
in the focus group discussions. There are serious restrictions placed on Palestinians’
right to employment in Lebanon. Tdh researchers were frequently told that
Palestinians are barred from entering 70 different professions in Lebanon. Whilst this
used to be the case, The Ministry of Labour softened their position in 2005 with a
ministerial decree lifting the ban on fifty of the previously banned professions.37
Regardless, Palestinians are still denied access to professions such as medicine, law,
engineering and pharmacy; and unemployment levels in the camps are high.38
Participants questioned the purpose of pursuing a good education, if their children are
unable to make use of it in their professional lives.
34 The Follow-Up Committee is a representative group of individuals drawn from each Popular Committee
who meet regularly with the ‘Responsible’ for Popular Committees in the Tyre area.
35 Ugland (2003):117-118
36 State Party Report -Third (Convention on the Rights of the Child): Lebanon (2005): para 477-778
37 See Amnesty International USA (2007)
38 Fafo report overall participation in the labour market to be at 42% in the Palestinian camps and gatherings.
It should be noted that ‘participation’ was defined as 1 hour of more of economic activity during the week
prior to their interviews. See Ugland (2003): 130

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“Children look at those who are older, and then they see that there is no hope for
them. So they leave school and start to work, it’s easier for them”
Young person from El Howli Scouts, Borj El Chamali
Another significant factor is that many families send their young men abroad to find
employment as soon as they are deemed old enough. As a member of the Popular
Committee in Qasmiyeh asked:
“Why should I educate my child when he can go to Germany and import cars?”
He also went on to state:
“People aren’t looking for education as a means to future success, they are looking
to money”
Popular Committee member, Qasmiyeh
2. Physical violence from teachersPhysical violence from teachersPhysical violence from teachersPhysical violence from teachers was commonly cited as a reason why students drop
out of school. The use of corporal punishment in UNRWA schools has received much
attention in recent times, with UNRWA themselves acknowledging its existence and
the need to stamp it out. UNRWA has recently banned the use of corporal punishment
in schools, but despite this, interviewees claimed the practice continues, and deters
children from wanting to go to school. One Popular Committee leader told Tdh
researchers of a recent incident where the Committee had intervened in support of an
UNRWA teacher who had been reprimanded for injuring a pupil, suggesting that the
use of corporal punishment is still seen as an acceptable form of discipline.
“The teachers hit the students in a very tough way…there is a law that prevents
teachers from punishing in this way, but they don’t respect it. They still use the
stick to punish.”
Child from El Howli Scouts, Borj El Chamali camp
3. Poverty and the need for children to contribute to the family incomePoverty and the need for children to contribute to the family incomePoverty and the need for children to contribute to the family incomePoverty and the need for children to contribute to the family income was cited as
a further ‘push’ factor which causes children to drop out of school. Participants
stressed that not all children who drop out of school do go on to work, many simply
hang around the streets; but for those who find employment, it is often in seasonal
jobs, such as fruit picking. Children’s wages were reported to be very low, (one parent
reported his son to be earning LL15,00039 per week as a mechanic) but nevertheless,
their contribution to the family income was cited as necessary to enable siblings to
continue their education, for example.
“I work for 10,000 LL per day and I have six children. So my children have to
work to support the family.”
Parent from Rashidiyeh camp
39 The equivalent to approximately $10 per week

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“It’s common to find a 15 year old who wants to work to pay for his brother’s or
sister’s education.”
Parent from El Buss camp
It is interesting to note the lack of parental pressure exerted on children to stay in school.
Tdh researchers sensed a general acceptance amongst the parents who participated in the
focus group discussions that children would not necessarily stay in school for the reasons
mentioned above. It was not seen as a cause of concern to the family if their child
dropped out of school, and certainly there is no legal penalty imposed if a child does not
attend school, even if they are below the age when the law states that they should attend.
“Most parents, they think there’s no point in getting education – it’s better to get
vocational training and then find work”
Parent from El Buss camp
“We can’t earn enough to stop children working”
Parent from Rashidiyeh camp
b)b)b)b) Child labour linked to financial exploitation and abuseChild labour linked to financial exploitation and abuseChild labour linked to financial exploitation and abuseChild labour linked to financial exploitation and abuse
There is no data available on the number of Palestinian children who may be working.
According to Lebanese law, children can work legally from the age of 14. Yet, as
previously discussed, children are dropping out of school in significant numbers from the
age of 10 upwards, and boys in particular are often entering into employment. Children in
the Tyre camps and gatherings are reported to be working primarily as agricultural
labourers (often employed seasonally and on a daily basis), as porters in shops and as
mechanics. The risks inherent in child labour were highlighted by all interviewees:
a) Children are being financially exploited – often paid a very minimal wage, if at all.
b) They are regularly used more as servants than employees. Participants spoke of the
lack training or apprenticeships which meant that children are often forced to carry
out menial tasks and fail to actually learn a trade which could be of value in the
future.
c) Children are being exposed to violence and abuse, both physical and sexual.
d) Children are carrying out tasks that are too demanding for their physical capacity.
Parents raised particular concerns about the lack of control or scrutiny of businesses
employing children. They also spoke of the lack of attention given to child abuse and
physically degrading punishment in the work place.
“We need institutions to co-ordinate and supervise children who are working”
“There is no awareness of this [child abuse in the workplace]. No one is following
up on children who work”
Two mothers from Borj El Chamali camp
“The owner will say it’s good to beat him because he’ll become a man, he’ll be
responsible…They need training centres to learn in a place where they won’t be
beaten”
Parent from Rashidiyeh camp

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c)c)c)c) Child sexual abuseChild sexual abuseChild sexual abuseChild sexual abuse
In the Lebanese and Palestinian context, sexual abuse has historically been a taboo
subject, rarely spoken of openly. It was therefore a surprise to the researchers that the
topic was consistently raised as one of the leading child protection concerns by all
interviewees - from children to members of the all-male Popular Committees alike.
Again, there is a lack of hard evidence or data to support these concerns, but the
regularity with which the topic was raised would seem to indicate that the sexual abuse of
children has become a serious and more widely acknowledged issue within the camps and
gatherings. The vulnerability of children who have dropped out of school was
highlighted:
“School drop-outs are the softest target for sexual abuse – and they get caught up
in distributing drugs too”
Representative of the Palestinian Scout Association
In the work place:In the work place:In the work place:In the work place:
Participants in interviews and FGDs frequently linked child sexual abuse to child labour.
They cited the workplace as a common location where sexual abuse was known to take
place. Children may sometimes be working with other adults in relatively isolated
situations, such as in the fields, where opportunities for abuse present themselves more
readily.
Children themselves spoke tentatively about this topic, but given the difficulty of being
open about it in front of peers their comments were seen as significant:
“The child is a target for sexual abuse when they’re at work. I’m not sure, but it’s a
possibility”
“Boys who go to work are the target of abuse in a lot of ways”
Young people from El Howli Scouts
In the camps and gatherings at large:In the camps and gatherings at large:In the camps and gatherings at large:In the camps and gatherings at large:
The workplace was not the only location mentioned where sexual abuse was reported to
take place. Recent training carried out by a local NGO amongst Palestinian mothers
revealed that women had significant levels of concern about child sexual abuse
perpetrated by family relatives;40 and other interviewees spoke of its occurrence within
family circles:
“Children are at risk of sexual abuse – they can be raped by relatives. It didn’t
happen before, but it’s becoming more common”
Member of Popular Committee, Borj El Chamali
40 Interview with Beit Atfal Assoumoud, Family Guidance Centre 10.2.09

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“Some children are sexually abused by uncles and relatives. We are helping
women to speak out on this”
Representative of General Union of Palestinian Women
The occurrence of commercial sexual exploitation of children41 was clearly alluded to in
an interview with a Popular Committee representative from one of the gatherings:
“Fathers and uncles have no money. Girls go and they come back with money.
Families have to let it happen because of the economic situation.”
The issue of commercial sexual exploitation of children was only raised in three
interviews, but this would indicate that further research is needed to ascertain both the
frequency with which it is taking place, and the age of girls and women involved.
“Child prostitution doesn’t come to light, but people talk, they know about it”
Consultant with local NGOs
A recent study on child sexual abuse (CSA) by Kafa found that 16% of children in their
study had been exposed to sexual abuse.42 They concluded that working children were at
higher risk, and that there was a correlation between school failure, domestic violence
and CSA.
Save the Children Sweden’s Child Rights Situation Analysis also talks of CSA in the
Palestinian context: “Reports indicate that some Palestinian communities (notably Burj el-
Shemali camp) may be experiencing a significant amount of sexual abuse and incest
(estimated at 40% in some areas). Further research is needed to confirm these reports.”43
d)d)d)d) Children’s exposure to conflict and violenceChildren’s exposure to conflict and violenceChildren’s exposure to conflict and violenceChildren’s exposure to conflict and violence
The pervading political, social and economic conditions in Lebanon result in Palestinian
children either witnessing or becoming involved in conflict-related violence on a daily
basis, both inside and outside the camps and gatherings.44
Within the campsWithin the campsWithin the campsWithin the camps
Participants uniformly mentioned the lack of space to play in the camps. The camps
occupy the same area of land as they were originally assigned in the late 1940s. With the
rise in population over the years, space has become increasingly critical. Whilst
Rashidiyeh camp has the advantage of being located next to the sea (and consequently
children can benefit from being able to play on the beach), children in Borj El Chamali
41 Colloquially known as ‘child prostitution’
42 Kafa (2008). NB The study did not focus explicitly on Palestinian children. It was conducted amongst a
cross-section of children in Lebanon aged 8 to 17 years.
43 Save the Children Sweden (2008): 76
44 Because of the breadth and depth of the impact of conflict on child protection within the camps and
gatherings, Tdh has reinforced this section with separate research by a conflict transformation specialist (see
Appendix 2).

24. Lebanon
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and El Buss camps have little option other than to play in the narrow streets. The noise
that is often generated by their play was cited as a cause of tension between neighbours,
which can escalate into arguments and sometimes violence between families.
“There’s a lot of violence because of the space - children against children, children
against parents, and families against families - all because children want to play.”
Leader of El Howli Scouts
Participants spoke of fights erupting between groups of young people on a regular basis,
where weapons such as knives and razors are often used.
Domestic violenceDomestic violenceDomestic violenceDomestic violence
The children and young people who participated in focus group discussions were vocal
about the use of physical violence in the home.
“Parents are violent without listening to the child’s point of view”
Young person from Borj El Chamali camp
“You can easily observe it [violent treatment]. Mothers are running after children
with a stick and using bad words, then the children directly copy the words with
their friends, so it’s a constant circle of trouble.”
Young person from El Buss camp
“Problems and trouble inside the family, for example the father uses violence
against the son or with the mother”
Remark written by a group of young people in response to the question ‘What are the
main concerns you have about your safety in the camp?’
Staff from local NGOs particularly stressed their concerns about the prevalence of
domestic violence. A representative from the General Union of Palestinian Women
(GUPW) made the link between the low economic status, the general environment in the
camps and domestic violence:
“Economic problems make everyone suffer. It causes tension so the parents suffer
psychologically which leads to domestic violence”
Representative, GUPW
It is interesting to note the conclusions of a study by Nabaa which sum up succinctly the
situation as regards domestic violence in the Palestinian camps around Saida:
“The general theme that emerges from listening to the youth speak is of a cycle ofa cycle ofa cycle ofa cycle of
violence or violence breeding violence.violence or violence breeding violence.violence or violence breeding violence.violence or violence breeding violence. Youth learn from their parents and
teachers that violence is a solution, and they then in turn use it against strangers
or friends or family members or teachers. All those who stated that they hit their
siblings said they had been beaten by their parents. They found hitting to be a
tension releaser; they let out their frustration on their younger siblings. Moreover,

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they seemed to take the issue very lightly and felt no shame in admitting that they
sometimes inflicted "minor" injuries upon their younger sisters or brothers.” 45
Tensions between Lebanese and Palestinian young peopleTensions between Lebanese and Palestinian young peopleTensions between Lebanese and Palestinian young peopleTensions between Lebanese and Palestinian young people
Children and young people also become involved in the political tensions and divisions
that dominate the Palestinian political scene. The different factions that compete for
power and influence throughout the Palestinian world are present within the camps and
gatherings around Tyre, just as they are elsewhere. Whilst the camps here are not exposed
to the same degree of tension as camps such as Ein El Hilwe, participants still spoke of
children being caught up in the power struggle.
“Internal fights between Palestinian parties affects children too because our
parents are members of the parties.”
Young person from El Buss
“There are fights between Fatah and Hamas at school”
Young person from El Buss
A number of participants spoke of the political parties giving incentives to children to
become members.
Outside the campsOutside the campsOutside the campsOutside the camps
Outside the camps, participants spoke of the tensions which exist between Lebanese and
Palestinian young people. As previously discussed there are significant barriers to the
integration of Palestinians and the host community in Lebanon. For example, it is unusual
for Lebanese nationals to enter a Palestinian camp46 and we were told that Palestinian
children rarely invite Lebanese friends into the camp to play in their homes.47 The
political environment is not conducive to harmonious relationships between Palestinians
and Lebanese, and as a result, young people and adults talked of fights that often erupt
between groups of young people outside the camps.
“There is prejudice against Palestinians living in the camps. Foreigners and
Lebanese are afraid of the Palestinians who live in the camps and think they are
terrorists and uncivilised, so they are afraid to enter the camps.”
Young person from El Buss camp
45 Nabaa (2006): 27
46 The 27 year-old interpreter used for a meeting in Borj El Chamali told researchers that this was her first
ever visit to a Palestinian camp. Discussions since have revealed that this is not uncommon.
47 Interview with the director of the Najdeh kindergarten, El Buss camp 26.11.08

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The impact of the international contextThe impact of the international contextThe impact of the international contextThe impact of the international context
Palestinian children in Lebanon grow up in the context of regional tensions. They are
taught to be acutely aware of their violent history, and the suffering of Palestinians over
the last half century.
The focus group discussions with children were carried out during the recent war in
Gaza. As noted by the International Crisis Group, this was a period marked by
“immediate and acute solidarity with brethren under attack”.48 Televisions were erected
in the streets in camps around Tyre, so that the community could watch coverage of the
events unfolding. Children in the focus group discussions spoke of the fear that this
instilled in them:
“We see bombing and killed people; it makes us expect War at any moment”
Child from El Howli Scouts, Borj El Chamali
“Nowadays children are afraid of the Gaza situation being copied. They’ve seen
what’s happening to children there and are afraid”
Young person from El Buss camp
In an environment where violence and conflict are ever present, and where school drop
out and unemployment are high, children’s susceptibility to involvement in armed groups
is an obvious threat. The Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers report the use of
children in armed factions and groups in 2007, and say that military training is being
provided to children as young as 10 in Palestinian camps.49
e)e)e)e) Children’s consumption ofChildren’s consumption ofChildren’s consumption ofChildren’s consumption of drugs, alcohol and tobaccodrugs, alcohol and tobaccodrugs, alcohol and tobaccodrugs, alcohol and tobacco
Many of the adults interviewed were concerned about a rise in the smoking of cigarettes
and narguilé, and in the consumption of alcohol – all generally amongst boys and male
adolescents. There is also a perceived rise in the number of children both taking and
being asked to distribute illegal drugs.50
Participants in the focus group discussions talked of:
“tablets which make you crazy… During the night when you walk round the
camp you find children in small groups taking these things”
“The things this person does when they are under the influence of drugs – they
think it’s normal but they aren’t aware of what they’re doing”
Children from El Howli Scouts, Borj El Chamali
48 International Crisis Group (2009): 29
49 Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers (2007)
50 It was difficult to ascertain which drugs children are becoming exposed to. Participants generally were
unaware of the name of the ‘drug’ most frequently being used. They spoke of a ‘tablet’ which is commonly
used in medicine, but which has a detrimental affect on an individual’s state of mind or awareness.

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“The drug problem is spreading. They pay the children something to distribute the
drug…
Young person from El Buss camp
f)f)f)f) A lack of social space and activities for girlsA lack of social space and activities for girlsA lack of social space and activities for girlsA lack of social space and activities for girls
Some of the child protection concerns mentioned above, most notably school drop-outs,
child labour and the consumption of harmful substances relate to boys far more than girls.
However, the key concern linked to girls was the potential for isolation within the family
home. It would appear that there are few female-only youth clubs or social opportunities.
Groups such as the Scouts and other NGO-run youth centres are open to both sexes, but if
a girl’s parents are unhappy for her to mix with boys, there are few opportunities for
socialising and some professionals expressed concern about the isolation of such girls.
3.2 Key gaps in the protective e3.2 Key gaps in the protective e3.2 Key gaps in the protective e3.2 Key gaps in the protective environmentnvironmentnvironmentnvironment
The protective environment for children (Appendix 5)The protective environment for children (Appendix 5)The protective environment for children (Appendix 5)The protective environment for children (Appendix 5)
The concept of the protective environment is used by Tdh and other child protection
agencies to refer to the attitudes, legislation, actors and services that surround a child,
along with their capacity to protect him/her. UNICEF has identified eight key aspects of a
protective environment. Where any one of these elements are not present or are failing to
fulfil their function, children are vulnerable to abuse, violence, discrimination and
violation of their rights.
The eight key aspects of the protective environment are:51
•••• Attitudes, traditions, customs, behaviour and practices
•••• Governmental commitment to fulfilling protection rights
•••• Open discussion and engagement with child protection issues
•••• Protective legislation and enforcement
•••• The capacity to protect among those around children
•••• Children’s life skills, knowledge and participation
•••• Monitoring and reporting of child protection issues
•••• Services for recovery and reintegration
Analysis of theAnalysis of theAnalysis of theAnalysis of the protective environment for children in the Palestinian camps andprotective environment for children in the Palestinian camps andprotective environment for children in the Palestinian camps andprotective environment for children in the Palestinian camps and
gatheringsgatheringsgatheringsgatherings
Findings from both the Tdh assessment and existing research52 show that there are
serious weaknesses in the protective environment inside the camps and gatherings. The
key areas of concern to Tdh are as follows:
51 See the Unicef website: http://www.unicef.org/protection/index_action.html Accessed 16.12.08
52 See for example Save the Children Sweden (2008): 67

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a)a)a)a) Weak application and awareness of legislation to protect children from abuseWeak application and awareness of legislation to protect children from abuseWeak application and awareness of legislation to protect children from abuseWeak application and awareness of legislation to protect children from abuse
Law 422, which is Lebanon’s primary legislation protecting children from exploitation,
maltreatment and abuse, applies to all children on Lebanese soil. Under this law a child is
entitled to legal protection if they are ‘threatened’, which is defined in the following
ways:
1 -If he was found in an environment exposing him to exploitation, threatening
his health, safety, ethics or conditions of raising him.
2- If he was exposed to sexual abuse or physical violence exceeding the limits of
what is allowed by custom as a manner of harmless disciplining.
3- If he was found begging or homeless.
The juvenile is considered a beggar, by this law, if he practices professional
begging for almsgiving by any means. He is considered homeless if he left his
house to live on the streets and on public places or if he did not have a house and
was found in the aforementioned case.’
Extract from Article 25 of LawExtract from Article 25 of LawExtract from Article 25 of LawExtract from Article 25 of Law 42242242242253
If a child is threatened as outlined above, a complaint or report can be submitted to the
court. The law then makes provision for a social worker to support the child through the
investigation and legal proceedings, and for the care and educational support of any child
who is judged to need removing from his/her usual residence to a place of safety.54
Given that it applies to all children on Lebanese soil, Law 422, is able to offer protection
for Palestinian children. However, with the exception of Kafa and UPEL (Union pour la
Protection de L’enfant au Liban), whose specific remit is to support victims of abuse, no
other professionals or community leaders interviewed by Tdh researchers mentioned the
fact that Palestinian children can be protected by law from abuse. This would suggest a
limited awareness of the legislation, as well as an evident lack of use being made of it.
Interviews with UPEL and Kafa pointed to limitations in the functioning of the law,
including a lack of willingness on the part of a victim or a victim’s family to report abuse,
the closed nature of the camps and access issues for UPEL social workers and investigators
to enter the camps.55 Save the Children offer a thorough analysis of the limitations
regarding the practical functioning of Law 422.56 The lack of awareness of the
53 From the website of UPEL (Union pour la protection de l’enfance au Liban)
http://www.upel.org/about.htm accessed 12.3.09
54 Interview with a representative of Kafa 10.3.09 See also Save the Children Sweden (2008) for more in-
depth analysis of Law 422
55 UPEL (Union pour la Protection de L’Enfant au Liban) is an NGO funded by the Lebanese Ministry of
Justice. They are mandated to carry out initial investigations once a report of abuse has been filed, to support
children through judicial proceedings and provide follow-up support. They work with children in conflict
with the law, as well as victims of ill-treatment and abuse.
56 See Save the Children Sweden (2008):66

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procedures and protection measures amongst key duty bearers, such as doctors, teachers
and social workers is cited as being one of the key reasons explaining the weakness of the
formal child protection system.
b)b)b)b) Parents have little faith in current actors and systemsParents have little faith in current actors and systemsParents have little faith in current actors and systemsParents have little faith in current actors and systems
Parents expect little or no support from key duty bearers (The Popular Committee, The
Armed Struggle, Opposition Line (Al-Tahaluf),school directors, etc.) when their children
are exposed to abuse, violence, exploitation or conflict. When asked who they look to for
support in cases such as their child being abused by an employer, or a school teacher
physically hurting their child, parents’ most common reply was that there was no one to
turn to.
There was general consensus that parents take it upon themselves to resolve disputes or
incidences of abuse. Parents told Tdh researchers that the Popular Committees were the
primary actor who should be responsible for resolving disputes, however they were
sceptical of the willingness or capacity of the Committees to intervene in cases relating to
children.
In the focus group discussions, parents were presented with an imaginary scenario in
which a 14-year old boy was being physically abused by his employer, and another in
which a student was being beaten by a teacher. They were asked what they would do if
they were unable to successfully intervene themselves. Answers included the following:
“There’s nothing we can do if the director does nothing”
Parent from El Buss
“The Popular Committee just talk – their response isn’t strong enough”
Parent from Rashidiyeh
“There’s no one – the Popular Committee won’t do anything or The Armed
Struggle”
Parent from Borj El Chamali
Parents generally feel powerless to protect their children from abusive employers,
teachers or other adults in the camps and gatherings. To some extent, they also appeared
resigned to accepting the status quo. We asked them if they ever organised themselves
into groups to lobby or raise their concerns about the various problems facing their
children. One woman from Borj El Chamali recalled a ‘Peace Club’ that she and a group
of women had formed. Its function was to go into schools three times a month and
observe lessons, as well as talk to the UNRWA director about any concerns they had. This
example was exceptional, however, a more common attitude was that they did not have
time for meetings or actions like that.
“Neighbours complain together when they are having coffee, but not in an
organised way”
Parents from Rashidiyeh

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Significantly, there was almost no mention made of the role played by social workers in
the existing NGOs and of their potential to offer support to children who are at risk.
c)c)c)c) No one is responsible for child welfare or protecNo one is responsible for child welfare or protecNo one is responsible for child welfare or protecNo one is responsible for child welfare or protection within the Populartion within the Populartion within the Populartion within the Popular
CommitteesCommitteesCommitteesCommittees
The leader of the Popular Committees in the Tyre area explained that there are four main
sub-committees responsible for education, healthcare, communication and social affairs.
In addition, there are two smaller sub-committees for electricity and media. There is no
sub-committee specifically responsible for child welfare or child protection, and no focal
point for children’s issues.
d)d)d)d) Children and young people have no forum to voice their opinionsChildren and young people have no forum to voice their opinionsChildren and young people have no forum to voice their opinionsChildren and young people have no forum to voice their opinions
Children and young people in the focus group discussions proved to have a good
awareness of child rights, but felt they are not listened to and have no forum to voice
their problems or concerns. They said that they generally do not feel able to approach the
Popular Committee with any problems or concerns. Some older adolescents (17 and 18
year olds) in El Buss camp said that they would feel able to go in person to speak to the
Popular Committee, but they were not convinced that their opinions would be taken into
consideration.
“As children our voices aren’t heard”
“As children we could speak, but they wouldn’t listen”
Young people from El Buss camp
Child rights awareness does not necessarily appear to have reached adults to the extent
that it has the children. Several adults explained that the notion of child rights has led to
children becoming disrespectful of their elders, unruly and difficult to control.
Researchers heard several adults’ voice opinions such as the one below:
“UNRWA now has a law that you can’t beat children. So now teachers don’t have any
control. Children do whatever they want….The teachers have no respect and no power”
Parent from Rashidiyeh camp
e)e)e)e) Lack of coLack of coLack of coLack of co----ordination and networking between existing child protection actorsordination and networking between existing child protection actorsordination and networking between existing child protection actorsordination and networking between existing child protection actors
There are many local NGOs and Scout groups operating in the three camps and gatherings
in the Tyre area and running a variety of activities and services for children and young
people. However, many interviewees commented on the lack of co-ordination,
networking or service awareness amongst such groups. Some compared the situation in
the south with the camps in the north of Lebanon, where various co-ordination networks
have been established enabling the sharing of information and good practice. Handicap
International has recently established the development of a psycho-social support

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network for social workers and staff from the NGOs in the southern camps. Whilst child
protection agencies generally see psycho-social support as a component of child
protection57, this network does not see child protection as a part of its mandate.58
A child protection network was established in the south following the 2006 War. This
network still exists but operates amongst NGOs working in the Lebanese and Palestinian
context. Representatives from Najdeh reported that few Palestinians NGOs attend this
network and other interviewees felt that more co-ordination is needed that focuses and
unites actors in the Palestinian camps specifically.
The lack of opportunity for networking and the sharing of good practice would seem to
partly explain the weakness of referral pathways within the camps and gatherings when a
child is deemed to be at risk.
f)f)f)f) Poor child protection awareness amongst staff and volunteers working withPoor child protection awareness amongst staff and volunteers working withPoor child protection awareness amongst staff and volunteers working withPoor child protection awareness amongst staff and volunteers working with
childrenchildrenchildrenchildren
The Scout movement is very active within the camps and gatherings throughout
Lebanon. The Scout movement plays a significant role in educating children on child
rights and social responsibility. As such, it is a key informal actor in terms of child
protection in the camps. Its leaders will often visit families in the home, as well as
supporting children with educational and recreational activities. However, none of their
leaders (all volunteers) are trained in child protection59, and it is feared that their
awareness of how to identify and respond to child abuse would be poor.
None of the other NGOs interviewed for this assessment talked of their staff having
specific child protection training. While more in depth mapping would be required to
gain a clear analysis of child protection training needs, Tdh researchers are of the view
that there is very little knowledge of child abuse or how to assist children at risk. This is
coupled with poor awareness of legislation to protect children as previously discussed
(Section 3.2a).
g)g)g)g) An almostAn almostAn almostAn almost----totaltotaltotaltotal lack of services and recreational opportunities reachinglack of services and recreational opportunities reachinglack of services and recreational opportunities reachinglack of services and recreational opportunities reaching
children/youth in the gatheringschildren/youth in the gatheringschildren/youth in the gatheringschildren/youth in the gatherings
Interviews with the Popular Committee in the gatherings revealed a stark absence of
services reaching children and young people. The group of gatherings around Kafar Badda
has no kindergartens, youth centres or playgrounds. Qasmiyeh has a kindergarten, a
children’s centre and a youth centre run by the General Union of Palestinian Women,
where activities are reported to be barely running due to resource issues.60 The situation
57 See Child Protection in Emergencies: An Inter-agency Modular Training Package CDRom Module 4
58 Interview with Emmanuel Mounier, Project Co-ordinator, Handicap International 28.11.08
59 It is understood that scout leaders in north Lebanon have attended child protection training run by Kafa.
Interview with Hassan Salem, Scout delegate for Lebanon 13.2.09
60 Interview with 2 members of the Popular Committee for Qasmiyeh 25.11.09

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in Jel El Bahar would appear to be particularly bleak. There are no kindergartens or youth
activities there, with a reported 70% drop-out rate.61
Staff in youth centres and other child-focused services are usually key actors in the
protective environment and play a key role in strengthening the response to children at
risk. It is therefore of concern that children do not have access to such services in the
gatherings.
61 Interview with the Popular Committee chair for Jel El Bahar 4.12.08 He reported 560 children living in the
gathering with a 70% drop-out rate.

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SectionSectionSectionSection FFFFour: Terre des hommes’ Recommendationsour: Terre des hommes’ Recommendationsour: Terre des hommes’ Recommendationsour: Terre des hommes’ Recommendations
for an Operational Responfor an Operational Responfor an Operational Responfor an Operational Responsesesese
In order to strengthen the protective environment for Palestinian children in the camps
and gatherings around Tyre, Tdh recommends the range of interventions and measures
below. The forthcoming Tdh project will provide an operational response in some of
these areas; other recommendations are intended for duty bearers such as the Popular
Committees, Opposition Line (Al-Tahaluf) UNRWA and other child-focused NGOs. The
recommendations are not made in order of priority.
1. Children are empowered to speak up aChildren are empowered to speak up aChildren are empowered to speak up aChildren are empowered to speak up against all forms of abuse, violence andgainst all forms of abuse, violence andgainst all forms of abuse, violence andgainst all forms of abuse, violence and
exploitation.exploitation.exploitation.exploitation.
NGOs and Scout groups need to employ creative methods through which children are
empowered to participate in their own protection, and which go beyond raising
awareness of the UNCRC. Practical measures should be taken which provide children
with mechanisms to report and talk about child protection risks.
2. A coA coA coA co----ordination body focussed on child protection is established specifically for theordination body focussed on child protection is established specifically for theordination body focussed on child protection is established specifically for theordination body focussed on child protection is established specifically for the
Palestinian camps andPalestinian camps andPalestinian camps andPalestinian camps and gatherings around Tyre.gatherings around Tyre.gatherings around Tyre.gatherings around Tyre.
The establishment of an agency responsible for co-ordinating child protection actors, and
which has capacity to develop and disseminate tools for the gathering baseline data on
key child protection concerns would be of great value to the numerous I/NGOs and NGOs
operating in the camps, plus provide solid evidence, based on data, to Palestinian
governance actors.
3. The Popular Committees and Opposition Line (AlThe Popular Committees and Opposition Line (AlThe Popular Committees and Opposition Line (AlThe Popular Committees and Opposition Line (Al ––––Tahaluf) have a representativeTahaluf) have a representativeTahaluf) have a representativeTahaluf) have a representative
responsible for child welfareresponsible for child welfareresponsible for child welfareresponsible for child welfare
Parents in one of the focus group discussions unanimously said that they would value
someone in the Popular Committee who champions the cause of children, and to whom
community members and children can turn for all child welfare-related concerns.
4. AAAA confidentialconfidentialconfidentialconfidential child protection focal point is establishedchild protection focal point is establishedchild protection focal point is establishedchild protection focal point is established within each camp andwithin each camp andwithin each camp andwithin each camp and
gatheringgatheringgatheringgathering
An individual or individuals receive training and support to become a focal point for any
child or parent who wishes to raise a concern about child protection risks confidentially.

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5. There is greater awareness of legislatThere is greater awareness of legislatThere is greater awareness of legislatThere is greater awareness of legislation, particularly Law 422 and referral pathwaysion, particularly Law 422 and referral pathwaysion, particularly Law 422 and referral pathwaysion, particularly Law 422 and referral pathways
to protect children who areto protect children who areto protect children who areto protect children who are victims of abuse and ill treatment.victims of abuse and ill treatment.victims of abuse and ill treatment.victims of abuse and ill treatment.
Social workers, youth workers and volunteer Scout Leaders should have a sound
knowledge of how to respond to children at risk, including how to use Law 422 to make a
report to the court, how to refer to UPEL and how to make use of services offered by
specialists such as Kafa.
6. Increased recognition is given to AlIncreased recognition is given to AlIncreased recognition is given to AlIncreased recognition is given to Al----Kifah alKifah alKifah alKifah al---- Musalah (Armed Struggle) as one ofMusalah (Armed Struggle) as one ofMusalah (Armed Struggle) as one ofMusalah (Armed Struggle) as one of
the primary ‘policing’ actors to investhe primary ‘policing’ actors to investhe primary ‘policing’ actors to investhe primary ‘policing’ actors to investigate and intervene in child protection focusedtigate and intervene in child protection focusedtigate and intervene in child protection focusedtigate and intervene in child protection focused
conflict and events within the Palestinian camps, with a view to raising theirconflict and events within the Palestinian camps, with a view to raising theirconflict and events within the Palestinian camps, with a view to raising theirconflict and events within the Palestinian camps, with a view to raising their
awareness on child protection principles and good practices.awareness on child protection principles and good practices.awareness on child protection principles and good practices.awareness on child protection principles and good practices.
The Armed Struggle carries out security surveillance by patrolling the camps. They also
work with the Popular Committees to resolve internal disputes and act as a primary
‘policing’ body for investigation and intervention on child protection focused events, such
as: family conflict, youth conflict and children who breach camp rules. It is recognised
their knowledge of child protection principles and good practice is low and this leads to
difficulties in mediation and actions with child protection focused events.
Child protection actors need to recognise ‘Armed Struggle’ as an actor that needs support,
training, coaching and awareness on how to best intervene, mediate and determine child
protection focused conflict with the best interest of the child as a solid foundation.
7. Increased recognition is given to the role playeIncreased recognition is given to the role playeIncreased recognition is given to the role playeIncreased recognition is given to the role played by Scout groups in the protectived by Scout groups in the protectived by Scout groups in the protectived by Scout groups in the protective
environment and support is given to build their capacity as child protection actors.environment and support is given to build their capacity as child protection actors.environment and support is given to build their capacity as child protection actors.environment and support is given to build their capacity as child protection actors.
I/NGOs should lend more support to Scout groups regardless of their political affiliations
to build their capacity as child protection actors and to support the Scouts to recognise
themselves as a key actor in the protective environment for children.
8. Community conflict transformation initiatives seek to address conflicts where theyCommunity conflict transformation initiatives seek to address conflicts where theyCommunity conflict transformation initiatives seek to address conflicts where theyCommunity conflict transformation initiatives seek to address conflicts where they
impact on child protection risks matched with onimpact on child protection risks matched with onimpact on child protection risks matched with onimpact on child protection risks matched with on----goinggoinggoinggoing community based coachingcommunity based coachingcommunity based coachingcommunity based coaching
following theoretical inputsfollowing theoretical inputsfollowing theoretical inputsfollowing theoretical inputs
Mediation is needed to breakdown the mistrust which has developed on many levels both
inside and outside the camps and gatherings. This report would highlight especially the
tensions between Lebanese and Palestinian youth and between key governance structures
(notably the Popular Committees, Opposition Lines Al-Tahaluf and UNRWA) and
community members.
Community based coaching should be promoted following theoretical inputs to ensure
the transfer and application of learning into practice to promote sustainability.