1. 2. Critically discuss the relevance and validity of Eric Anderson’s theory of
inclusive masculinity in relation to contemporary sports.
It is widely regarded that contemporary sports often solidify the concept of hegemonic
masculinity, portraying sporting athletes as the ideal male form. Eric Anderson argues
however that decreasing levels of homohysteria have reduced the need for men to
cement a hypermasculine image. He believes that it has now become customary for
men to partake in predominantly feminine activities without having to worry about
suspicions of homosexuality. This essay explores the basis of this ideology and
examines whether an ethos of inclusive masculinity is evident within contemporary
sport. The main argument in this essay is that elements of inclusive masculinity are
more likely to be found in sports where the wider sporting culture and mentality of
players and fans are more acceptable of diversity. In its opening section this essay will
be focusing on Anderson’s theory of inclusive masculinity along with analysing the
intimacy and emotional issues that often make it difficult for men to be tolerable of
homosexuality. The essay then goes on to explore specific sports that have
demonstrated elements of inclusive masculinity before contrasting this approach in
review of certain sports where levels of disgust and antagonism towards
homosexuality is palpable.
Kimmel (2003: 57) outlines hegemonic masculinity as the definitions of
manhood we have developed in our culture that ‘maintain the power that some men
have over other men and that men have over women.’ In living a hegemonic lifestyle
men continually seek to assert their patriarchal dominance over the envisaged
marginalised groups. One of the ways in which they sustain this masculine image
involves distancing themselves from individuals that demonstrate homosexual and
feminine tendencies. Anderson’s theory of inclusive masculinity predominantly
opposes this concept of hegemony. Having identified the importance of homophobia
in regulating gender norms and mentalities ‘inclusive masculinity is thought to be
predicated in the social inclusion of those traditionally marginalized by hegemonic
masculinity.’ (Anderson, 2007: 606) In his study of ‘Inclusive Masculinity in a
Fraternal Setting’ Anderson outlines how an institutionalised culture of inclusivity
among college fraternities allows members to deviate from conventional masculinities
and be relatively indifferent to other peoples perceptions about their sexuality. It is the
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2. embedded organisational culture of these college fraternities that facilitates their
members to portray inclusive characteristics. Herein lays the main difficulty in
establishing an inclusive mentality in contemporary sports. It is within the sporting
arena that the hegemonic masculine form is continually replicated and where male
sports stars are symbolic of quintessential masculinity. In contrast to the fraternal
setting mentioned previously, sporting culture has largely ostracized homosexuality
where the ‘extent of homophobia in the sports world is staggering.’ (Messner, 1992:
34) In recognising the economic power held by sports-media institutions we can
understand how in many ways sports are an expression of a given cultural mentality.
With this in mind we can see a psychological consistency concerning gender within
sporting cultures. Sport is often identified as a material possession held by men to
assert a dominant hypermasculine image. Sporting cultures in this sense are extremely
influential in constructing masculine ideals for men. Sexuality has been translated
among primarily male dominated groups in the culture of sport as well as in the
sporting practices themselves where a hypermasculine mindset has unanimously
emerged across a large selection of sports. The male athletic body has become
adopted to portray a definitively sexualised identity. Men actively encounter problems
of intimacy and trust in trying to live up to this gallant masculine identity. In many
ways, to be a man one must render themselves unemotional and detached from
sentiments associated with femininity. Often, displays of intimacy and acquaintance
are intrinsically avoided because of this. In an inclusive environment, just like the
fraternal setting mapped out by Anderson, male members share intimate problems of
sexuality and are shown ‘to bond over the expression of intimacy, something
traditionally attributed to the manor in which women bond.’ (Anderson, 2007: 615) In
the context of the sporting world it is rather difficult to envisage such feminine
tendencies being expressed by optimal male athletes. In many ways, men are rather
apprehensive as well as anxious about the unpredictable nature of intimate
interactions. Whitehead (2002: 174) describes how ‘In seeking to control the
uncertainty that might be generated by emotional intimacy, many men – consciously
or otherwise – reach for conventional practices and behaviours of stereotypical
masculinity.’ In doing so their relationships often become much more submissive
rather than developing affection with other men to the extent that they are able to
confide sexual complexities.
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3. The case is often made that team sports are more inclined to portray a
powerful hegemonic image of male athletes whereas subordinated masculinity is more
common among individual sport. We can certainly see how this is true in an
international context where sports teams are often portrayed as an army of soldiers in
battle, fighting for their country against rival nations. In many ways the camaraderie
experienced among sports men and their team mates in an ultra competitive and
masculine environment provides an adequate level of intimacy for men, that as human
beings we crave. The sporting world is rife with masculinity. In his study of male
college athletes Anderson provides us with an interesting perspective on inclusive and
orthodox masculinity within the exceptionally feminized world of cheerleading. Using
in-depth interviews with male cheerleaders Anderson notes how these men essentially
became cheerleaders as a last resort having failed to make their university football
team. Whilst generally preferring to be playing football they believed that it was
better to be part of the cheerleading squad as opposed to being absent from the game
altogether. The manner in which they accentuate their masculinity by emphasising the
physicality involved in cheerleading suggests that the degree of femininity associated
with the sport concerns them. However the masculine mindset of competitiveness
involved in playing football is not inconspicuous with cheerleading. Within the
orthodox world of cheerleading we can see how females are seen as inferior to their
male team mates. As well as that homosexuality is undermined as gay men are
instructed to live up to a hegemonic masculine identity. Even within the
predominantly feminised world of cheerleading it is quite remarkable to see such
marginalisation of effeminate and homosexual characteristics. One of the most
intriguing aspects of the world of cheerleading is that there is a major split between
two rival cheerleading associations. Along with the orthodox cheerleading association
there is an inclusive cheerleading association, as Anderson has classified, that
advocates profusely opposite perspectives on gender. It is within the inclusive
cheerleading squads that you’ll find both heterosexual and homosexual members.
These cheerleaders express openness towards femininity and are relatively
unconcerned about enticing homosexual suspicion. Anderson reveals how inclusive
male cheerleaders portrayed a willingness and were ‘often eager, to participate in
role-reversal activities otherwise stigmatized by men in the orthodox group.’
(Anderson, 2005) Anderson’s theory of inclusive masculinity does find moderate
relevance among the contemporary sport of cheerleading in so far as an
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4. institutionalised culture of inclusivity is embedded among teams within the inclusive
association. However at the opposite side of the spectrum we find an orthodox
cheerleading association where overtly homophobic and masculine characteristics
have been instilled among members to the extent that they ban ‘any collegiate team
that participates in an Inclusive Cheerleading Association event.’ (Anderson, 2005)
Although many consider cheerleading to be a sport that is largely contested by female
athletes we can see how a masculine ethos of competitiveness along with the
subordination of femininity has been instilled with the establishment of the orthodox
cheerleading association. Moreover Anderson points out how ‘not all teams that
belonged to the Inclusive Cheerleading Association reflected an inclusive form of
masculinity’ (Anderson, 2005: 350) by including orthodox exercises in their routines.
Perhaps, the very nature of the sport that commends a uniqueness and diversity in
cheerleading performances is the fundamental reason why there has been a push for
inclusivity to be institutionalised. The sport of cheerleading is a rather unusual one.
What we have are two contrasting associations each of which has psychologically
ingrained a contradictory perspective of gender among members.
In marked contrast to contemporary sports such as cheerleading, the world of
soccer expresses relatively little appreciation for diversification with little or no
presence of inclusive masculinity. As one of the most popular sports in the world, the
cultural attitudes of football fans is particularly significant in so far as they help us to
further understand the typical attitudes of sports fans in general. Football has
predominantly been identified as a working class game after having its roots firmly
ingrained within the industrial revolution. This was a time in which subcultural and
rebellious attitudes surfaced at a rate that hadn’t been experienced before. In the UK
this led to the emergence of an infamous lad culture along with the construction of
ostensibly fractious identities such as punks or skinheads. Sentiments of the working
class people and the culture that emerged at the time are reflected within their hobbies
and past times. Burstyn (1999: 195) describes how feelings of poverty as well as
governmental neglect sparked a culture of hostility surrounding British soccer where
‘violence had traditionally been incited by local, regional, class and racial
identifications that echoed England’s history of colonialism.’ Football hooliganism
had been born where rival football fans would clash. The intense violent rioting these
men engaged in helped release them from the despondency within their lives, and
among a squad of fellow rioters they were able to assert a hypermasculine image of
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5. dominance. Competing on a continental scale incited levels of racism and
sectarianism as gangs of hooligans embodied the social and national identity of which
they were defending. The belligerent mentality embraced by football fans like these
permeates the game as any kind of fallibility is chastised without any respect for the
opposition. Because of the hypermasculine identity exemplified by professional
footballers, feminine characteristics also become victimised. It is for this reason that
there is an absence of an openly homosexual athlete within the higher echelons of
professional football and why Anderson’s theory of inclusive masculinity is rather
irrelevant in soccer.
In certain types of sports varying levels of homophobic and misogynistic
discourse serve as a tool that marginalises gay men and women. These mindsets are
endorsed throughout the given sport from the supporters in the stands to the players
on the pitch. Within the world of soccer we can see how a culture lacking in respect is
maintained by footballers themselves who regularly feign injuries, intimidate the
officials and cheat in order to succeed. It is rare to find such behaviour being carried
out by athletes of more upper class sports. Rugby has essentially always been a sport
that is played by members of the upper to newly-rich classes where an
institutionalised culture of self-respect is shared. Taking a sample of twenty-four
university rugby players Anderson (2010: 257) found that alternative constructions of
inclusive masculinity that are ‘not predicated in opposition to femininity or
homosexuality’ are welcomed within the sport. This was certainly true for
professional Welsh rugby international Gareth Thomas who, towards the end of his
career, announced publicly that he is gay. As a highly established rugby international
that exemplified a hegemonic masculine image the case could be made that Thomas’
coming out was aided by the masculine capital he had attained throughout his career.
However, from within the world of rowing we can see how social perspectives are a
key determining factor in an athlete’s experiences of coming out. Anderson outlines
the example of Ryan who after revealing his sexuality to his fellow rowing team-
mates experienced no negative treatment. As a modest coxswain Ryan’s demeanour
and social capital is distinctively opposite than that of Gareth Thomas. However the
‘liberal attitudes of his coach and school,’ (Anderson, 2002: 866) along with the
social perspectives held by many within the sport of rowing are more concerned about
his sporting capabilities and incorporate an inclusive ethos. In order to understand the
social elements that are in place helping to construct cultural mindsets within sport we
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6. take a common example of Balinese cockfighting. Combining ‘deep elements of
masculinity and profane animality with a telling dramatization of Balinese status
concerns’ (Gruneau, 1999: 44) the cockfight provides us with a resolute expression of
what it is to be Balinese. The cocks involved in the fighting represent their owners
and with the level of gambling involved in the game we see how competition is
managed through the accumulation of prestige. Merging together the network of
social relationships that govern their life, cockfighting is a reflection of the Balinese
themselves. The rivalrous nature of Balinese culture is emulated within the game of
cockfighting that is used to stratify social status in Balinese society. Despite the
illegality of cockfighting, the principal nature of fans of the game are evident within
the past times they enjoy in much the same manner as rugby and football.
As I have shown throughout this essay, the underlying masculine culture
associated with sport in general acts as a barrier to inclusivity. Combined with
intrinsic problems of intimacy among men we have seen how even within the
feminine sport of cheerleading, homophobia continues to be institutionalised. Taking
the examples of rugby and rowing I have shown Anderson’s theory of Inclusive
Masculinity is more relevant in upper class sports. In sports such as soccer where
homophobia is common it is also likely to find evidence of racism and sexism.
Despite evidence suggesting that ‘cultural homophobia is on rapid decline in Western
countries’ (Anderson, 2012: 151) members of the working class emanate a specific
form of masculinity that largely excludes femininity. For men, this is evident in their
work life and is reflected in the past times they enjoy. Therefore it can be said that the
cultural mentality of the people relevant to the sport is a more important determining
factor. Because of this reason I believe that discussing the relevance of inclusive
masculinity in sport is more a matter for cultural studies as opposed to gender.
References:
Anderson, E. (2007) ‘Inclusive Masculinity in a Fraternal Setting’, Men and
Masculinities, 10 (5), pp. 604-620.
Anderson, E. (2012) ‘Inclusive Masculinity in a Physical Education Setting’, Journal
of Boyhood Studies, 6 (2), pp. 151—166.
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7. Anderson, E. (2010) ‘Inclusive Masculinity Theory and the Gendered Politics of
Men's Rugby’, Journal of Gender Studies, 19 (3), pp. 249-261.
Anderson, E. (2002) ‘Openly Gay Athletes, Competing Masculinity in a Homophobic
Environment’, Gender and Society, 16 (6), pp. 860-877.
Anderson, E. (2005) ‘Orthodox and Inclusive Masculinity: Competing Masculinities
among Hetersosexual Men in a Feminized Terrain’, Sociological Perspectives, 48 (3),
pp. 337-355.
Burstyn, V. (1999) The Rites of Men: Manhood, Politics, and the Culture of Sport.
Toronto: University of Toronto Press.
Gruneau, R. (1999) Class, Sports, and Social Development. Human Kinetics.
Kimmel, M.S., Hearn, J. & Connell, R.W. (Eds.) (2005) Handbook of studies on men
and masculinities. London: Sage.
Messner, M. (1992) Power at Play: Sports and the Problem of Masculinity. Boston:
Beacon.
Whitehead, S. (2002) Men and Masculinities. London: Polity.
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