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Laura Vidal


This thesis is submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for
the Bachelor of Social Work with Honours,
University of New South Wales,
March, 2011

 ii







I hereby declare that this submission is my own work and to the best of my knowledge
contains no material previously published or written by another person, nor material
which to a substantial extent has been accepted for the award of another degree or diploma
at UNSW or any other educational institution, except where due acknowledgement is
made in the thesis. Any contribution made to the research by others, with whom I have
worked at UNSW or elsewhere, is explicitly acknowledged in this thesis.
I also declare that the intellectual content of this thesis is the product of my own work,
except to the extent that assistance from others in the project’s design and conception or in
style, presentation and linguistic expression is acknowledged.
Laura Vidal
31 March 2011



 iii

Abstract
This research examines the current support package offered by Australia to identified
victims of trafficking in persons. It looks specifically, at the link between current victim
support and criminal justice from a human rights perspective.
The primary focus of this research is the nexus between prosecution and protection. The
emphasis is on both capacity and willingness for victims to participate in an
investigation and the impact this has on a victim’s eligibility to access support and
protection. Using a human rights framework this study will draw together pre-existing
literature, practice knowledge and victims perspectives to analyse the impact and
effectiveness of Australia’s response to victims of trafficking in persons. The study will
conclude by putting forward suggestions of policy reform.
In two case studies victims of trafficking have recounted their own experiences of the
support they received from both the Government and Non-Government Organisations.
These accounts have been analyzed using theoretical frameworks, which draw upon
both pre-existing literature and practice knowledge. This study is a qualitative research
study employing a case study research methodology, incorporating principles of action
participatory research. It will draw on anti-oppressive social work and Human Rights
theory.
It should be acknowledged that much of the research that has come before has had an
explicit focus on sex trafficking. This research focuses on trafficking for the purposes of
labour exploitation, an emerging trend in the context of trafficking in persons to
Australia.
The study is preliminary research as part of requirements for the award of Bachelor of
Social Work with Honours. It is small but significant research that will lead to a bigger
project. The study expands on the newly emerging body of research of trafficking for
the purpose of labour exploitation and explores questions that have arisen during my
own practice experience with victims of people trafficking.

 iv

Acknowledgements
I would firstly like to acknowledge the participants in this research, who volunteered
their time to share their stories. It is acknowledged that sharing these stories takes great
courage and for that I am grateful. To every person I have worked with, it has been your
struggle for freedom and protection that has inspired and motivated me to take on this
task and advocate for change, many a lesson can be learnt from each and every one of
your journey’s.
To Jenny Stanger your willingness to share your knowledge and experience has proved
to be truly valuable. Thank you for being generous with your time, for believing in my
potential and providing me with the flexibility I have needed to achieve this goal.
To all my other colleagues in the field who have continued to encourage, guide and
support me as I journeyed through this work; thank you.
To Dr. Eileen Pittaway you have been an invaluable source of technical guidance that
has kept me ‘in-check’ and continued to push me.
Finally, to my family. Thank you for your patience, your belief and your support,
without you, achieving this task would not have been possible. To my parents in
particular, I thank you for giving me the strength I needed to continue. Thank you for
bringing me up with a social conscience and the belief that I could do anything I set my
mind to.





 v



























Freedom is never voluntarily given by the oppressor, it must be demanded by the
oppressed.
-Martin Luther King Jnr
(1929-1968)

 vi

Table of Contents


Abstract iii
Acknowledgements iv
Table of Contents vi
Acronyms and Abbreviations viii
Definitions x
Chapter 1-Background 1
1.1 Rationale for Research 1
1.2 Research Questions 2
1.3 Trafficking in Persons and the
Australian Context
3
1.4 Trafficking in Persons for the purpose
of Labour Exploitation
4
1.5 How does Australia Respond to
Trafficking in persons?
6
Chapter 2- Literature Review 11
2.1 Human Rights Theory 11
2.2 Anti-Oppressive Social Work
Practice
16
Chapter 3- Research Methodology 21
3.1 Research Design 21
3.2 Research Questions 22
3.3 Research Sampling 22
3.4 Data Collection Method 25
3.5 Data Analysis 26
3.6 Limitations of the Methodology 26
Chapter 4- Case Studies 27
Case One 27
Case Two 33

 vii

Chapter 5- Analysis and Discussion 37
5.1 Evidence of Elements of Trafficking
in Persons
39
5.2 Protection and Assistance 39
5.3 Policy Implications 43
Chapter 6- Recommendations 47
Works Cited 50
Annexure 50
A 56
B 57
C 58
D 61



viii

Acronyms and Abbreviations
AASW The Australian Association of Social Work
AFP The Australian Federal Police
AIC Australian Institute of Criminology
CJSV Criminal Justice Stay Visa
DIAC The Department of Immigration and
Citizenship
IDC Anti-Trafficking Interdepartmental Committee
ILO International Labour Office
OFW The Office for Women
PAR Participatory Action Research
PTSD Post Traumatic Stress Disorder
The Action Plan (2004) The Australian Government Action Plan to
Eradicate Trafficking in Persons (2004)
TVPA Trafficking in Victims Protection Act, United
States, (2000)
UN Declaration (1948) The United Nations Declaration of Human
Rights (1948)
UN Protocol (2000) United Nations Protocol to Prevent, Suppress

 ix

and Punish Trafficking in Persons, Especially
Women and Children: Supplement to United
Nations Convention Against Transnational
Organised Crime (2000)
WPTV Witness Protection Trafficking Visa





 x

Definitions


Several different and at times conflicting definitions of trafficking and related activities
are found in the literature in this field of study. Below find the definitions of terms as
used in this thesis:
Exploitation
Exploitation of one person (the victim) by another person (the exploiter), occurs if:
(a) the exploiter’s conduct causes the victim to enter into slavery, forced labour or
sexual servitude; or
(b) the exploiters conducts causes an organ of the victim to be removed and:
(i) The removal is contrary to the law of the State or Territory where it is carried
out; or
(ii) Neither the victim nor the victim’s legal guardian consented to the removal
and it does not meet the medical or therapeutic need of the victim. (The Criminal
Code 1995, Division 270, Amendment 2004)
Forced Labour
Work or service exacted from a person under threat or penalty, which includes penal
sanctions and the loss of rights and privileges where the person has not offered
him/herself voluntarily. (Forced Labour Convention, Article 2, 1930)
Labour Trafficking/Exploitation
Forms of trafficking where the intended exploitation involves work or services that is
extracted under menace of penalty and this work or service is undertaken involuntarily
(International Labour Office, 2005 cited in David, 2010, p.7)
Slavery
The condition of a person, whom any or all of the powers attaching to the right of
ownership are exercised, including where such a conditions results from a debt
contract made by the person (The Criminal Code 1995, Division 270)

 xi

Trafficking in Persons
The recruitment, transportation, transfer, harboring or receipt of persons, by means of
the threat or use of force or other forms of coercion, of abduction, of fraud, of
deception, of the abuse of power or of a position of vulnerability or the giving or
receiving of payments or benefits to achieve the consent of a person having control over
another person, for the purposes of exploitation. Exploitation shall include, at a
minimum, the exploitation of the prostitution of others or other forms of slavery,
servitude or the removal of organs. (United Nations, Protocol to Prevent, Suppress and
Punish Trafficking in Persons, Especially Women and Children: Supplement to United
Nations Convention Against Transnational Organised Crime, Article 3, 2000)

 12

Chapter One Background
1.1 Rationale for the Research
I have been involved in working with victims of Trafficking in persons over the past
two years. During this time I have been engaged in the primary case management of
victims both accommodated within a safe shelter and in the community
I have observed that time after time people were being turned away or frustrated in their
search for protection. I began to recognize and learn of the multiple layers of oppression
that victims often face. My work continually made me question Australia’s response to
victim protection. I found myself asking the question; what happens to those victims
who fall through the gaps?
As part of this questioning I began reading and engaging in a broad range of literature
about victim protection in Australia. I found patterns of opinion that suggested
Australia’s approach to victim protection is unsatisfactory (Gallagher, 2004, Pearson,
2007, Dottridge, 2007, Burn and Simmons, 2009, Seagrave and Milivojevic, 2010).
What was highlighted by both the literature and the opinions of the victims I was
working with was the nexus between victim support and the criminal justice system.
What I hypothesized at this time was an unequal distribution of emphasis placed on
victim support and prosecution of traffickers.
Trafficking in persons is a gross violation of human rights. It is in working with the men
and women who are victims of this crime that I have been inspired and motivated to
engage in this research project.
It should be acknowledged that much of the research that has come before has had an
explicit focus on sex trafficking. This research focuses on trafficking for the purposes of
labour exploitation, an emerging trend in the context of trafficking in persons to
Australia.

 13

1.2 Research Questions
The following research questions will be explored to seek answers in the research
project:
1. What problems do victims experience whilst in Australia prior to receiving
support?
2. What current support options are available to victims of Trafficking in Persons?
3. How are support options viewed by victims?
4. Are current support options grounded in a human rights framework?
5. What are alternative ways victims support could be offered in Australia?
6. What is the context of Trafficking in Persons in Australia?
1.3 Trafficking in persons and the Australian Context
The Australian Government considers trafficking in Persons to Australia a relatively
new focus area, with a policy response from the Commonwealth of Australia coming to
fruition in 2004. In the policy’s early stages there was a particular focus placed on
trafficking for the purpose of sexual exploitation. With this as the focus it was reported
that less than 100 women and men are trafficked to Australia each year. (Australian
Government, 2004, p.6).
In present times Australia has begun to learn that Trafficking in Persons is present in
more contexts than the sex industry. Recently, the focus has begun to shift to the
existence of trafficking for the purpose of Labour Exploitation (David, 2010). This idea
will be discussed in further detail in the later stages of this chapter.
Poor standards of living, low education levels and impoverished populations often
characterize the living conditions in the source countries of Trafficking in Persons
“Human traffickers prey on the vulnerable” (US State Department, 2008, p.7)
Traffickers often present opportunities that address individual’s desperation for an
improved way of life. “Their ploys are creative and ruthless, designed to trick coerce
and win the confidence of potential victims. Very often these ruses involve promises of

 14

a better life through employment, educational opportunities, or marriage” (US State
Department, 2008, p.2)
Women and men are often presented with opportunities of employment in another
country, but when they arrive in the country of destination they find situations
significantly different to what they had originally consented to. Certainly they may have
consented to the type of work, but not the exploitative conditions. Common experiences
of people Trafficked to Australia include poor working conditions, providing labour
without pay, being forced to live at their workplace, sexual, physical and verbal abuse,
restricted freedom and confiscation of identity and travel documents. (Stanger, Pers.
Comm., 2010) It can be argued that the problem of trafficking in persons is in fact a
symptom of wider systemic problems; comprised largely of all the elements of
globalised poverty, as individuals in impoverished nations continue to search for
opportunities to better their lives.
Australia is unique in terms of its geographical location. This coupled with the
Australian Governments stringent approach to immigration law; makes it difficult for
individuals to enter into Australia illegally. This is compared to other parts of the world
where permeable borders create easier access for illegal movement of persons.
Victims often enter Australia with valid documentation under the promise that they are
going to be offered a fair work opportunity. (Stanger, Pers. Comm., 2010) Pearson
(2007, p.28) states “the majority of trafficked people have tended to enter Australia
legally on tourist, student or work visas, but ended up in situations of exploitation akin
to debt bondage or forced labour”
Australia is widely considered a “destination country for women from South East Asia,
South Korea, Taiwan, The Peoples Republic of China and reportedly Eastern Europe,
trafficked for the purpose of sexual exploitation” (US State Department, 2009, p. 67).
Globally trafficking for the purpose of sexual exploitation is widely reported. The issue
of trafficking women for the purpose of sexual exploitation has led to the development
of international instruments, in particular the first instrument, The United Nations
Convention for the Suppression of the Traffic in Persons and the Exploitation of the

 15

Prostitution of Others (1951)
In more recent times, particularly in the last two years, anecdotal evidence suggests that
Australia has a growing rate of trafficking for the purpose of labour exploitation. Fiona
David of The Australian Institute of Criminology (AIC) has recently completed a
preliminary study which calls for greater research into the area of trafficking for the
purposes of labour exploitation (2010) The Australian Government Attorney-General’s
Department is currently going through a consultation process to address their response
to trafficking for the purposes of labour exploitation.
It is however a relatively unexplored area with large numbers of cases going unreported.
The U.S State Department produces an annual report evaluating each countries response
to trafficking in persons, what has been found is that workers from several Pacific
Islands, India, The Peoples Republic of China, South Korea, The Philippines and
Ireland are “fraudulently recruited to work temporarily in Australia but subsequently
subjected to conditions of forced labour including confiscation of travel documents,
confinement and threats of serious harm” (US State Department, 2009, p.67)
1.4 Trafficking for the purpose of Labour Exploitation
David’s report (2010) as alluded to earlier focuses attention on the issue of labour
trafficking in Australia. In this report it is identified that:
“There is a need to build more information about the known or likely incidence
of trafficking in persons that occurs in contexts beyond the sex industry, whether
this occurs in the agricultural, cleaning, hospitality, construction and
manufacturing industries or in less formal sectors such as domestic work and
home help” (p.x)
David (2010) and Seagrave (2008) share the opinion that until recently the inherent
focus of Australia’s policy response has been on the commercial sex industry, of late
there have been “references made to trafficking in persons as a practice that may
manifest in a range of industries, attention had been focused on trafficking of women
into the sex industry”(Seagrave, 2008, p.322) “The challenges involved in

 16

understanding and responding to different forms of trafficking in persons, specifically
where the exploitation takes place in industries other than the commercial sex industry,
remains relatively unexplored” (David, 2010, p.ix)
Both David (2010) and the ILO acknowledge that there is a distinct grey area around the
practical situations and legal concepts regarding labour trafficking. Nonetheless there is
still significant literature and evidence to suggest that labour trafficking and labour
exploitation is an emerging global problem, which does not exclude Australia as a
destination country for such an activity.
Finally, David (2010) highlights that whilst there is no accepted definition of labour
trafficking debates about terminology whilst important “should not be permitted to lead
to inaction” (p.6) and like the research completed by David, this research project in its
reference to labour trafficking “should be understood to refer to situations involving
trafficking in persons (as defined by the UN Trafficking Protocol) and where the
exploitation has occurred in contexts other than the commercial sex industry” (p.6)
Australia is currently ranked as a Tier 11
country, This means that Australia’s current
government “fully complies with the Trafficking in Victims Protection Act’s (TPVA)
Minimum Standards” (US State Department, 2009, p. 67)
The TPVA was introduced in the United States in 2000 and aims to:

1. “Prevent human trafficking overseas

2. Protect victims and help them rebuild their lives in the U.S. with Federal and
state support

3. Prosecute traffickers of persons under stiff Federal penalties” (National Human
Trafficking Resource Centre, 2000, p.1)

The TPVA according to Klaveras and Buckley (2009) “Seeks to combat trafficking by
promoting a policy of "3 Ps": prosecution, protection, and prevention”


























































1
The Department places each country in the TIP Report onto one of the three tier lists as
mandated by the TPVA. This placement is based more on the extent of government action to
combat trafficking that on the size of the problem…Governments that fully comply are placed
on Tier 1 (U.S State Department, 2009)


 17

the ‘3P’ principle has been adapted internationally as a framework effective for
managing the issue of Trafficking in Persons.
1.5 How does Australia respond to Trafficking in Persons?
The Australian Governments Action Plan to Eradicate People Trafficking
2004 saw the introduction of The Australian Governments Action Plan to Eradicate
Trafficking in Persons (referred here after as The Action Plan) The Action Plan (2004)
came out of a series of events, which placed pressure on the government to respond to
the issue of trafficking in persons. The death of Ms. Puongtong Simaplee in
immigration detention in September 2001is often referred to as the catalyst to the
response (Maltzahn, 2008) It is believed that Ms. Simaplee was a victim of child sex
trafficking. When she was found by immigration officials she was unwell and put in
immigration detention. It is speculated that she was not offered medical treatment, her
story was not explored and she passed away soon after her detainment. 2
Prior to this point,
“Australia fervently denied for the past two years or so that individuals were
trafficked into Australia, (and it wasn’t until 2003) that authorities openly
admitted that this was indeed a possibility” (Gallagher, 2004, p.1)
The combination of the death of Ms. Simaplee and a series of media accounts by ‘The
Australian’ (Maltzahn, 2008) the international community began to come together on
this issue. Pressure was on the Australian government from several angles to respond.
The development and introduction of Australia’s response is demonstrative of the
political nature of policy development.

























































2

Annexure A


 18

The Action Plan incorporates a range of measures to prevent, prosecute and protect. The
four central tenets of the plan include:
 Prevention
 Detection and Investigation
 Criminal Prosecution and
 Victim Support and Rehabilitation
The policy response was “designed to focus on the full cycle of trafficking from
recruitment, to integration and to give equal weight to the three critical areas of
prevention, prosecution and victim support” (Blackburn in Seagrave and Milivojevic,
2010, p.63)
The process of victim support, involves a victim being identified by the Australian
Federal Police (AFP) as a potential witness. Victims come to the attention of the police
through several different pathways, most commonly The Department of Immigration
and Citizenship (DIAC) detects the individual for a breach of their visa conditions.
Should the victim choose to engage in a criminal investigation a comprehensive support
package is offered in an effort protect the victim’s health and welfare.
The Office for Women has oversight of the program, which is currently contracted to
The Australian Red Cross who deliver the services to both men and women who are
identified as victims. Under the program victims have access to financial support,
access to medical assistance, support for study (including English language), and other
health and welfare needs.
There are three streams of the Government programs, which take place parallel with the
stages of the criminal investigation. The first stream is known as the assessment stream.
This stream lasts for 45 days with the discretionary option of a 45-day extension.
During this period the victim has time to decide whether or not engaging in a criminal
investigation is a choice they wish to make. The Australian Red Cross provides
financial and case management support during this period. Often, during the 45day
assessment stream a victim is offered a Bridging Visa F, which allows them to remain
lawfully in Australia. Following the assessment stream, should a victim choose to

 19

engage with the investigation they are offered a Criminal Justice Stay Visa (CJSV).
Should a victim choose not to engage in a criminal investigation after the 45day
assessment stream, the support of The Australian Red Cross is withdrawn, as they are
no longer eligible for the program. This means that assistance is dependent on their
willingness or capacity to participate in a criminal investigation.
The CJSV allows a victim to remain lawfully in Australia for the duration of the
investigation. It is during this time that the Australian Federal Police take a
comprehensive statement of events and collect evidence pertaining to the investigation.
If necessary the victim may be required to appear in court to give evidence in the trial.
Victims who are the holder of a CJSV are given access to federal government financial
support via Centrelink, Interim Medicare and casework support from The Australian
Red Cross.
Post the investigation, victims are offered a Permanent Witness Protection Trafficking
Visa (WPTV) This visa cannot be applied for autonomously, it can be only offered by
DIAC on direction of the AFP. The WPTV is given on discretion of a victim’s
participation with an investigation regardless of the outcome of the case. (Adapted, The
Office for Women, 2009)
The Action Plan and Victim Support
As mentioned earlier, the primary focus of this research is the nexus between
prosecution and protection, therefore the majority of the analysis in this study is on the
impact and effectiveness of Australia’s response to victims of trafficking in persons.
2009 saw changes to Australia’s anti-people trafficking strategy to provide better
support for victims. These changes came as a result of community consultation by the
Australian Government with key stakeholders. This consultation suggested the current
framework was inadequately protecting victims. The changes that have occurred are
centred largely on the visa framework; which in turn increases access to welfare
support.

 20

“The changes simplify and add flexibility to the visa framework. Importantly
they give victims and their immediate family members greater certainty about
their immigration status” (IDC, 2010, p.6)
It is acknowledged that the changes made to the visa framework provide increased
support to victims through greater migration safety and certainty. It does however
exemplify again the problem I am examining; and the relationship a victim must hold
with the criminal justice system prior to be given access to such visa’s.
“The Government of Australia continued to provide comprehensive assistance
for Victims of Trafficking willing to aid in criminal prosecutions and their
family members…the Government encouraged Victims and witness’ to
participate in trafficking investigations and directly linked continued assistance
to victims’ role in a viable prosecution” (US State Department, 2009, p.68)
It is evident from The Action Plan (2004) that Australia operates on the principle that
“those who are willing to help prosecute their recruiters and exploiters should be given
the assistance necessary to facilitate such cooperation” (Gallagher, 2004, p.5) Several
studies and evaluations of Australia’s Action Plan criticise the direct attachment of
victim support to criminal investigations. Human rights defenders suggest that the
protection of a victim of trafficking in persons should be provided as unequivocal
human right.
“Restricting access to recovery and support programs to those women who
undertake to assist the investigation or prosecution of trafficking offences and to
those women whose evidence is considered to be of value, means that many
victims of trafficking would not be eligible for assistance despite suffering
significant human rights abuses. From a human rights point of view, access to
these programs should be on the basis of need” (HREOC Submission, cited by
Burn and Simmons, 2009, p.10)

 21

Obligatory participation in criminal justice processes raises real concerns for victims.
Often the trafficker has threatened the safety of the individual and/or their family and
encouraged fear for authority. As a result, negative associations and fear for safety
surround a victim when choosing to engage with authorities. People working with
victims of trafficking report that alongside the element of fear, victims are regularly
diagnosed with Post-Traumatic Stress3
. This can directly impact on a victims ability to
provide credible evidence; rendering them ineligible for services. “Traumatic events
overwhelm the brains capacity to process information” (Solomon and Heide, 2005,
p.54)
Without going into depth about the biological aspects involved in processing traumatic
memories what is known about traumatic events is that Post-Traumatic Stress affects
the storage of memories in the brain and can “generate vivid images of traumatic
experience, terrifying thoughts, feelings, body sensations, sounds and smells” (Solomon
and Heide, 2005, p.54)
A common symptom of Post-Traumatic Stress is ‘dissociation’. “Extreme trauma
results in the inhibition of neural networks…traumatic experience can disrupt the
storage of information and integration of the various systems of attention and memory”
Dissociation is a protective factor in that it “allows the traumatized individual to escape
the trauma…and avoid the reality of his or her situation and watch is as an observer”
(Cozolino, 2005, p.26)
Given the stage that the Australian Federal Police become involved in the victims
disclosure, it is speculated that it would not be uncommon that the victim would not
have had the opportunity to undertake any therapeutic intervention meaning that trauma
reactions are often high. This disadvantages victims as being unable to provide such
information may render them ineligible for services.

























































3
Annexure B


 22

Chapter Two Literature Review
2.1 Human Rights Theory
As the title suggests, this research draws on a human rights perspective to address the
current response of support for victims of Trafficking in persons. This research takes the
position that access to victim support should be given as an unequivocal human right
opposed to a “necessary part of the criminal justice response” (Pearson, 2007, p.29).
This is the premise for using a human rights framework.
Several elements will be addressed with regards to a human rights framework. These
include; establishing what is meant by a human rights framework, exploring the work of
key theorists and how human rights are reflected in social work practice. All of these
are critical to the discussion of human rights and support for victims of trafficking in
persons.
What do we mean by Human Rights?
“Human rights are inherent to all human beings, whatever our nationality, place
of residence, sex, national or ethnic origin, colour, religion, language or any
other status. We are all equally entitled to our human rights without
discrimination. These rights are all interrelated, interdependent and indivisible”
(United Nations, 2006-2010)
Human rights are often described as “universal principles that recognize and respect the
dignity of all peoples and basic standards which we can identify and measure inequality
and fairness” (HREOC, 2009) This research takes a Universalist position with regard to
human rights, with The Universal Declaration of Human Rights (1948) (UN
Declaration) central to its argument. Pertinent to the analysis and discussion of this
research project is the acknowledgement of the “inherent dignity and equal, inalienable
rights of all members of the human family”. (UN Declaration, 1948)

 23

Key Theorists
Given the universalistic position adopted for this research project, Jim Ife’s Human
Rights Theory and Social Work practice is the primary theory drawn on throughout.
In addition to the theory suggested by Ife (1995 and 2001), philosophical positions by
John Rawls (cited in Shestack 1998) and Jerome Shestack (1998) are examined.
All theorists emphasise the universal nature of human rights. Each theorist suggests that
human rights are afforded on the basis of being human. Each also acknowledges that the
discourse of rights is tied up in the analysis of need. Rights naturally imply need; this
perspective will be explored with reference to the work of Nancy Fraser, a feminist
scholar and a critical theorist (1989)
A central idea to the human rights discourse of this study is that:
“The very nature of human beings implies that they have certain rights as a
consequence of their very humanity…by simply talking about human beings we
imply human rights arising from some notion of common humanity which
requires that people be treated in a certain way” (Simmons and Feinberg in Ife,
2001, p.6)
Ife usefully applies the human rights framework to social work
“ [the] human rights perspective can strengthen social work and that it provides
a strong basis for an assertive practice that seeks to realize the social justice
goals of social workers, in what ever setting. Human rights, however, are also
contested and problematic. To develop a human rights basis for social work
requires that the idea of human rights, and the problems and criticisms
associated with it, be carefully examined” (2001, p.1)
Ife’s approach to Human Rights and Social work is thus: “By framing Social Work
specifically as a human rights profession, many of the issues and dilemmas that face
Social Work can be looked at in a new light. Further, human rights can provide social
workers with a moral basis for their practice” (2001, p. viii ) This research takes on the

 24

perspective that a human rights approach can in fact form a universal baseline for policy
development around victim protection. It does however consider that an equal weight
needs to be distributed between both victim protection and the pursuit of justice.
Ife “develops his theoretical framework based on humanist, postmodern and feminist
perspectives” (Boulet, 2003, p.238) Of great interest to this study is the emphasis Ife
places on oppression. The feminist angle of his theory “draws attention to the
oppression of patriarchy but more broadly to structural oppression” (Allan et al, 2003,
p.238) I hypothesized earlier, that the current system for victim support being
implemented by Australia, is in fact a source of oppression (i.e. restricting access to
protection and welfare support on the basis of participation in a criminal investigation)
Ife’s ideas regarding structural oppression are critical to the analysis and discussion of
this project and will be revisited in succeeding chapters of this study.
Recommendations regarding the practice of Social Work with victims of Trafficking in
persons will draw on Ife’s conclusions; particularly that the universality of human rights
will set minimum conditions of practice. Foundations as set out by Ife will be used in
producing the recommendations of this study.
Shestack (1998) suggests that Human Rights are “the rights that human beings have
simply because they are human beings and independent of their varying social
circumstances and degrees of merit” (p.2) he also highlights that the concept of rights
can often derive several meanings including “entitlement, immunity, privilege and
power” (p.2).
These ideas speak to the universal nature of rights, and the way in which rights should
be exercised. It is in this universality shared that conclusions and recommendations will
be made in this study.
Shestack supports Rawls’ postulation that:
“Each persons posses an inviolability founded on justice that even the welfare of
society cannot override…therefore in a just society the liberties of equal
citizenship are taken as settled; the rights secured by justice are not subject to

 25

political bargaining or to the calculus of social interests” (Rawls cited in
Shestack, 1998, p.9)
The current approach toward trafficking in persons in Australia can be analysed using
the central tenets of Rawls’ thesis; in particular to the concept of political bargaining
and calculus of social interests which with respect to this study hypothesizes that victim
support is being used as a political bargaining tool to meet the priority of criminal
prosecution. This idea will be further developed in succeeding chapters and is
exemplified in Case Study Two.
Rawls’ (cited in Shestack 1998) perspective on human rights addresses the way in
which society is constructed. Rawls’ perspective complements that of Ife , which argues
that institutions or systems of society are socially constructed. Rawls’ theory “provides
a way of assigning rights and duties in the basic institutions of society. These principles
define the appropriate distribution of benefits and burdens of social cooperation”
(Shestack, 1998, p.9)
Victim protection as discussed above is offered on the basis of a victim’s contribution to
a criminal investigation. Central to the argument is whether or not this aligns with
principles of human rights. Using Rawls’ theory, one could argue that in fact there is an
unsound distribution of benefits based on the burden of social cooperation.
Fraser (1989) suggests that there is a distinct relationship between needs and rights.
When talking about rights, it naturally implies that there is a need. Fraser (1989) aligns
herself with those positions “who favour translating justified needs claims into social
rights” (p. 163) The test for this study is establish evidence which suggests that the
Australian Government needs to reassess the current victim support program and make
changes that are in line with a human rights framework. This is in direct correlation
with Frasers (1989) view; “to treat justified needs claims as the bases for new social
rights is to begin to overcome obstacles to the effective exercise of some existing
rights” (p.183)

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How are human rights reflected in Social Work practice?
Human rights are at the core of the Social Work profession. “Social Work is arguably
the core human rights profession given its value base” (Ife, 2001, p. 5) The Australian
Association of Social Work Code of Ethics (2010), highlight 3 key values that members
of the Social Work profession are expected to work from. This includes the principle of
‘Respect of Persons’, which is concerned with respecting human rights of individuals
and groups.
In addition to this, under the core commitments of Social Work is the commitment to
‘Social Justice and Human Rights’. In adherence to this Social Workers are expected to
not only promote policies, practices and social conditions that uphold human rights but
also to empower individuals, families and groups to seek their full protection of human
rights.
As Ife (2001) suggests, a human rights framework is not a “definitive answer” (p.202)
and it cannot prescribe the way in which Social Work is practiced. It can however make
“some suggestions” (p.202) about why the practice of social work should encompass
elements of human rights. “A human rights discourse is, by nature a discourse of hope.
It concentrates not only on what is wrong but also articulates a vision of what is right, of
where we could be heading, of the human ideal” (Ife, 2001, p.203)

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2.2 Anti-Oppressive Social Work Practice
In addition to a focus on Human Rights Theory, this study draws on Anti-Oppressive
Social Work Practice as a secondary tool of analysis. Anti-Oppressive Social Work
Practice is closely related to the key concepts of Human Rights Theory. It however
places greater emphasis on structural disadvantage opposed to an individual struggle.
There are several reasons why Anti-Oppressive Social Work Practice theory has been
used in this study. Anti-Oppressive practice effectively addresses the way services are
currently being delivered in Australia; it allows the consideration of ‘user-led
intervention’ to achieve the overall objective of the study and thirdly, the relevance
Anti-Oppressive Social Work theory has to Social Work Practice.
I begin by outlining the central ideas of the theory of Anti-Oppressive Social Work
practice, which are pertinent to analysis, and discussion of the study. Finally, I will look
at how Anti-Oppressive Social Work Practice fits within the Social Work profession.
Key Theorists
The perspective of Lena Dominelli (2002) in her work on Anti-Oppressive Social Work
Practice is drawn on as the central tool of analysis. Dominelli’s (2002) view will be
shared as a way of assessing current Australian policy and in defining Anti-Oppressive
Social Work Practice. Work by Katherine van Wormer (2004) will also be used. Van
Wormer (2004) offers her perspective with a greater focus on challenging oppression
and advocating for change from the angle of social policy. van Wormers (2004) ideas
will be used as a way to ground recommendations for policy change.
What is Anti-Oppressive Social Work Practice?
Anti Oppressive Social Work Practice is defined by Dominelli as:
“A form of Social Work Practice which addresses social divisions and structural
inequalities…to provide more appropriate and sensitive services by responding
to people’s needs regardless of their social status. Anti-Oppressive practice
embodies a person-centered philosophy, an egalitarian value system concerned

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with reducing the deleterious effects of structure inequalities upon people’s
lives; a methodology focusing on both process and outcome; and a way of
structuring relationships between individuals that aim to empower users by
reducing the negative effects of hierarchy in…the work they do together”
(Dominelli, 2009 cited in AASW Code of Ethics, 2010, p.53)
Critical to the definition of Anti-Oppressive Social Work practice is the way in which
structural inequalities reduce the opportunity for individuals to exercise the full array of
their human rights. Dominelli (2002) states that Anti-Oppressive Social Work Practice
“focuses on those who are excluded from realizing their creative potential as a result of
disadvantaging contexts that they contend with daily” This particular element of the
theory will be used a central point of analysis. In analyzing the results of the study, one
asks the question about what impact current policies have on victims in their search for
protection and a viable future?
The nature of this study also touches on the varying experiences of victims based on
their engagement with the criminal justice system. Dominelli (2002) puts forward the
concept that “Oppression involves relations of domination that divide people into
dominant or superior groups, and subordinate or inferior ones” (p. 8) This is particularly
pertinent to the study, as the analysis will involve a cross comparison between one
victim who engaged with the criminal justice system and one who could not. The study
will look from this perspective offered by Dominelli (2002) and draw conclusions based
on the divide that was drawn between the two victims.
Another focal point of Anti-Oppressive Social Work Practice is the emphasis placed on
‘user-led intervention’. This is critical to the analysis and discussion in that results
ascertained from the case study participants will form the basis of suggested policy
reform. The idea of user-led intervention speaks to ideas of empowerment, social
justice and human rights. This study aims to give victims a voice and an opportunity to
suggest reform based on their experiences; “enabling users to play a greater role in the
design and delivery of services they require and (for) professionals to respond more
appropriately to the agendas they set” (Dominelli, 2002, p.5).

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van Wormer (2004) sees Anti-Oppressive Social Work Practice as “minimalising power
differences in society and maximising the rights to which all people are entitled” (p. 9)
This links with Dominelli’s (2002) position in that all individuals should be given the
resources they need to achieve their full potential.
The unique position that van Wormer (2004) holds in her writing is an analysis on Anti-
Oppressive Practice and Social Policy development. “Policy and practice are clearly
intertwined” (van Wormer, 2004, p.14). This is a critical point of analysis for the study,
in that the impact of policy impedes not only on Social Work practice, but also on a
victims ability to access resources and navigate the system. The investigation of the
impact of social policy is key to the study as one of the central tenets is to in fact assess
the impact of current policy on victims.
van Wormer (2004) too offers a view on social exclusion. This is angled more closely
toward policy development. “Social exclusion goes beyond the mere words ‘social’ and
‘exclusion’ into the political realm. Embodied in this concept is a framework
concerning political and economic process” (van Wormer, 2004, p.21) As stated earlier,
the assessment of policy on the victims experience is key to the study. It too assists to
answer the question introduced earlier, which is; what impact do current policies have
on victims in their search for protection and a viable future?
Racism is also an important element to be considered as part of Anti-Oppressive Social
Work practice, it leads to a consideration of culturally competent practice. Racism is a
distinct element of oppression and is arguably reflected in Australian Policy. The
concept of racism within the context of Anti-Oppressive Social Work Practice will be
used as another point of analysis and discussion in successive chapters of this study.
Culturally competent practice relates to both the way in which practitioners carry out
their work, and how policy is formulated. Culturally competent practice is central to this
study given the cultural background of the case studies being diverse. It also speaks to
the nature of Trafficking in persons as a whole, often individuals from culturally and
linguistically diverse backgrounds find themselves immersed in systems that are foreign
and may not be accommodating to a culturally diverse population. Racism and

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culturally incompetent practice stand as further avenues of oppression for victims of
trafficking in persons.
Like Dominelli (2002) van Wormer (2004) also offers perspective on structural
inequalities. However van Wormers (2004) emphasis is on ‘structural barriers rather
than individual pathology’ van Wormers (2004) thesis is influenced by Chapin’s (1995)
‘Inclusive Empowerment Approach’ “This approach underscores the need for client
perceptions of the situation to be clearly understood and incorporated…social policy
development from this perspective is a powerful tool for helping people attain social
and economic justice” (p.123)
Finally, the psychology of oppression will be considered in the analysis of the data set.
In particular van Wormer (2004) shares that concepts such as victim blaming, displaced
aggression and internalized oppression are pertinent in individual reactions to social
policy. These ideas will be considered in relation to current Australian policy looking
closely at their relevance to existing policy and development of new policy, and how
they can be considered in the development of social policy.
How is Anti-Oppressive Social Work Practice reflected in Social Work Practice?
Anti-Oppressive Social Work Practice is reflected in Social Work practice through the
core values of the profession. It is alluded to in the Australian Association of Social
Work Code of Ethics (2010) as a key practice standard.
To quote Dominelli (2002)
“Social Workers have a responsibility to challenge the grotesque image of poor
people and besides bringing to public notice the strengths of those who battle to
transcend social exclusion, to work to empower those who are engulfed in the
weight of circumstances in which they are embedded” (p.4)
One of the central objectives of the study is to do just that, to challenge and advocate for
policy reform based on the view of the victims. van Wormer (2004) sees Social Work as
adequately placed to challenge and confront oppression as it ”often sees firsthand the

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unintended consequences of social policies” (p.24) In this instance, the impact of
limited support options for victims of trafficking in persons.

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Chapter Three Research Methodology
3.1 Research Design
The research project is a qualitative study with the primary research method being two
case studies. Incorporated in the study are elements of participatory action research
(PAR) and reflexivity.
According to Merriam (2009) qualitative research methods are used within fields where
their core business is making enquiry and asking “questions about people’s lives” (p.6)
Furthermore qualitative research methods derive from “having an interest in knowing
more about ones practice and indeed in improving ones practice” (Merriam, 2009, p.1)
This demonstrates a clear fit between this research study, social work practice and its
chosen methodology.
The two case studies will be explored in conjunction with principles of PAR and
reflexivity through a critical social work lens. The study will explore responses to the
current victim support package, and will “critique, challenge, transform and empower”
(Merriam, 2009, Figure 2.1, p.38) the current response of the Australian Government to
victim support for trafficked people.
The PAR process aims to compliment the case study methodology in that issues
identified by the client group will be discussed with relation to determining outcomes
and final recommendations as a result of the study.
Case Study Methodology
A case study is an “empirical enquiry that investigates contemporary phenomenon
within its real-life context, especially when the boundaries between phenomenon and
context are not clearly evident” (Yin, 2008, p.18). Yin (2008) suggests that a case study
methodology can be used to “understand a real-life phenomenon in depth” (p.18)
This research study sets out to understand the reality of victim support for victims of
human trafficking; balanced against what is said by government departments and

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academics about victim support. The case study methodology has been positioned to
provide a comparative analysis of support available to trafficked people. The two cases
assist the study in identifying the victim’s perspective of support offered to them, and
from this perspective put forward suggestions of policy reform.
The structure used in this study is laid out by Yin (2008). He states that there are five
key elements to a case study research design. These include: the study’s questions, its
propositions if any, its units of analysis, the logic linking the data to the propositions
and the criteria for interpreting the findings.
The case study methodology involves not only the two cases, but the analysis of pre-
existing literature and theory. The analysis of results will involve the incorporation of
theories of human rights and anti-oppressive social work practice. Each of these theories
offer both individual and societal analysis of results. The consideration of theory in the
case study research design is critical to the validity of the study’s design. (Yin, 2008)
Participatory Action Research
Wadsworth (1998) sees PAR as “action, reflection, raising of questions, planning of
fieldwork to review current (and past actions)-its conduct, analysis of experience
encountered, the drawing of conclusions and the planning of new and transformed
actions” (p.4) the research question for this study arose from my ongoing involvement
in the field and working with victims of trafficking in persons.
The overall objective of this study is to produce recommendations that will contribute to
an examination of the current implementation of victim support within the trafficking in
persons framework. “Most participatory action research sets out to explicitly study
something in order to change and improve it. It most often arises from an unsatisfactory
situation that those most affected wish to alter for the better” (Wadsworth, 1998, p.6).
The theoretical fit between PAR and this study is in the production of recommendations
derived from the two case studies.
Whilst it is acknowledged that a key element of PAR is the involvement of the research
participants actively engaging in all stages of the research process, the primary element

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of PAR relevant to this study is “reflective enquiry…and research whose purpose is to
enable action” (Baum, MacDougall and Smith, 2004, p.854). PAR principles are used in
conjunction with case study and reflexivity, as PAR principles cannot be employed in
their entirety. Participants have not been actively involved in the whole research
process.
Reflexivity
Another crucial consideration of this study is the element of reflexivity. Reflexivity
refers to
“An awareness of the researchers contribution to the construction of meanings
throughout the research process and an acknowledgement of the impossibility of
remaining ‘outside of’ ones subject matter whilst conducting research.
Reflexivity then, urges us to explore ways in which a researchers involvement
with a particular study influences as upon and informs such research”
(Nightingale and Cromby, 1999,p.228)
I acknowledge that I have come to this research with practice experience in the field of
support to trafficked persons. My research question has derived from this practice, and a
perceived need to improve current systems and policy. I acknowledge that throughout
this process meanings have been constructed given my daily interaction with victims
accommodated in a safe shelter. As suggested by Nightingale and Cromby (1999) it has
been impossible to remain ‘outside of’ the subject matter.
There is much to be learned from a reflective and reflexive researcher. It is
advantageous to this study that an acknowledgement of practice experience is
incorporated. Sandelowski and Barroso (2002) explain that reflective and reflexive
research is contributes to the soundness of a study
“Reflexivity is a hallmark of excellent qualitative research and it entails the
ability and willingness of researchers to acknowledge and take account of the
many ways they themselves influence research findings and thus what comes to
be accepted as knowledge. Reflexivity implies the ability to reflect inward
toward oneself as an inquirer; outward to the cultural, historical, linguistic,

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political and other forces that shape everything about enquiry; and in between
research and participants and the social interaction they share”(p.222)
3.2 Research Questions
The questions addressed throughout this research project can be found in the
Introduction (p. 2)
3.3 Research Sampling
The sampling method used for this research project was purpose sampling. Participants
were selected based on their current experience of support after their trafficking
experience.
The study set out to explore three case studies. Each case study looked at a different
response to support options offered, including:
1. Full participation in the Criminal Justice Process, and therefore access to the
Australian Government contracted support package;
2. Attempted participation in the Criminal Justice Process, however declined by
the Australian Federal Police and therefore access community based support
options;
3. Choice not to participate in the Criminal Justice Process, and pursuit of
Protection Visa with Refugee claims, assisted by community based support
options.
Despite three participants consenting to the study, participant three declined to be
interviewed therefore the study went ahead with two cases. Participant three did not
state the reasons why they chose to not participate. They avoided requests for interview
and given the voluntary nature of the study, after discussion with my research
supervisor I chose to stop pursing participant three, and do a comparative analysis with
participants one and two. It can be hypothesized that participant three chose not to
participate in the study as the process involved discussing the experiences of trafficking
and pursuit of a protection visa. The literature and other studies suggest that it is a
traumatic experience for many victims of human trafficking to be asked to recall events

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of the past. The issue of trauma associated with recalling experiences is exemplified by
participants one and two in the discussion of the study.
The two cases were identified via invitations to organisations working in the field.
Organisations were asked to identify clients who may be interested in the study
according to the study guidelines. Some organisations that were invited to participate
were unresponsive to the request and others declined the request. One organisation
agreed to participate and nominated all three participants.
3.4 Data Collection Method
4 Semi-Structured interviews were conducted with each of the participants. The
interviews took place in four parts:
a) Pre arrival
b) Arrival and experience in Australia
c) Seeking assistance
d) Ways forward
To ensure a rigorous study, the following criterion was considered:
1. Construct Validity; two case studies were conducted in order to establish a chain
of evidence; as part of the research process, participants had the opportunity to
view the study and provide feedback before final submission;
2. Internal Validity; the two case studies were compared with one another and pre-
existing literature, consideration is given to alternate explanations; as referred to
under sampling, the case studies cover two different streams of service delivery
including, one on the government contract program, one ineligible or unable to
participate in the government program.
3. External Validity; replication logic was be used in case studies to identify
common themes and ideas;
4. Reliability; Case study protocol was implemented in terms of determining case
study questions, accurately identifying data collection procedures, linking theory

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to practice and presenting policy reform in case study report and finally carrying
out effective evaluation of the study. (Criterion adapted from Yin, 2009, p.41)


3.5 Data Analysis
The study as stated above involved two independent case studies specifically selected to
address different angles of victim support. The data was collected in the qualitative
tradition through semi-structure narrative style interviews, and common themes have
been identified.
Firstly, the study looked at one of four general strategies as proposed by Yin (2009,
p.130)
 Relying on Theoretical Propositions; linking theoretical propositions that led to
the case study. This will require re-examining available literature and practice
knowledge and drawing conclusions about the data that has been collected.
Secondly, the study employed a cross-case synthesis approach that will specifically
address the analysis of the multiple cases explored in the study. As stated above
common themes will be identified across the cases. Word tables that display the data in
a uniform framework will assist in the building of relationships and conclusions.
Essentially, the case studies were analysed to prove or disprove assumptions on the
inadequacy of current victim support programs.
3.6 Limitations of Methodology
• Concern that the study will lack rigor: given the size of the study, the sample
may not represent the breadth and depth of the issue. This is also a common
limitation of case study research. Care has been taken to ensure data collection
was systematic.
• Generalisation: Case study research is often criticized for its inability to
produced data that can be generalized. This study in its employment of firm
human rights principles argues that the context of all victim support regardless
of the nature could benefit from the outcomes of this study.

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Chapter Four Case Studies
As noted above, the study involves an examination of two case studies
Case One
Ms. Y is 35-year-old woman from East Africa. Ms. Y and her five siblings were raised
by their mother and she never knew her father. Post-election violence in her country of
origin devastated Ms. Y’s family leaving two siblings missing and her mother brutally
murdered. Ms. Y completed her school studies but never went on to tertiary education,
as her mother could not afford to have more than one child studying at a time. Ms. Y
worked in a coffee shop where she met her husband and subsequently had three
children.
Ms. Y has been a single mother of her three children since her husband was also killed
during pre-election campaigning in 2007. After her husband’s death, her mother
supported her and her children with accommodation and financial assistance. Sadly,
shortly after her husband’s death, Ms. Y’s mother was brutally murdered and the village
in which she lived was burned down.
Ms. Y and her children were lucky enough to escape unharmed, however they were left
homeless and without any way that she could provide for them. Ms. Y was able to
secure a job as a domestic helper through her older sister who was also working in this
field.
An East African man and his Australian wife employed Ms. Y. They had two young
daughters. Her employer assisted her to find a place to live and provided her with a
small income so that she would be able to care for her children. The work involved
“cleaning the house, washing of the dishes, ironing of the clothes, making the beds,
watering the plants…at times they could tell me to take care of their young girls, they
had two daughters”
In 2009, the East African man that had employed Ms. Y was killed. Shortly after his
death, his wife decided to relocate to Australia with her family. Ms. Y was offered

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employment in Australia to continue on as the family’s domestic help. Coming to
Australia meant that “I was to continue with my job and they were to continue paying
me…I felt that I had no choice, I am the only one that supports my three children, I am
a single mother…it would not be easy to just leave the job at once when I don’t have
any hope of any other job”
In coming to Australia Ms. Y was promised accommodation within their family home
and provision of all her needs including food. The employer also offered her a monthly
living allowance along with a salary that would be paid in East Africa in order for her
children to continue to be supported. However when Ms. Y came to Australia she found
that it was not like she had believed it to be; “they did not fulfill any of their promises,
its kind of they turned again what it was that I was expecting from them…I found that
even the money they promised to give me here I could not get”
Ms. Y was required to do more work at the house in Australia compared to East Africa.
Ms. Y stated: “I found it was more…they had two dogs that was the first time I had to
look after dogs…I was also to take care of the cat. This was extra jobs for me” Ms. Y
was expected to work from 6am in the morning “until whatever time they expected me
to do something at night…I was not even allowed to have a break” The house
accommodated Ms. Y’s employer, her two children, her mother and her mother’s friend.
This was more people than Ms. Y had expected to look after.
In addition to the work Ms. Y was expected to do, she was not permitted to leave the
house. If she was allowed to leave the house the children accompanied her and it was
usually to take them out to the park. There were a few isolated occasions where she was
permitted to attend church for the Sunday service but she was driven there and picked
up directly following the service. Ms Y was made to sleep under the dining room table,
as there was no space in the home to accommodate her. Ms. Y’s employer placed
restrictions on how often Ms. Y could shower and what and when she could eat.

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Ms. Y’s was denied her access to her passport. Ms. Y was forbidden to talk to anybody,
she was not to tell anybody why she was in Australia or that she was working for the
family. Ms. Y found this peculiar and confusing, as this was the reason she had come to
Australia and did not know why everything was to be kept a secret.
One evening, Ms. Y asked for her passport and her visa. Her employer refused to allow
her to see her passport and visa and threatened to call the police. They informed Ms. Y
that she did not have the right to see her passport or to have her passport in her own
possession; “I don’t know much about travelling, but I would think that my passport
would be my own identity document…to identify me” Ms. Y attempted to contact a
lady who another man had told her would be able to help her. Ms. Y then learned that
she was unable to make calls from the phone her employer had given her so she left the
house and asked a neighbor for assistance.
The employer noticed Ms. Y had gone to the neighbors residence to request assistance.
Ms. Y’s employer continued to threaten that she would phone the police. Ms. Y
requested that they call the police as she thought this would be a way in which she could
get assistance. Whilst Ms. Y was seeking help from the neighbor her employer’s
mother’s friend came to the neighbors house. Ms. Y and the person had a physical
altercation in an effort to take possession of the mobile phone. During this Ms. Y was
physically assaulted, the person fractured Ms. Y’s foot. After some time of Ms. Y
refusing to return to the house the police were called.
When the police arrived Ms. Y’s employer began throwing her belongings out of the
house and telling the police to deport her as she was illegal. Ms. Y states that when the
police arrived they only took information from her employer and she was given no
opportunity to tell her side of the story. Despite Ms. Y trying to tell the police what had
happened to her.
Ms. Y was taken to the police station as the employer had indicated to the police that
she was no longer able to remain accommodated with them. Ms. Y described this
situation to be very unjust as the police were not willing to hear her side of the story; “I
was there to tell them what was happening to me…they didn’t give me a chance, they

 41

were just listening to my employer”
Ms. Y stated that despite wishing for the police to come and assist her she found the
police to have behaved in a way no different to her home country; “I felt like another
country like my country, because the people who have power or the people from high
class don’t allow the people from the lower class to talk…I find its another country
without freedom of speech”
Ms. Y spent several hours at the police station, she could not remember how many
exactly but thought it to be around five hours in total. During this time, the police did
not ask Ms. Y what had happened or how she came to be in Australia. They had
assumed that what her employer had told them was the truth. They were of the belief
that Ms. Y was the Aunt of the children and would be returning home to East Africa in
the morning.
Ms. Y stated that her employer had informed the police that she was to depart for East
Africa the next day so were attempting to find her one night accommodation before she
left. This was not in fact the truth and Ms. Y had not been prepared to return home to
East Africa. Since leaving that night she has not had any further contact with her
employer.
Ms. Y was eventually able to contact the NSW Police Multicultural Liaison Officer. She
remembered she had put her phone number inside her suitcase and asked the police if
she was able to look through her luggage and locate the number. Ms. Y had originally
obtained this lady’s number from somebody in church that she had confided in and
asked for help.
This police officer was able to accommodate Ms. Y at her friends place for the evening.
In the morning, Ms. Y was taken to Immigrant Women’s Speak Out, and was
subsequently referred to The Salvation Army, Safe House for Trafficked Women.
The Safe House for Trafficked Women is a supported accommodation service for
women who have experienced situations of trafficking, slavery or slavery like practices.

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Residents at the service have access to 24 hour a day 7 day a week support. They are
assigned a caseworker that provides intensive, comprehensive and culturally appropriate
case management support.
After working with Samaritan Accommodation staff Ms. Y was informed of her options
and choices as a trafficked person. Her caseworker had informed Ms. Y that the service
considered her to be a trafficked person and explained to her what it meant to be a
trafficked person.
Ms. Y explained that the support offered by The Salvation Army was comprehensive
and “so helpful”. A lawyer was offered to assist Ms. Y along with professional and
volunteer support staff to meet her individual needs.
Ms. Y made a statement to the Australian Federal Police Transnational Sexual
Exploitation Taskforce, who handle matters associated with Trafficking in Persons. Ms.
Y stated that this statement only took approximately half an hour and she was unable to
express everything she felt she needed to; “they kept asking questions one after the
other; it was like in a rush. The simple answer was given and that was all they go to
another one”
Ms. Y stated that she was not offered an interpreter for this interview and this hindered
her ability to communicate with the officers effectively and accurately. She stated that it
would have been more useful to her to be able to speak in her own language.
After the brief interview the interviewing officer informed Ms. Y’s caseworker that her
matter did not satisfy any offences relating to Trafficking in Persons despite her story
displaying elements consistent with the definition of Trafficking in Persons as per the
UN Protocol. Given this outcome Ms. Y was unable to access the support offered by the
Australian Government for trafficked persons; including support from The Red Cross or
Protection to remain in Australia and seek justice.

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As a result, Ms. Y has continued to receive assistance from The Salvation Army and is
currently in the process of pursuing a Refugee Protection Visa. The details of this case
cannot be discussed in the study given the highly sensitive nature of her claims. She has
been in the process of applying for this visa for the last 12 months and at the time of the
research was awaiting an interview at the Refugee Review Tribunal.
Ms. Y spoke about her experiences of applying for protection, including being
interviewed by DIAC. Ms. Y likened her interview with DIAC to that of the interview
with the Federal Police, brief and rushed. Although she was offered an interpreter she
still found it difficult to express herself.
Ms. Y spoke about the continual interviews and request to repeat events in her life being
a traumatizing experience. Ms. Y said that she was going through the process because
she was desperate for safety and protection for both her and her family; “I lost even the
appetite of eating, so even the food was there I was not willing to eat”
Ms. Y continues to wait for a decision for her protection.
Ms. Y’s case exemplifies that there are some alternative pathways to victims who are
deemed ineligible for participation in the Criminal Justice System. However more
importantly this case highlights an important factor: There is disparity between the
criminal offences in Australia and the UN Protocol that defines Trafficking in Persons.
David and Gallagher confirm this in their submission to the Attorney General’s
Department in March 2011 “the authors submit that there are gaps in the Australian
Criminal law when compared to the requirements of both the Protocol to Prevent,
Suppress and Punish Trafficking in Persons, Especially Women and Children”(p.1)
This will be discussed in greater detail in the succeeding chapter.

 44

Case Two
Mr. W is a 27-year-old male from South Asia. He grew up primarily with his younger
sister, cousins, grandmother and aunt. He lived between his mother’s house, his aunt’s
house and his grandmothers as his parents would often travel abroad to find work
because there were limited opportunities for work in their home country.
After finishing secondary school Mr. W was expected to commence work and
contribute financially to the family. In addition to this Mr. W has a sister and as a male
member of the family he was also required to prepare for his sisters marriage and
provide money for the dowry. Mr. W only ever spoke about the dowry being his
responsibility, he spoke of his parents being unable to earn money for this as well as
pay for their house. He studied catering technology with the hope of increasing his
chances of finding employment.
Mr. W describes himself as coming from a poor village where it was difficult to find
work, and even when he got a job he would earn very little money.
Mr. W states the idea to come to Australia first came from his father. At the time his
father was working in a hotel. A guest at the hotel was known to travel frequently
between Australia and South Asia. He was known to have restaurants in Australia, and
he would often offer work in his restaurants in Australia to people from South Asia; Mr.
W was told that the guest “came from Australia, he has helped a lot of people”
Mr. W met with the guest, Mr. Z to talk about the possibility of travelling to Australia
for work. Mr. Z told Mr. W that in Australia “job is not very easy, 365 days you need to
work and life is like a mission, like a robot” Mr. W thought about it and concluded that
he was from a poor family and needed to help them, so agreed that he would go to
Australia to work. Mr. W had also never travelled to Australia so he thought that these
were the working conditions in Australia. Mr. Z gave Mr. W’s mother a job in his
family home (in South Asia) cleaning and looking after his family whilst he travelled
back and forth to Australia. Mr. W trusted that Mr. Z was an honest man because he
was also providing his mother with work.

 45

Mr. Z arranged all of Mr. W’s travel. He took direction from Mr. Z with regard to the
arrangement of his passport and visa. Travelling to Australia was the first time Mr. W
had left South Asia, so he trusted that Mr. Z knew the process and would help him.
During this time Mr. W signed some blank paper and documents, which was later found
to be used for fraudulent applications to Australia’s Department of Immigration and
Citizenship (DIAC).
When Mr. W arrived in Australia he was taken straight to one of Mr. Z’s restaurants and
set to work. Mr. W was accommodated at Mr. Z’s family residence in Australia. He was
made to sleep on the floor of the living room and was not permitted free use of the
kitchen or other household facilities. Mr. Z escorted Mr. W to and from the restaurants
daily.
Mr. Z threatened Mr. W if he did not comply with his requests. He told him stories
about what he had done to other people who did not comply. In addition to this Mr. Z
threatened to have Mr. W’s father put in jail if he did something wrong whilst working
for him. Mr. Z took possession of Mr. W’s passport and denied him access to it.
Mr. W worked every day as a kitchen hand in two of Mr. Z’s restaurants. He worked
from approximately 9:30am until midnight, without days off. He was not permitted
meal breaks. Before travelling to Australia Mr. Z agreed to pay Mr. W’s father a sum of
money for the work Mr. W was completing. When Mr. W came to Australia Mr. Z did
not pay any money to Mr. W and it is unclear if he ever paid money to his father. Mr. Z
told Mr. W that he would be deducting the money it cost for his travel to Australia and
only after that point he would start receiving payment for the work he was doing. Mr. W
continued working for Mr. Z because he believed that he owed him money that he
needed to pay back.
Mr. Z travelled to South Asia for 3 days. During this time the Australian Federal Police
came to the restaurant and questioned Mr. W about the work he was doing. Mr. W later
found out that they had come to the restaurant because another staff member had made a
complaint about his working conditions.

 46

Mr. W agreed to continue giving the Australian Federal Police information about his
situation. Mr. W states that he agreed to continue talking to the Australian Federal
Police because “they said they could help me” He said that he felt scared about talking
with the police because of the stories Mr. Z had told him, especially the thought of his
father being put in prison.
Mr. W travelled to Sydney with the Australian Federal Police. He stayed in a hotel and
continued to assist the Australian Federal Police with their investigation. Mr. W
describes his experience with the support program and the Australian Federal Police as
disheartening as they could often not provide the assistance he required. During the time
he was giving his statement to the police (approximately 1-2 months) his parents were
urging him to return to the restaurant, because they too were afraid. Mr. W reports that
he continued to assist the police because he would be able to remain safe; “ I thought if
I stopped the story something would happen to me”
Mr. W testified in court approximately one year after giving his statement to the
Australian Federal Police. He discussed the difficult experience he had with testifying in
court, including sitting opposite Mr. Z in the courtroom increasing his level of anxiety
and distress .He stated on numerous occasions that he believed “If I stop my story, they
will stop the help. Maybe the Australian police are going to say, sorry we cannot help
you”
Mr. Z was not convicted. Following his testament in court, Mr. W believed that the
Australian Federal Police and the support program would continue to assist him with
what he needed to remain and settle in Australia. Following the court, “I came to the
police building and they said “Sorry, we failed the case; we are going to help for your
future” Mr. W talked about his disappointment with this process, as the Australian
Federal Police only assisted him to obtain a temporary visa and both the police and the
support program informed Mr. W “Sorry, we cannot help you any more” this confused
Mr. W as before that the police had told him “Sorry the case is not successful, we are
not going to stop to help you, we are looking at your future…but they never, they
couldn’t do”

 47

4 years after the trial, despite his full cooperation with a criminal investigation; at the
time the interview was conducted Mr. W is awaiting a permanent visa and the
opportunity to exercise his rights as a resident of Australia. Mr. W expressed frustration
and anger at the process during his interviews, he expressed disappointment in the
Australian Government; “The Australian Government say they ‘save the people, save
the people’ but I feel they did not save me…Australia is a very good country, but I am
not sure what they are doing for other people. They only help for Australian people,
only the Australian citizens but what about other people?”
Mr. W’s case demonstrates that whilst a framework is in place it does not adequately
meet the identified needs of the victim. This case also highlights how the support
program can often be offered to victims as a bargaining tool for participation in a
criminal justice investigation. The succeeding chapter of this study will look in more
detail at the implications of this process for victims with regard to their human rights,
and assess the way in which there is an unequal distribution of weight given to
prosecution and protection.

 48

Chapter Five Analysis and Discussion
The two cases outlined above demonstrate two different types of trafficking.
The case of Ms. Y can be seen as a an isolated incidence of trafficking involving labour
exploitation, Mr. W’s case can be viewed as more of an organized crime venture.
Fundamentally, both of these cases demonstrate the core principles involved in the
movement of persons for the purpose of labour exploitation.
The support options available to both cases were vastly different. Mr. W constantly
referred to the police being the ones that offered support. Throughout the interview
process there was little mention of the contracted service provider, which demonstrates
that Mr. W had little understanding of his rights and entitlements as a victim on the
program. Ms. Y on the other hand spoke a lot more of the support that was offered to
her through The Salvation Army. Most importantly Ms. Y stated that she began to have
a clear understanding of her rights and the choices and options that were available to her
for protection.
Ms. Y
As alluded to above one of the important factors that this case highlights is the gap in
Australia’s response to trafficking in persons offences compared with that of the UN
Protocol. It is unclear about the information that was shared between the AFP and the
client with regard to whether or not the case was classified by them as trafficking.
However the client left the interview with the impression that her case was trafficking
but there was not enough information for the case to be taken forward.
David and Gallagher (2011) speak to this in their submission to the Attorney General’s
Department.
“Operational experience suggests that some aspects of Australia’s anti-
trafficking laws are not capable of responding to the modus operandi of
offenders…Australia’s criminal law currently targets the most extreme instances
of slavery and trafficking in persons. This leaves little room for the police to
respond to cases that appear to be highly abusive and coercive, but do not quite

 49

meet the elements of proof required for a prosecution under “forced labour”,
“slavery” and “Sexual Servitude” under Australian criminal law” (p.1-2)
The above view put forward by David and Gallagher (2011), can be hypothesized as the
reason why the AFP did not take on Ms. Y’s case.
Mr. W
This case highlights several issues with regard to protection and support offered to
victims in cases of trafficking. The legal argument is less prevalent here as his case was
taken to trial.
A stand out point in this case, is the lack of information Mr. W had about his rights and
entitlements as a victim. As suggested earlier there was very little reference made to the
support that was offered by the contracted service provider and when asked who it was
that was assisting him he said “somebody the police told to help me”. Mr. W was
unable to name the service provider, as when he asked this question of his support
worker he was told, “it was a secret”.
It is acknowledged that the current contracted service provider has changed since Mr. W
was on the program, and anecdotally it is believed that practices around rights education
have been enhanced. However this cannot take away from Mr. W’s experience or the
impact of this on his future direction. Furthermore, it is also understood that the basic
entitlements available on the program have not changed (see section 1.5)
The case studies have been analysed using three primary themes, encompassing
elements of Human Rights theory and Anti-Oppressive Social Work theory as discussed
in preceding chapters of this study. It should be acknowledged at this point, that whilst
this study’s analysis looks at the importance of victim protection, the study does not
deny the importance of prosecution. The study is advocating for equal weight to be
given to both prosecution and protection.

 50

5.1 Evidence of elements of Trafficking in Persons
Both cases evidence obvious indicators of Trafficking in Persons for the purpose of
labour exploitation. Both cases satisfy the United Nations Trafficking in Persons
Protocol (2000) in that there was evidence of “recruitment, transportation, coercion,
deception, control and exploitation”. Both Ms. Y and Mr. W’s cases show how
traffickers “prey on the vulnerable” (US State Department, 2008, p. 7) presenting
opportunities that address the individual’s desperation for an improved way of life.
There is evidence of labour exploitation in both cases whereby the work that was
originally consented to before travel was changed on arrival to Australia. This is more
obvious is the case of Ms. Y. In the case of Mr. W the trafficker used deception in order
to make him believe that the conditions he was being subjected to were standard for
Australian workplaces. In both cases the arrangement prior to travel with regard to
wages was not upheld.
Many aspects of these two cases appear to be fundamentally the same. Both victims
were bought to Australia with travel arranged by another, identity documents were
withheld and labour was extracted and payment for services was not provided, yet one
case was taken forward as a criminal investigation and the other was not. The
discrepancy between the two cases still remains unclear.
5.2 Protection and Assistance
Whilst both Ms. Y and Mr. W sought different remedies similarities can be drawn
between the two cases. These similarities bring to light the challenges both victims
faced in their navigation of service systems and search for protection.
Each of the following protection and assistance issues highlight the psychology of
oppression alluded to in Chapter Two. Victim blaming, displaced aggression and
internalized oppression are exemplified in several interactions that are had between
victims and service providers including law enforcement. Most pertinent is the
reinforcement of internalized oppression through each incidence of disappointment,

 51

rejection and failure of current Australian policy.
Anti-Oppressive Social Work Theory allows the consideration of the way services are
currently being delivered in Australia. From the data collated for this research it could
be argued that the very nature of service delivery contributes significantly to the future
oppression of an already vulnerable and demonized group.
Education about Australian Systems
Both cases demonstrated that the Australian Government agencies involved in
implementing the Action Plan (2004) did not offer a range of options to victims with
regard to the choices they have for assistance. In both cases, the agencies responsible
for implementing the framework did not offer any education about Australian Systems
or the rights they have under the Australian law.
It is unclear in the case of Mr. W whether or not the role of the Federal Police and
community agencies was ever explained. It is also indistinct whether or not the
information that was shared by the Federal Police with regard to assistance was entirely
accurate or skewed in a way so that Mr. W would participate in an investigation; “the
first time they came, they said they were going to help, that’s it…they need to tell
before, we are going to help you, you need to go to court, make a statement…they need
to tell you everything”
Mr. W explains a situation whereby the Federal Police offered assistance to him should
he come with them to participate in an investigation, they made promises about visa’s
and study which have been a continual struggle to access since he commenced assisting
the police in 2006; “They said good name of visa which they didn’t do. They said help
with the study, Centrelink gave me 500 hours and I went to study, they said I could
study cooking course but I never studied” From the interviews I understood that some
of this support was provided but not in the way it was explained to Mr. W. For example,
limited education was provided but not to the extent that was originally offered.

 52

Ms. Y whilst having a different experience with agencies implementing the framework
still experienced a similar outcome. After her interaction with the Federal Police Ms. Y
was left with little knowledge about Australian systems and choice about what her next
step would be. She became reliant on community support in order to guide and educate
her about her rights in Australia. Ms. Y stated, “The government has to understand that
we come from different background, and unlike in Africa we do have options. They
have to give us time not to push us, everything in a rush…when you just take
everything in a rush I don’t have say I don’t have anything I can do, or any suggestions
I can raise”
Ms. Y stated that the greatest help she received was to understand that she had rights;
“Most of the help, to help me know that I have rights. I have rights and I have to have a
life of my own choice. Not the life of being forced because of the situation or
circumstances” Ms. Y’s caseworker from The Salvation Army was instrumental in
assisting her to understand that she had rights. Ms. Y was able to learn about the rights
about her choices here in Australia, and make considered choices about her future. This
demonstrates that human rights education it is of great value to the victim and it is
worthwhile to implement this into the Australian Government framework.
Assessment and Evaluation of Cases
Ms. Y’s case in particular shows several issues and challenges that are experienced by
victims who go forward and make a statement to the Federal Police. In the case of Ms.
Y she was not offered an interpreter, whilst she has a good command of English she
stated she would have found it useful to be able to express herself in her own language.
She did not know how to translate some ideas from her first language to English when
she was interviewed at the Federal Police.
In addition to this Ms. Y explained an interview that was brief and rushed and in her
words “I found the interview was done because they were to do it…because if
somebody wants to help you or get information from you, they really go deep and ask
all the questions and they are going to give me time to explain…all I was able to give
was a summary of everything it just took us 30 minutes”

 53

This interview demonstrates that assessment of cases happens in a non-systematic way,
as clearly Mr. W had a very different experience giving a statement over two-three
weeks. This aligns with ideas put forward by Dominelli (2002) in her discussion of
oppression and domination. Conducting interviews in a non-systematic manner
demonstrates that the Australian Government creates superior groups and inferior
groups; some have access to support and others don’t. This reinforces internalized
oppression, which has likely already developed within victims given their trafficking
experience.
Collaborative Practice
Ms. Y and Mr. W both expressed frustration in the amount of times they were required
to repeat their experiences to several different people.
Mr. W has particularly struggled with this. He has remained on a temporary visa in
excess of 2 years and during this time he has been required to make a statement to
Centrelink on 4 or 5 occasions in order to access the benefit he is entitled to.
Ms. Y explained that the experience of having to repeat her story was impacting on her
mental health and continued to trigger traumatic reactions; “Every place I have to repeat
the same thing, it was affecting me”. Ms. Y sought relief from her caseworker who
suggested that before she attends agencies or appointments Ms. Y could give consent
for her written story to be passed along to prevent this repetition. Ms. Y stated that
doing this was one of the most helpful things that her caseworker offered her.
Ms. Y’s case in particular shows that there is an obvious need for the framework to
include NSW Police and community support agencies to be trained about Trafficking in
Persons as they can play a vital role in detection, intervention and immediate protection
of trafficked people.

 54

Continuum of Support
A continuum of support refers to a support stream that is offered on several levels of a
victim’s participation with the criminal justice system. This includes:
a) Provision of support for those victims who come forward but are unable to go
forward with an investigation;
b) Medium-Long term support offered to those victims who complete a criminal
justice investigation and require support to equip them with skills for
independent living in the Australian community.
Both Ms. Y and Mr. W’s cases exemplify the failure by the Australian Government to
implement support streams at the several phases of interaction with the framework. Mr.
W clearly stated throughout his interviews that if he had known that the support would
be withdrawn following the court case he would not have participated in the
investigation. Mr. W’s main premise for participating in the investigation was to have
access to support, safety and protection which was not only not provided after the court
case but adds further to the argument of the support program being positioned as a
bargaining tool for participation in an investigation.
5.3 Policy Implications
United Nations Protocol vs. Australian Criminal Sanctions
Ms. Y’s case demonstrates a need to look more closely at the relationship between
Australia’s criminal sanctions and their international obligation under the UN Protocol
(2000) It is speculated that Ms. Y’s case meets the definition of trafficking in persons as
per United Nations standards but perhaps related offences are inconsistent in Australian
law (David and Gallagher, 2011, Berg, Pers. Comm, 2011) This gap was detrimental to
Ms. Y in that it rendered her ineligible for services provided by the Australian
Government.

 55

The Australian Government Action Plan, Human Rights and Oppression
This research has taken on a Universalist perspective of human rights as influenced by
both the United Nations definition of human rights, and social work human rights
theorist Jim Ife (2001). As suggested by the theory, using a human rights framework
with regard to the implementation of policy about victim protection stands as a sound
baseline for policy development. Disregarding the central tenets of human rights theory:
“recognition and respect the dignity of all people and basic standards which we can
identify and measure inequality and fairness” (HREOC, 2009) shows a failure on behalf
of the Australian Government to implement policy with respect to international human
rights obligations.
The Australian Governments Action Plan (2004) was designed to address the full cycle
of the trafficking process, it is suggested that the policy gives equal weight to all areas
intervention including prevention, prosecution and protection.
This research has found that there is in fact unequal weight given to prosecution and
protection stages of the framework, with greater emphasis given to prosecution. Mr.
W’s case shows that the victim support program can be used as a bargaining tool for
participation in a criminal investigation, particularly in his interpretation of the
assistance offered being conditional of his participation in the investigation. Ms. Y’s
case shows that despite some evidence to suggest that she was a trafficked person, a
protection program was not offered to her through official government pathways, given
that her case did not demonstrate capacity for an investigation.
As mentioned previously, human rights defenders have proposed that access to victim
support programs should be provided as an unequivocal human right. Again, obligatory
participation in criminal justice processes raises real concerns for the victim, and “from
a human rights point of view, access to these programs should be on the basis of need”
(Burn and Simmons, 2009, p.10)

 56

Providing services on the basis of need is supported by the view of Nancy Fraser (1989)
who puts forward the idea that there is a distinct relationship between needs and rights.
Whilst Australia continues to structure their victim support program in this way,
essentially the Australian Government is denying victims access to their rights. As
stated in Chapter Two, the test for this study is to establish evidence, that the current
victim support system is not working effectively and that the Australian Government
needs to reassess the current victim support program and make changes that are in line
with a human rights framework.
The experiences of both Ms. Y and her inability to access supports and Mr. W and his
lackluster experience of support combined with theoretical knowledge and evaluations
by service providers demonstrate that services offered to trafficked people needs to be
delivered more comprehensively and inclusively of all victims of trafficking despite
their willingness and/or capacity to participate in an investigation.
“Trafficking victims, who are not involved in the law enforcement and criminal
justice process, have been left to find care and support from members of the
community and religious organisations. We believe that the program should be
extended to all victims of trafficking” (NGO Shadow Report, 2006)
As mentioned in Chapter Two van Wormer (2004) “Policy and Practice are
intertwined”(p.14) the research has demonstrated that policy impacts not only Social
Work practice but the overall outcomes that can be achieved by the victim. The current
Australian policy to address Trafficking in Persons promotes structural oppression in
that it creates barriers for individuals to be able to navigate the system and have access
to resources which not only assist them to exercise their rights but to meet their needs.
It can be hypothesized that by adopting a human rights framework there is larger scope
for the delivery of tailored services that are not obligatory to participation in a criminal
justice investigation. Narrowing the scope of the grounds of participation within a legal
framework suggests that an individual is ‘not worthy of protection’ On the basis of
human rights there is a strong argument to suggest that the current approach taken by
the Australian Government is inadequate.

 57

Trafficking in Persons “is about the process of reducing human beings to property”
(Human Rights Watch, 2002, p.2) the crime itself is a direct violation of several articles
of the United Nations Declaration of Human Rights (1948) including but not exclusive
to;
a) Article 4: No one shall be held in slavery or servitude; slavery and the slave
trade shall be prohibited in all their forms;
b) Article 5: No one shall be subjected to torture or to cruel, inhuman or degrading
treatment or punishment;
c) Article 13: Everybody has the right to freedom of movement and residence
within the borders of each state
It is essential that Australia adopts a collaborative human rights based approach to
service delivery for victims of Trafficking in Persons; a service delivery system that
does not continue the promotion and human rights violations. This however has been a
challenge as many governments including Australia often approach the issue of
Trafficking in Persons from a prosecution perspective rather than a human rights
protection position. You could argue that prosecution of perpetrators is a human right,
but again the study is looking at an equal distribution of rights.
The clear demonstration of the priority of the Australia Government to prosecute over
protect is in the obligatory participation in a Criminal Justice investigation in order to be
offered support. Whilst a lawyer will argue that prosecution is a critical part of
protection, I hypothesize at this point and invite further enquiry into the outcome of
investigations if protection and prosecution are given equal weight.
Honours Thesis_L Vidal 2011
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Honours Thesis_L Vidal 2011

  • 1. RRReeessspppooonnndddiiinnnggg tttooo VVViiiccctttiiimmmsss ooofff PPPeeeooopppllleee TTTrrraaaffffffiiiccckkkiiinnnggg TTTooowwwaaarrrddd aaa HHHuuummmaaannn RRRiiiggghhhtttsss AAApppppprrroooaaaccchhh Laura Vidal 
 This thesis is submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Bachelor of Social Work with Honours, University of New South Wales, March, 2011
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 I hereby declare that this submission is my own work and to the best of my knowledge contains no material previously published or written by another person, nor material which to a substantial extent has been accepted for the award of another degree or diploma at UNSW or any other educational institution, except where due acknowledgement is made in the thesis. Any contribution made to the research by others, with whom I have worked at UNSW or elsewhere, is explicitly acknowledged in this thesis. I also declare that the intellectual content of this thesis is the product of my own work, except to the extent that assistance from others in the project’s design and conception or in style, presentation and linguistic expression is acknowledged. Laura Vidal 31 March 2011 

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 Abstract This research examines the current support package offered by Australia to identified victims of trafficking in persons. It looks specifically, at the link between current victim support and criminal justice from a human rights perspective. The primary focus of this research is the nexus between prosecution and protection. The emphasis is on both capacity and willingness for victims to participate in an investigation and the impact this has on a victim’s eligibility to access support and protection. Using a human rights framework this study will draw together pre-existing literature, practice knowledge and victims perspectives to analyse the impact and effectiveness of Australia’s response to victims of trafficking in persons. The study will conclude by putting forward suggestions of policy reform. In two case studies victims of trafficking have recounted their own experiences of the support they received from both the Government and Non-Government Organisations. These accounts have been analyzed using theoretical frameworks, which draw upon both pre-existing literature and practice knowledge. This study is a qualitative research study employing a case study research methodology, incorporating principles of action participatory research. It will draw on anti-oppressive social work and Human Rights theory. It should be acknowledged that much of the research that has come before has had an explicit focus on sex trafficking. This research focuses on trafficking for the purposes of labour exploitation, an emerging trend in the context of trafficking in persons to Australia. The study is preliminary research as part of requirements for the award of Bachelor of Social Work with Honours. It is small but significant research that will lead to a bigger project. The study expands on the newly emerging body of research of trafficking for the purpose of labour exploitation and explores questions that have arisen during my own practice experience with victims of people trafficking.
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 Acknowledgements I would firstly like to acknowledge the participants in this research, who volunteered their time to share their stories. It is acknowledged that sharing these stories takes great courage and for that I am grateful. To every person I have worked with, it has been your struggle for freedom and protection that has inspired and motivated me to take on this task and advocate for change, many a lesson can be learnt from each and every one of your journey’s. To Jenny Stanger your willingness to share your knowledge and experience has proved to be truly valuable. Thank you for being generous with your time, for believing in my potential and providing me with the flexibility I have needed to achieve this goal. To all my other colleagues in the field who have continued to encourage, guide and support me as I journeyed through this work; thank you. To Dr. Eileen Pittaway you have been an invaluable source of technical guidance that has kept me ‘in-check’ and continued to push me. Finally, to my family. Thank you for your patience, your belief and your support, without you, achieving this task would not have been possible. To my parents in particular, I thank you for giving me the strength I needed to continue. Thank you for bringing me up with a social conscience and the belief that I could do anything I set my mind to. 
 

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 Freedom is never voluntarily given by the oppressor, it must be demanded by the oppressed. -Martin Luther King Jnr (1929-1968)
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 Table of Contents 
 Abstract iii Acknowledgements iv Table of Contents vi Acronyms and Abbreviations viii Definitions x Chapter 1-Background 1 1.1 Rationale for Research 1 1.2 Research Questions 2 1.3 Trafficking in Persons and the Australian Context 3 1.4 Trafficking in Persons for the purpose of Labour Exploitation 4 1.5 How does Australia Respond to Trafficking in persons? 6 Chapter 2- Literature Review 11 2.1 Human Rights Theory 11 2.2 Anti-Oppressive Social Work Practice 16 Chapter 3- Research Methodology 21 3.1 Research Design 21 3.2 Research Questions 22 3.3 Research Sampling 22 3.4 Data Collection Method 25 3.5 Data Analysis 26 3.6 Limitations of the Methodology 26 Chapter 4- Case Studies 27 Case One 27 Case Two 33
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 Chapter 5- Analysis and Discussion 37 5.1 Evidence of Elements of Trafficking in Persons 39 5.2 Protection and Assistance 39 5.3 Policy Implications 43 Chapter 6- Recommendations 47 Works Cited 50 Annexure 50 A 56 B 57 C 58 D 61 

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 Acronyms and Abbreviations AASW The Australian Association of Social Work AFP The Australian Federal Police AIC Australian Institute of Criminology CJSV Criminal Justice Stay Visa DIAC The Department of Immigration and Citizenship IDC Anti-Trafficking Interdepartmental Committee ILO International Labour Office OFW The Office for Women PAR Participatory Action Research PTSD Post Traumatic Stress Disorder The Action Plan (2004) The Australian Government Action Plan to Eradicate Trafficking in Persons (2004) TVPA Trafficking in Victims Protection Act, United States, (2000) UN Declaration (1948) The United Nations Declaration of Human Rights (1948) UN Protocol (2000) United Nations Protocol to Prevent, Suppress
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 and Punish Trafficking in Persons, Especially Women and Children: Supplement to United Nations Convention Against Transnational Organised Crime (2000) WPTV Witness Protection Trafficking Visa 
 

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 Definitions 
 Several different and at times conflicting definitions of trafficking and related activities are found in the literature in this field of study. Below find the definitions of terms as used in this thesis: Exploitation Exploitation of one person (the victim) by another person (the exploiter), occurs if: (a) the exploiter’s conduct causes the victim to enter into slavery, forced labour or sexual servitude; or (b) the exploiters conducts causes an organ of the victim to be removed and: (i) The removal is contrary to the law of the State or Territory where it is carried out; or (ii) Neither the victim nor the victim’s legal guardian consented to the removal and it does not meet the medical or therapeutic need of the victim. (The Criminal Code 1995, Division 270, Amendment 2004) Forced Labour Work or service exacted from a person under threat or penalty, which includes penal sanctions and the loss of rights and privileges where the person has not offered him/herself voluntarily. (Forced Labour Convention, Article 2, 1930) Labour Trafficking/Exploitation Forms of trafficking where the intended exploitation involves work or services that is extracted under menace of penalty and this work or service is undertaken involuntarily (International Labour Office, 2005 cited in David, 2010, p.7) Slavery The condition of a person, whom any or all of the powers attaching to the right of ownership are exercised, including where such a conditions results from a debt contract made by the person (The Criminal Code 1995, Division 270)
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 Trafficking in Persons The recruitment, transportation, transfer, harboring or receipt of persons, by means of the threat or use of force or other forms of coercion, of abduction, of fraud, of deception, of the abuse of power or of a position of vulnerability or the giving or receiving of payments or benefits to achieve the consent of a person having control over another person, for the purposes of exploitation. Exploitation shall include, at a minimum, the exploitation of the prostitution of others or other forms of slavery, servitude or the removal of organs. (United Nations, Protocol to Prevent, Suppress and Punish Trafficking in Persons, Especially Women and Children: Supplement to United Nations Convention Against Transnational Organised Crime, Article 3, 2000)
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 Chapter One Background 1.1 Rationale for the Research I have been involved in working with victims of Trafficking in persons over the past two years. During this time I have been engaged in the primary case management of victims both accommodated within a safe shelter and in the community I have observed that time after time people were being turned away or frustrated in their search for protection. I began to recognize and learn of the multiple layers of oppression that victims often face. My work continually made me question Australia’s response to victim protection. I found myself asking the question; what happens to those victims who fall through the gaps? As part of this questioning I began reading and engaging in a broad range of literature about victim protection in Australia. I found patterns of opinion that suggested Australia’s approach to victim protection is unsatisfactory (Gallagher, 2004, Pearson, 2007, Dottridge, 2007, Burn and Simmons, 2009, Seagrave and Milivojevic, 2010). What was highlighted by both the literature and the opinions of the victims I was working with was the nexus between victim support and the criminal justice system. What I hypothesized at this time was an unequal distribution of emphasis placed on victim support and prosecution of traffickers. Trafficking in persons is a gross violation of human rights. It is in working with the men and women who are victims of this crime that I have been inspired and motivated to engage in this research project. It should be acknowledged that much of the research that has come before has had an explicit focus on sex trafficking. This research focuses on trafficking for the purposes of labour exploitation, an emerging trend in the context of trafficking in persons to Australia.
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 1.2 Research Questions The following research questions will be explored to seek answers in the research project: 1. What problems do victims experience whilst in Australia prior to receiving support? 2. What current support options are available to victims of Trafficking in Persons? 3. How are support options viewed by victims? 4. Are current support options grounded in a human rights framework? 5. What are alternative ways victims support could be offered in Australia? 6. What is the context of Trafficking in Persons in Australia? 1.3 Trafficking in persons and the Australian Context The Australian Government considers trafficking in Persons to Australia a relatively new focus area, with a policy response from the Commonwealth of Australia coming to fruition in 2004. In the policy’s early stages there was a particular focus placed on trafficking for the purpose of sexual exploitation. With this as the focus it was reported that less than 100 women and men are trafficked to Australia each year. (Australian Government, 2004, p.6). In present times Australia has begun to learn that Trafficking in Persons is present in more contexts than the sex industry. Recently, the focus has begun to shift to the existence of trafficking for the purpose of Labour Exploitation (David, 2010). This idea will be discussed in further detail in the later stages of this chapter. Poor standards of living, low education levels and impoverished populations often characterize the living conditions in the source countries of Trafficking in Persons “Human traffickers prey on the vulnerable” (US State Department, 2008, p.7) Traffickers often present opportunities that address individual’s desperation for an improved way of life. “Their ploys are creative and ruthless, designed to trick coerce and win the confidence of potential victims. Very often these ruses involve promises of
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 a better life through employment, educational opportunities, or marriage” (US State Department, 2008, p.2) Women and men are often presented with opportunities of employment in another country, but when they arrive in the country of destination they find situations significantly different to what they had originally consented to. Certainly they may have consented to the type of work, but not the exploitative conditions. Common experiences of people Trafficked to Australia include poor working conditions, providing labour without pay, being forced to live at their workplace, sexual, physical and verbal abuse, restricted freedom and confiscation of identity and travel documents. (Stanger, Pers. Comm., 2010) It can be argued that the problem of trafficking in persons is in fact a symptom of wider systemic problems; comprised largely of all the elements of globalised poverty, as individuals in impoverished nations continue to search for opportunities to better their lives. Australia is unique in terms of its geographical location. This coupled with the Australian Governments stringent approach to immigration law; makes it difficult for individuals to enter into Australia illegally. This is compared to other parts of the world where permeable borders create easier access for illegal movement of persons. Victims often enter Australia with valid documentation under the promise that they are going to be offered a fair work opportunity. (Stanger, Pers. Comm., 2010) Pearson (2007, p.28) states “the majority of trafficked people have tended to enter Australia legally on tourist, student or work visas, but ended up in situations of exploitation akin to debt bondage or forced labour” Australia is widely considered a “destination country for women from South East Asia, South Korea, Taiwan, The Peoples Republic of China and reportedly Eastern Europe, trafficked for the purpose of sexual exploitation” (US State Department, 2009, p. 67). Globally trafficking for the purpose of sexual exploitation is widely reported. The issue of trafficking women for the purpose of sexual exploitation has led to the development of international instruments, in particular the first instrument, The United Nations Convention for the Suppression of the Traffic in Persons and the Exploitation of the
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 Prostitution of Others (1951) In more recent times, particularly in the last two years, anecdotal evidence suggests that Australia has a growing rate of trafficking for the purpose of labour exploitation. Fiona David of The Australian Institute of Criminology (AIC) has recently completed a preliminary study which calls for greater research into the area of trafficking for the purposes of labour exploitation (2010) The Australian Government Attorney-General’s Department is currently going through a consultation process to address their response to trafficking for the purposes of labour exploitation. It is however a relatively unexplored area with large numbers of cases going unreported. The U.S State Department produces an annual report evaluating each countries response to trafficking in persons, what has been found is that workers from several Pacific Islands, India, The Peoples Republic of China, South Korea, The Philippines and Ireland are “fraudulently recruited to work temporarily in Australia but subsequently subjected to conditions of forced labour including confiscation of travel documents, confinement and threats of serious harm” (US State Department, 2009, p.67) 1.4 Trafficking for the purpose of Labour Exploitation David’s report (2010) as alluded to earlier focuses attention on the issue of labour trafficking in Australia. In this report it is identified that: “There is a need to build more information about the known or likely incidence of trafficking in persons that occurs in contexts beyond the sex industry, whether this occurs in the agricultural, cleaning, hospitality, construction and manufacturing industries or in less formal sectors such as domestic work and home help” (p.x) David (2010) and Seagrave (2008) share the opinion that until recently the inherent focus of Australia’s policy response has been on the commercial sex industry, of late there have been “references made to trafficking in persons as a practice that may manifest in a range of industries, attention had been focused on trafficking of women into the sex industry”(Seagrave, 2008, p.322) “The challenges involved in
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 understanding and responding to different forms of trafficking in persons, specifically where the exploitation takes place in industries other than the commercial sex industry, remains relatively unexplored” (David, 2010, p.ix) Both David (2010) and the ILO acknowledge that there is a distinct grey area around the practical situations and legal concepts regarding labour trafficking. Nonetheless there is still significant literature and evidence to suggest that labour trafficking and labour exploitation is an emerging global problem, which does not exclude Australia as a destination country for such an activity. Finally, David (2010) highlights that whilst there is no accepted definition of labour trafficking debates about terminology whilst important “should not be permitted to lead to inaction” (p.6) and like the research completed by David, this research project in its reference to labour trafficking “should be understood to refer to situations involving trafficking in persons (as defined by the UN Trafficking Protocol) and where the exploitation has occurred in contexts other than the commercial sex industry” (p.6) Australia is currently ranked as a Tier 11 country, This means that Australia’s current government “fully complies with the Trafficking in Victims Protection Act’s (TPVA) Minimum Standards” (US State Department, 2009, p. 67) The TPVA was introduced in the United States in 2000 and aims to:
 1. “Prevent human trafficking overseas
 2. Protect victims and help them rebuild their lives in the U.S. with Federal and state support
 3. Prosecute traffickers of persons under stiff Federal penalties” (National Human Trafficking Resource Centre, 2000, p.1)
 The TPVA according to Klaveras and Buckley (2009) “Seeks to combat trafficking by promoting a policy of "3 Ps": prosecution, protection, and prevention”
 























































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The Department places each country in the TIP Report onto one of the three tier lists as mandated by the TPVA. This placement is based more on the extent of government action to combat trafficking that on the size of the problem…Governments that fully comply are placed on Tier 1 (U.S State Department, 2009)

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 the ‘3P’ principle has been adapted internationally as a framework effective for managing the issue of Trafficking in Persons. 1.5 How does Australia respond to Trafficking in Persons? The Australian Governments Action Plan to Eradicate People Trafficking 2004 saw the introduction of The Australian Governments Action Plan to Eradicate Trafficking in Persons (referred here after as The Action Plan) The Action Plan (2004) came out of a series of events, which placed pressure on the government to respond to the issue of trafficking in persons. The death of Ms. Puongtong Simaplee in immigration detention in September 2001is often referred to as the catalyst to the response (Maltzahn, 2008) It is believed that Ms. Simaplee was a victim of child sex trafficking. When she was found by immigration officials she was unwell and put in immigration detention. It is speculated that she was not offered medical treatment, her story was not explored and she passed away soon after her detainment. 2 Prior to this point, “Australia fervently denied for the past two years or so that individuals were trafficked into Australia, (and it wasn’t until 2003) that authorities openly admitted that this was indeed a possibility” (Gallagher, 2004, p.1) The combination of the death of Ms. Simaplee and a series of media accounts by ‘The Australian’ (Maltzahn, 2008) the international community began to come together on this issue. Pressure was on the Australian government from several angles to respond. The development and introduction of Australia’s response is demonstrative of the political nature of policy development. 























































 2

Annexure A

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 The Action Plan incorporates a range of measures to prevent, prosecute and protect. The four central tenets of the plan include:  Prevention  Detection and Investigation  Criminal Prosecution and  Victim Support and Rehabilitation The policy response was “designed to focus on the full cycle of trafficking from recruitment, to integration and to give equal weight to the three critical areas of prevention, prosecution and victim support” (Blackburn in Seagrave and Milivojevic, 2010, p.63) The process of victim support, involves a victim being identified by the Australian Federal Police (AFP) as a potential witness. Victims come to the attention of the police through several different pathways, most commonly The Department of Immigration and Citizenship (DIAC) detects the individual for a breach of their visa conditions. Should the victim choose to engage in a criminal investigation a comprehensive support package is offered in an effort protect the victim’s health and welfare. The Office for Women has oversight of the program, which is currently contracted to The Australian Red Cross who deliver the services to both men and women who are identified as victims. Under the program victims have access to financial support, access to medical assistance, support for study (including English language), and other health and welfare needs. There are three streams of the Government programs, which take place parallel with the stages of the criminal investigation. The first stream is known as the assessment stream. This stream lasts for 45 days with the discretionary option of a 45-day extension. During this period the victim has time to decide whether or not engaging in a criminal investigation is a choice they wish to make. The Australian Red Cross provides financial and case management support during this period. Often, during the 45day assessment stream a victim is offered a Bridging Visa F, which allows them to remain lawfully in Australia. Following the assessment stream, should a victim choose to
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 engage with the investigation they are offered a Criminal Justice Stay Visa (CJSV). Should a victim choose not to engage in a criminal investigation after the 45day assessment stream, the support of The Australian Red Cross is withdrawn, as they are no longer eligible for the program. This means that assistance is dependent on their willingness or capacity to participate in a criminal investigation. The CJSV allows a victim to remain lawfully in Australia for the duration of the investigation. It is during this time that the Australian Federal Police take a comprehensive statement of events and collect evidence pertaining to the investigation. If necessary the victim may be required to appear in court to give evidence in the trial. Victims who are the holder of a CJSV are given access to federal government financial support via Centrelink, Interim Medicare and casework support from The Australian Red Cross. Post the investigation, victims are offered a Permanent Witness Protection Trafficking Visa (WPTV) This visa cannot be applied for autonomously, it can be only offered by DIAC on direction of the AFP. The WPTV is given on discretion of a victim’s participation with an investigation regardless of the outcome of the case. (Adapted, The Office for Women, 2009) The Action Plan and Victim Support As mentioned earlier, the primary focus of this research is the nexus between prosecution and protection, therefore the majority of the analysis in this study is on the impact and effectiveness of Australia’s response to victims of trafficking in persons. 2009 saw changes to Australia’s anti-people trafficking strategy to provide better support for victims. These changes came as a result of community consultation by the Australian Government with key stakeholders. This consultation suggested the current framework was inadequately protecting victims. The changes that have occurred are centred largely on the visa framework; which in turn increases access to welfare support.
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 “The changes simplify and add flexibility to the visa framework. Importantly they give victims and their immediate family members greater certainty about their immigration status” (IDC, 2010, p.6) It is acknowledged that the changes made to the visa framework provide increased support to victims through greater migration safety and certainty. It does however exemplify again the problem I am examining; and the relationship a victim must hold with the criminal justice system prior to be given access to such visa’s. “The Government of Australia continued to provide comprehensive assistance for Victims of Trafficking willing to aid in criminal prosecutions and their family members…the Government encouraged Victims and witness’ to participate in trafficking investigations and directly linked continued assistance to victims’ role in a viable prosecution” (US State Department, 2009, p.68) It is evident from The Action Plan (2004) that Australia operates on the principle that “those who are willing to help prosecute their recruiters and exploiters should be given the assistance necessary to facilitate such cooperation” (Gallagher, 2004, p.5) Several studies and evaluations of Australia’s Action Plan criticise the direct attachment of victim support to criminal investigations. Human rights defenders suggest that the protection of a victim of trafficking in persons should be provided as unequivocal human right. “Restricting access to recovery and support programs to those women who undertake to assist the investigation or prosecution of trafficking offences and to those women whose evidence is considered to be of value, means that many victims of trafficking would not be eligible for assistance despite suffering significant human rights abuses. From a human rights point of view, access to these programs should be on the basis of need” (HREOC Submission, cited by Burn and Simmons, 2009, p.10)
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 Obligatory participation in criminal justice processes raises real concerns for victims. Often the trafficker has threatened the safety of the individual and/or their family and encouraged fear for authority. As a result, negative associations and fear for safety surround a victim when choosing to engage with authorities. People working with victims of trafficking report that alongside the element of fear, victims are regularly diagnosed with Post-Traumatic Stress3 . This can directly impact on a victims ability to provide credible evidence; rendering them ineligible for services. “Traumatic events overwhelm the brains capacity to process information” (Solomon and Heide, 2005, p.54) Without going into depth about the biological aspects involved in processing traumatic memories what is known about traumatic events is that Post-Traumatic Stress affects the storage of memories in the brain and can “generate vivid images of traumatic experience, terrifying thoughts, feelings, body sensations, sounds and smells” (Solomon and Heide, 2005, p.54) A common symptom of Post-Traumatic Stress is ‘dissociation’. “Extreme trauma results in the inhibition of neural networks…traumatic experience can disrupt the storage of information and integration of the various systems of attention and memory” Dissociation is a protective factor in that it “allows the traumatized individual to escape the trauma…and avoid the reality of his or her situation and watch is as an observer” (Cozolino, 2005, p.26) Given the stage that the Australian Federal Police become involved in the victims disclosure, it is speculated that it would not be uncommon that the victim would not have had the opportunity to undertake any therapeutic intervention meaning that trauma reactions are often high. This disadvantages victims as being unable to provide such information may render them ineligible for services. 























































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Annexure B

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 Chapter Two Literature Review 2.1 Human Rights Theory As the title suggests, this research draws on a human rights perspective to address the current response of support for victims of Trafficking in persons. This research takes the position that access to victim support should be given as an unequivocal human right opposed to a “necessary part of the criminal justice response” (Pearson, 2007, p.29). This is the premise for using a human rights framework. Several elements will be addressed with regards to a human rights framework. These include; establishing what is meant by a human rights framework, exploring the work of key theorists and how human rights are reflected in social work practice. All of these are critical to the discussion of human rights and support for victims of trafficking in persons. What do we mean by Human Rights? “Human rights are inherent to all human beings, whatever our nationality, place of residence, sex, national or ethnic origin, colour, religion, language or any other status. We are all equally entitled to our human rights without discrimination. These rights are all interrelated, interdependent and indivisible” (United Nations, 2006-2010) Human rights are often described as “universal principles that recognize and respect the dignity of all peoples and basic standards which we can identify and measure inequality and fairness” (HREOC, 2009) This research takes a Universalist position with regard to human rights, with The Universal Declaration of Human Rights (1948) (UN Declaration) central to its argument. Pertinent to the analysis and discussion of this research project is the acknowledgement of the “inherent dignity and equal, inalienable rights of all members of the human family”. (UN Declaration, 1948)
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 Key Theorists Given the universalistic position adopted for this research project, Jim Ife’s Human Rights Theory and Social Work practice is the primary theory drawn on throughout. In addition to the theory suggested by Ife (1995 and 2001), philosophical positions by John Rawls (cited in Shestack 1998) and Jerome Shestack (1998) are examined. All theorists emphasise the universal nature of human rights. Each theorist suggests that human rights are afforded on the basis of being human. Each also acknowledges that the discourse of rights is tied up in the analysis of need. Rights naturally imply need; this perspective will be explored with reference to the work of Nancy Fraser, a feminist scholar and a critical theorist (1989) A central idea to the human rights discourse of this study is that: “The very nature of human beings implies that they have certain rights as a consequence of their very humanity…by simply talking about human beings we imply human rights arising from some notion of common humanity which requires that people be treated in a certain way” (Simmons and Feinberg in Ife, 2001, p.6) Ife usefully applies the human rights framework to social work “ [the] human rights perspective can strengthen social work and that it provides a strong basis for an assertive practice that seeks to realize the social justice goals of social workers, in what ever setting. Human rights, however, are also contested and problematic. To develop a human rights basis for social work requires that the idea of human rights, and the problems and criticisms associated with it, be carefully examined” (2001, p.1) Ife’s approach to Human Rights and Social work is thus: “By framing Social Work specifically as a human rights profession, many of the issues and dilemmas that face Social Work can be looked at in a new light. Further, human rights can provide social workers with a moral basis for their practice” (2001, p. viii ) This research takes on the
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 perspective that a human rights approach can in fact form a universal baseline for policy development around victim protection. It does however consider that an equal weight needs to be distributed between both victim protection and the pursuit of justice. Ife “develops his theoretical framework based on humanist, postmodern and feminist perspectives” (Boulet, 2003, p.238) Of great interest to this study is the emphasis Ife places on oppression. The feminist angle of his theory “draws attention to the oppression of patriarchy but more broadly to structural oppression” (Allan et al, 2003, p.238) I hypothesized earlier, that the current system for victim support being implemented by Australia, is in fact a source of oppression (i.e. restricting access to protection and welfare support on the basis of participation in a criminal investigation) Ife’s ideas regarding structural oppression are critical to the analysis and discussion of this project and will be revisited in succeeding chapters of this study. Recommendations regarding the practice of Social Work with victims of Trafficking in persons will draw on Ife’s conclusions; particularly that the universality of human rights will set minimum conditions of practice. Foundations as set out by Ife will be used in producing the recommendations of this study. Shestack (1998) suggests that Human Rights are “the rights that human beings have simply because they are human beings and independent of their varying social circumstances and degrees of merit” (p.2) he also highlights that the concept of rights can often derive several meanings including “entitlement, immunity, privilege and power” (p.2). These ideas speak to the universal nature of rights, and the way in which rights should be exercised. It is in this universality shared that conclusions and recommendations will be made in this study. Shestack supports Rawls’ postulation that: “Each persons posses an inviolability founded on justice that even the welfare of society cannot override…therefore in a just society the liberties of equal citizenship are taken as settled; the rights secured by justice are not subject to
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 political bargaining or to the calculus of social interests” (Rawls cited in Shestack, 1998, p.9) The current approach toward trafficking in persons in Australia can be analysed using the central tenets of Rawls’ thesis; in particular to the concept of political bargaining and calculus of social interests which with respect to this study hypothesizes that victim support is being used as a political bargaining tool to meet the priority of criminal prosecution. This idea will be further developed in succeeding chapters and is exemplified in Case Study Two. Rawls’ (cited in Shestack 1998) perspective on human rights addresses the way in which society is constructed. Rawls’ perspective complements that of Ife , which argues that institutions or systems of society are socially constructed. Rawls’ theory “provides a way of assigning rights and duties in the basic institutions of society. These principles define the appropriate distribution of benefits and burdens of social cooperation” (Shestack, 1998, p.9) Victim protection as discussed above is offered on the basis of a victim’s contribution to a criminal investigation. Central to the argument is whether or not this aligns with principles of human rights. Using Rawls’ theory, one could argue that in fact there is an unsound distribution of benefits based on the burden of social cooperation. Fraser (1989) suggests that there is a distinct relationship between needs and rights. When talking about rights, it naturally implies that there is a need. Fraser (1989) aligns herself with those positions “who favour translating justified needs claims into social rights” (p. 163) The test for this study is establish evidence which suggests that the Australian Government needs to reassess the current victim support program and make changes that are in line with a human rights framework. This is in direct correlation with Frasers (1989) view; “to treat justified needs claims as the bases for new social rights is to begin to overcome obstacles to the effective exercise of some existing rights” (p.183)
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 How are human rights reflected in Social Work practice? Human rights are at the core of the Social Work profession. “Social Work is arguably the core human rights profession given its value base” (Ife, 2001, p. 5) The Australian Association of Social Work Code of Ethics (2010), highlight 3 key values that members of the Social Work profession are expected to work from. This includes the principle of ‘Respect of Persons’, which is concerned with respecting human rights of individuals and groups. In addition to this, under the core commitments of Social Work is the commitment to ‘Social Justice and Human Rights’. In adherence to this Social Workers are expected to not only promote policies, practices and social conditions that uphold human rights but also to empower individuals, families and groups to seek their full protection of human rights. As Ife (2001) suggests, a human rights framework is not a “definitive answer” (p.202) and it cannot prescribe the way in which Social Work is practiced. It can however make “some suggestions” (p.202) about why the practice of social work should encompass elements of human rights. “A human rights discourse is, by nature a discourse of hope. It concentrates not only on what is wrong but also articulates a vision of what is right, of where we could be heading, of the human ideal” (Ife, 2001, p.203)
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 2.2 Anti-Oppressive Social Work Practice In addition to a focus on Human Rights Theory, this study draws on Anti-Oppressive Social Work Practice as a secondary tool of analysis. Anti-Oppressive Social Work Practice is closely related to the key concepts of Human Rights Theory. It however places greater emphasis on structural disadvantage opposed to an individual struggle. There are several reasons why Anti-Oppressive Social Work Practice theory has been used in this study. Anti-Oppressive practice effectively addresses the way services are currently being delivered in Australia; it allows the consideration of ‘user-led intervention’ to achieve the overall objective of the study and thirdly, the relevance Anti-Oppressive Social Work theory has to Social Work Practice. I begin by outlining the central ideas of the theory of Anti-Oppressive Social Work practice, which are pertinent to analysis, and discussion of the study. Finally, I will look at how Anti-Oppressive Social Work Practice fits within the Social Work profession. Key Theorists The perspective of Lena Dominelli (2002) in her work on Anti-Oppressive Social Work Practice is drawn on as the central tool of analysis. Dominelli’s (2002) view will be shared as a way of assessing current Australian policy and in defining Anti-Oppressive Social Work Practice. Work by Katherine van Wormer (2004) will also be used. Van Wormer (2004) offers her perspective with a greater focus on challenging oppression and advocating for change from the angle of social policy. van Wormers (2004) ideas will be used as a way to ground recommendations for policy change. What is Anti-Oppressive Social Work Practice? Anti Oppressive Social Work Practice is defined by Dominelli as: “A form of Social Work Practice which addresses social divisions and structural inequalities…to provide more appropriate and sensitive services by responding to people’s needs regardless of their social status. Anti-Oppressive practice embodies a person-centered philosophy, an egalitarian value system concerned
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 with reducing the deleterious effects of structure inequalities upon people’s lives; a methodology focusing on both process and outcome; and a way of structuring relationships between individuals that aim to empower users by reducing the negative effects of hierarchy in…the work they do together” (Dominelli, 2009 cited in AASW Code of Ethics, 2010, p.53) Critical to the definition of Anti-Oppressive Social Work practice is the way in which structural inequalities reduce the opportunity for individuals to exercise the full array of their human rights. Dominelli (2002) states that Anti-Oppressive Social Work Practice “focuses on those who are excluded from realizing their creative potential as a result of disadvantaging contexts that they contend with daily” This particular element of the theory will be used a central point of analysis. In analyzing the results of the study, one asks the question about what impact current policies have on victims in their search for protection and a viable future? The nature of this study also touches on the varying experiences of victims based on their engagement with the criminal justice system. Dominelli (2002) puts forward the concept that “Oppression involves relations of domination that divide people into dominant or superior groups, and subordinate or inferior ones” (p. 8) This is particularly pertinent to the study, as the analysis will involve a cross comparison between one victim who engaged with the criminal justice system and one who could not. The study will look from this perspective offered by Dominelli (2002) and draw conclusions based on the divide that was drawn between the two victims. Another focal point of Anti-Oppressive Social Work Practice is the emphasis placed on ‘user-led intervention’. This is critical to the analysis and discussion in that results ascertained from the case study participants will form the basis of suggested policy reform. The idea of user-led intervention speaks to ideas of empowerment, social justice and human rights. This study aims to give victims a voice and an opportunity to suggest reform based on their experiences; “enabling users to play a greater role in the design and delivery of services they require and (for) professionals to respond more appropriately to the agendas they set” (Dominelli, 2002, p.5).
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 van Wormer (2004) sees Anti-Oppressive Social Work Practice as “minimalising power differences in society and maximising the rights to which all people are entitled” (p. 9) This links with Dominelli’s (2002) position in that all individuals should be given the resources they need to achieve their full potential. The unique position that van Wormer (2004) holds in her writing is an analysis on Anti- Oppressive Practice and Social Policy development. “Policy and practice are clearly intertwined” (van Wormer, 2004, p.14). This is a critical point of analysis for the study, in that the impact of policy impedes not only on Social Work practice, but also on a victims ability to access resources and navigate the system. The investigation of the impact of social policy is key to the study as one of the central tenets is to in fact assess the impact of current policy on victims. van Wormer (2004) too offers a view on social exclusion. This is angled more closely toward policy development. “Social exclusion goes beyond the mere words ‘social’ and ‘exclusion’ into the political realm. Embodied in this concept is a framework concerning political and economic process” (van Wormer, 2004, p.21) As stated earlier, the assessment of policy on the victims experience is key to the study. It too assists to answer the question introduced earlier, which is; what impact do current policies have on victims in their search for protection and a viable future? Racism is also an important element to be considered as part of Anti-Oppressive Social Work practice, it leads to a consideration of culturally competent practice. Racism is a distinct element of oppression and is arguably reflected in Australian Policy. The concept of racism within the context of Anti-Oppressive Social Work Practice will be used as another point of analysis and discussion in successive chapters of this study. Culturally competent practice relates to both the way in which practitioners carry out their work, and how policy is formulated. Culturally competent practice is central to this study given the cultural background of the case studies being diverse. It also speaks to the nature of Trafficking in persons as a whole, often individuals from culturally and linguistically diverse backgrounds find themselves immersed in systems that are foreign and may not be accommodating to a culturally diverse population. Racism and
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 culturally incompetent practice stand as further avenues of oppression for victims of trafficking in persons. Like Dominelli (2002) van Wormer (2004) also offers perspective on structural inequalities. However van Wormers (2004) emphasis is on ‘structural barriers rather than individual pathology’ van Wormers (2004) thesis is influenced by Chapin’s (1995) ‘Inclusive Empowerment Approach’ “This approach underscores the need for client perceptions of the situation to be clearly understood and incorporated…social policy development from this perspective is a powerful tool for helping people attain social and economic justice” (p.123) Finally, the psychology of oppression will be considered in the analysis of the data set. In particular van Wormer (2004) shares that concepts such as victim blaming, displaced aggression and internalized oppression are pertinent in individual reactions to social policy. These ideas will be considered in relation to current Australian policy looking closely at their relevance to existing policy and development of new policy, and how they can be considered in the development of social policy. How is Anti-Oppressive Social Work Practice reflected in Social Work Practice? Anti-Oppressive Social Work Practice is reflected in Social Work practice through the core values of the profession. It is alluded to in the Australian Association of Social Work Code of Ethics (2010) as a key practice standard. To quote Dominelli (2002) “Social Workers have a responsibility to challenge the grotesque image of poor people and besides bringing to public notice the strengths of those who battle to transcend social exclusion, to work to empower those who are engulfed in the weight of circumstances in which they are embedded” (p.4) One of the central objectives of the study is to do just that, to challenge and advocate for policy reform based on the view of the victims. van Wormer (2004) sees Social Work as adequately placed to challenge and confront oppression as it ”often sees firsthand the
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 unintended consequences of social policies” (p.24) In this instance, the impact of limited support options for victims of trafficking in persons.
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 Chapter Three Research Methodology 3.1 Research Design The research project is a qualitative study with the primary research method being two case studies. Incorporated in the study are elements of participatory action research (PAR) and reflexivity. According to Merriam (2009) qualitative research methods are used within fields where their core business is making enquiry and asking “questions about people’s lives” (p.6) Furthermore qualitative research methods derive from “having an interest in knowing more about ones practice and indeed in improving ones practice” (Merriam, 2009, p.1) This demonstrates a clear fit between this research study, social work practice and its chosen methodology. The two case studies will be explored in conjunction with principles of PAR and reflexivity through a critical social work lens. The study will explore responses to the current victim support package, and will “critique, challenge, transform and empower” (Merriam, 2009, Figure 2.1, p.38) the current response of the Australian Government to victim support for trafficked people. The PAR process aims to compliment the case study methodology in that issues identified by the client group will be discussed with relation to determining outcomes and final recommendations as a result of the study. Case Study Methodology A case study is an “empirical enquiry that investigates contemporary phenomenon within its real-life context, especially when the boundaries between phenomenon and context are not clearly evident” (Yin, 2008, p.18). Yin (2008) suggests that a case study methodology can be used to “understand a real-life phenomenon in depth” (p.18) This research study sets out to understand the reality of victim support for victims of human trafficking; balanced against what is said by government departments and
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 academics about victim support. The case study methodology has been positioned to provide a comparative analysis of support available to trafficked people. The two cases assist the study in identifying the victim’s perspective of support offered to them, and from this perspective put forward suggestions of policy reform. The structure used in this study is laid out by Yin (2008). He states that there are five key elements to a case study research design. These include: the study’s questions, its propositions if any, its units of analysis, the logic linking the data to the propositions and the criteria for interpreting the findings. The case study methodology involves not only the two cases, but the analysis of pre- existing literature and theory. The analysis of results will involve the incorporation of theories of human rights and anti-oppressive social work practice. Each of these theories offer both individual and societal analysis of results. The consideration of theory in the case study research design is critical to the validity of the study’s design. (Yin, 2008) Participatory Action Research Wadsworth (1998) sees PAR as “action, reflection, raising of questions, planning of fieldwork to review current (and past actions)-its conduct, analysis of experience encountered, the drawing of conclusions and the planning of new and transformed actions” (p.4) the research question for this study arose from my ongoing involvement in the field and working with victims of trafficking in persons. The overall objective of this study is to produce recommendations that will contribute to an examination of the current implementation of victim support within the trafficking in persons framework. “Most participatory action research sets out to explicitly study something in order to change and improve it. It most often arises from an unsatisfactory situation that those most affected wish to alter for the better” (Wadsworth, 1998, p.6). The theoretical fit between PAR and this study is in the production of recommendations derived from the two case studies. Whilst it is acknowledged that a key element of PAR is the involvement of the research participants actively engaging in all stages of the research process, the primary element
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 of PAR relevant to this study is “reflective enquiry…and research whose purpose is to enable action” (Baum, MacDougall and Smith, 2004, p.854). PAR principles are used in conjunction with case study and reflexivity, as PAR principles cannot be employed in their entirety. Participants have not been actively involved in the whole research process. Reflexivity Another crucial consideration of this study is the element of reflexivity. Reflexivity refers to “An awareness of the researchers contribution to the construction of meanings throughout the research process and an acknowledgement of the impossibility of remaining ‘outside of’ ones subject matter whilst conducting research. Reflexivity then, urges us to explore ways in which a researchers involvement with a particular study influences as upon and informs such research” (Nightingale and Cromby, 1999,p.228) I acknowledge that I have come to this research with practice experience in the field of support to trafficked persons. My research question has derived from this practice, and a perceived need to improve current systems and policy. I acknowledge that throughout this process meanings have been constructed given my daily interaction with victims accommodated in a safe shelter. As suggested by Nightingale and Cromby (1999) it has been impossible to remain ‘outside of’ the subject matter. There is much to be learned from a reflective and reflexive researcher. It is advantageous to this study that an acknowledgement of practice experience is incorporated. Sandelowski and Barroso (2002) explain that reflective and reflexive research is contributes to the soundness of a study “Reflexivity is a hallmark of excellent qualitative research and it entails the ability and willingness of researchers to acknowledge and take account of the many ways they themselves influence research findings and thus what comes to be accepted as knowledge. Reflexivity implies the ability to reflect inward toward oneself as an inquirer; outward to the cultural, historical, linguistic,
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 political and other forces that shape everything about enquiry; and in between research and participants and the social interaction they share”(p.222) 3.2 Research Questions The questions addressed throughout this research project can be found in the Introduction (p. 2) 3.3 Research Sampling The sampling method used for this research project was purpose sampling. Participants were selected based on their current experience of support after their trafficking experience. The study set out to explore three case studies. Each case study looked at a different response to support options offered, including: 1. Full participation in the Criminal Justice Process, and therefore access to the Australian Government contracted support package; 2. Attempted participation in the Criminal Justice Process, however declined by the Australian Federal Police and therefore access community based support options; 3. Choice not to participate in the Criminal Justice Process, and pursuit of Protection Visa with Refugee claims, assisted by community based support options. Despite three participants consenting to the study, participant three declined to be interviewed therefore the study went ahead with two cases. Participant three did not state the reasons why they chose to not participate. They avoided requests for interview and given the voluntary nature of the study, after discussion with my research supervisor I chose to stop pursing participant three, and do a comparative analysis with participants one and two. It can be hypothesized that participant three chose not to participate in the study as the process involved discussing the experiences of trafficking and pursuit of a protection visa. The literature and other studies suggest that it is a traumatic experience for many victims of human trafficking to be asked to recall events
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 of the past. The issue of trauma associated with recalling experiences is exemplified by participants one and two in the discussion of the study. The two cases were identified via invitations to organisations working in the field. Organisations were asked to identify clients who may be interested in the study according to the study guidelines. Some organisations that were invited to participate were unresponsive to the request and others declined the request. One organisation agreed to participate and nominated all three participants. 3.4 Data Collection Method 4 Semi-Structured interviews were conducted with each of the participants. The interviews took place in four parts: a) Pre arrival b) Arrival and experience in Australia c) Seeking assistance d) Ways forward To ensure a rigorous study, the following criterion was considered: 1. Construct Validity; two case studies were conducted in order to establish a chain of evidence; as part of the research process, participants had the opportunity to view the study and provide feedback before final submission; 2. Internal Validity; the two case studies were compared with one another and pre- existing literature, consideration is given to alternate explanations; as referred to under sampling, the case studies cover two different streams of service delivery including, one on the government contract program, one ineligible or unable to participate in the government program. 3. External Validity; replication logic was be used in case studies to identify common themes and ideas; 4. Reliability; Case study protocol was implemented in terms of determining case study questions, accurately identifying data collection procedures, linking theory
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 to practice and presenting policy reform in case study report and finally carrying out effective evaluation of the study. (Criterion adapted from Yin, 2009, p.41) 
 3.5 Data Analysis The study as stated above involved two independent case studies specifically selected to address different angles of victim support. The data was collected in the qualitative tradition through semi-structure narrative style interviews, and common themes have been identified. Firstly, the study looked at one of four general strategies as proposed by Yin (2009, p.130)  Relying on Theoretical Propositions; linking theoretical propositions that led to the case study. This will require re-examining available literature and practice knowledge and drawing conclusions about the data that has been collected. Secondly, the study employed a cross-case synthesis approach that will specifically address the analysis of the multiple cases explored in the study. As stated above common themes will be identified across the cases. Word tables that display the data in a uniform framework will assist in the building of relationships and conclusions. Essentially, the case studies were analysed to prove or disprove assumptions on the inadequacy of current victim support programs. 3.6 Limitations of Methodology • Concern that the study will lack rigor: given the size of the study, the sample may not represent the breadth and depth of the issue. This is also a common limitation of case study research. Care has been taken to ensure data collection was systematic. • Generalisation: Case study research is often criticized for its inability to produced data that can be generalized. This study in its employment of firm human rights principles argues that the context of all victim support regardless of the nature could benefit from the outcomes of this study.
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 Chapter Four Case Studies As noted above, the study involves an examination of two case studies Case One Ms. Y is 35-year-old woman from East Africa. Ms. Y and her five siblings were raised by their mother and she never knew her father. Post-election violence in her country of origin devastated Ms. Y’s family leaving two siblings missing and her mother brutally murdered. Ms. Y completed her school studies but never went on to tertiary education, as her mother could not afford to have more than one child studying at a time. Ms. Y worked in a coffee shop where she met her husband and subsequently had three children. Ms. Y has been a single mother of her three children since her husband was also killed during pre-election campaigning in 2007. After her husband’s death, her mother supported her and her children with accommodation and financial assistance. Sadly, shortly after her husband’s death, Ms. Y’s mother was brutally murdered and the village in which she lived was burned down. Ms. Y and her children were lucky enough to escape unharmed, however they were left homeless and without any way that she could provide for them. Ms. Y was able to secure a job as a domestic helper through her older sister who was also working in this field. An East African man and his Australian wife employed Ms. Y. They had two young daughters. Her employer assisted her to find a place to live and provided her with a small income so that she would be able to care for her children. The work involved “cleaning the house, washing of the dishes, ironing of the clothes, making the beds, watering the plants…at times they could tell me to take care of their young girls, they had two daughters” In 2009, the East African man that had employed Ms. Y was killed. Shortly after his death, his wife decided to relocate to Australia with her family. Ms. Y was offered
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 employment in Australia to continue on as the family’s domestic help. Coming to Australia meant that “I was to continue with my job and they were to continue paying me…I felt that I had no choice, I am the only one that supports my three children, I am a single mother…it would not be easy to just leave the job at once when I don’t have any hope of any other job” In coming to Australia Ms. Y was promised accommodation within their family home and provision of all her needs including food. The employer also offered her a monthly living allowance along with a salary that would be paid in East Africa in order for her children to continue to be supported. However when Ms. Y came to Australia she found that it was not like she had believed it to be; “they did not fulfill any of their promises, its kind of they turned again what it was that I was expecting from them…I found that even the money they promised to give me here I could not get” Ms. Y was required to do more work at the house in Australia compared to East Africa. Ms. Y stated: “I found it was more…they had two dogs that was the first time I had to look after dogs…I was also to take care of the cat. This was extra jobs for me” Ms. Y was expected to work from 6am in the morning “until whatever time they expected me to do something at night…I was not even allowed to have a break” The house accommodated Ms. Y’s employer, her two children, her mother and her mother’s friend. This was more people than Ms. Y had expected to look after. In addition to the work Ms. Y was expected to do, she was not permitted to leave the house. If she was allowed to leave the house the children accompanied her and it was usually to take them out to the park. There were a few isolated occasions where she was permitted to attend church for the Sunday service but she was driven there and picked up directly following the service. Ms Y was made to sleep under the dining room table, as there was no space in the home to accommodate her. Ms. Y’s employer placed restrictions on how often Ms. Y could shower and what and when she could eat.
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 Ms. Y’s was denied her access to her passport. Ms. Y was forbidden to talk to anybody, she was not to tell anybody why she was in Australia or that she was working for the family. Ms. Y found this peculiar and confusing, as this was the reason she had come to Australia and did not know why everything was to be kept a secret. One evening, Ms. Y asked for her passport and her visa. Her employer refused to allow her to see her passport and visa and threatened to call the police. They informed Ms. Y that she did not have the right to see her passport or to have her passport in her own possession; “I don’t know much about travelling, but I would think that my passport would be my own identity document…to identify me” Ms. Y attempted to contact a lady who another man had told her would be able to help her. Ms. Y then learned that she was unable to make calls from the phone her employer had given her so she left the house and asked a neighbor for assistance. The employer noticed Ms. Y had gone to the neighbors residence to request assistance. Ms. Y’s employer continued to threaten that she would phone the police. Ms. Y requested that they call the police as she thought this would be a way in which she could get assistance. Whilst Ms. Y was seeking help from the neighbor her employer’s mother’s friend came to the neighbors house. Ms. Y and the person had a physical altercation in an effort to take possession of the mobile phone. During this Ms. Y was physically assaulted, the person fractured Ms. Y’s foot. After some time of Ms. Y refusing to return to the house the police were called. When the police arrived Ms. Y’s employer began throwing her belongings out of the house and telling the police to deport her as she was illegal. Ms. Y states that when the police arrived they only took information from her employer and she was given no opportunity to tell her side of the story. Despite Ms. Y trying to tell the police what had happened to her. Ms. Y was taken to the police station as the employer had indicated to the police that she was no longer able to remain accommodated with them. Ms. Y described this situation to be very unjust as the police were not willing to hear her side of the story; “I was there to tell them what was happening to me…they didn’t give me a chance, they
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 were just listening to my employer” Ms. Y stated that despite wishing for the police to come and assist her she found the police to have behaved in a way no different to her home country; “I felt like another country like my country, because the people who have power or the people from high class don’t allow the people from the lower class to talk…I find its another country without freedom of speech” Ms. Y spent several hours at the police station, she could not remember how many exactly but thought it to be around five hours in total. During this time, the police did not ask Ms. Y what had happened or how she came to be in Australia. They had assumed that what her employer had told them was the truth. They were of the belief that Ms. Y was the Aunt of the children and would be returning home to East Africa in the morning. Ms. Y stated that her employer had informed the police that she was to depart for East Africa the next day so were attempting to find her one night accommodation before she left. This was not in fact the truth and Ms. Y had not been prepared to return home to East Africa. Since leaving that night she has not had any further contact with her employer. Ms. Y was eventually able to contact the NSW Police Multicultural Liaison Officer. She remembered she had put her phone number inside her suitcase and asked the police if she was able to look through her luggage and locate the number. Ms. Y had originally obtained this lady’s number from somebody in church that she had confided in and asked for help. This police officer was able to accommodate Ms. Y at her friends place for the evening. In the morning, Ms. Y was taken to Immigrant Women’s Speak Out, and was subsequently referred to The Salvation Army, Safe House for Trafficked Women. The Safe House for Trafficked Women is a supported accommodation service for women who have experienced situations of trafficking, slavery or slavery like practices.
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 Residents at the service have access to 24 hour a day 7 day a week support. They are assigned a caseworker that provides intensive, comprehensive and culturally appropriate case management support. After working with Samaritan Accommodation staff Ms. Y was informed of her options and choices as a trafficked person. Her caseworker had informed Ms. Y that the service considered her to be a trafficked person and explained to her what it meant to be a trafficked person. Ms. Y explained that the support offered by The Salvation Army was comprehensive and “so helpful”. A lawyer was offered to assist Ms. Y along with professional and volunteer support staff to meet her individual needs. Ms. Y made a statement to the Australian Federal Police Transnational Sexual Exploitation Taskforce, who handle matters associated with Trafficking in Persons. Ms. Y stated that this statement only took approximately half an hour and she was unable to express everything she felt she needed to; “they kept asking questions one after the other; it was like in a rush. The simple answer was given and that was all they go to another one” Ms. Y stated that she was not offered an interpreter for this interview and this hindered her ability to communicate with the officers effectively and accurately. She stated that it would have been more useful to her to be able to speak in her own language. After the brief interview the interviewing officer informed Ms. Y’s caseworker that her matter did not satisfy any offences relating to Trafficking in Persons despite her story displaying elements consistent with the definition of Trafficking in Persons as per the UN Protocol. Given this outcome Ms. Y was unable to access the support offered by the Australian Government for trafficked persons; including support from The Red Cross or Protection to remain in Australia and seek justice.
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 As a result, Ms. Y has continued to receive assistance from The Salvation Army and is currently in the process of pursuing a Refugee Protection Visa. The details of this case cannot be discussed in the study given the highly sensitive nature of her claims. She has been in the process of applying for this visa for the last 12 months and at the time of the research was awaiting an interview at the Refugee Review Tribunal. Ms. Y spoke about her experiences of applying for protection, including being interviewed by DIAC. Ms. Y likened her interview with DIAC to that of the interview with the Federal Police, brief and rushed. Although she was offered an interpreter she still found it difficult to express herself. Ms. Y spoke about the continual interviews and request to repeat events in her life being a traumatizing experience. Ms. Y said that she was going through the process because she was desperate for safety and protection for both her and her family; “I lost even the appetite of eating, so even the food was there I was not willing to eat” Ms. Y continues to wait for a decision for her protection. Ms. Y’s case exemplifies that there are some alternative pathways to victims who are deemed ineligible for participation in the Criminal Justice System. However more importantly this case highlights an important factor: There is disparity between the criminal offences in Australia and the UN Protocol that defines Trafficking in Persons. David and Gallagher confirm this in their submission to the Attorney General’s Department in March 2011 “the authors submit that there are gaps in the Australian Criminal law when compared to the requirements of both the Protocol to Prevent, Suppress and Punish Trafficking in Persons, Especially Women and Children”(p.1) This will be discussed in greater detail in the succeeding chapter.
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 Case Two Mr. W is a 27-year-old male from South Asia. He grew up primarily with his younger sister, cousins, grandmother and aunt. He lived between his mother’s house, his aunt’s house and his grandmothers as his parents would often travel abroad to find work because there were limited opportunities for work in their home country. After finishing secondary school Mr. W was expected to commence work and contribute financially to the family. In addition to this Mr. W has a sister and as a male member of the family he was also required to prepare for his sisters marriage and provide money for the dowry. Mr. W only ever spoke about the dowry being his responsibility, he spoke of his parents being unable to earn money for this as well as pay for their house. He studied catering technology with the hope of increasing his chances of finding employment. Mr. W describes himself as coming from a poor village where it was difficult to find work, and even when he got a job he would earn very little money. Mr. W states the idea to come to Australia first came from his father. At the time his father was working in a hotel. A guest at the hotel was known to travel frequently between Australia and South Asia. He was known to have restaurants in Australia, and he would often offer work in his restaurants in Australia to people from South Asia; Mr. W was told that the guest “came from Australia, he has helped a lot of people” Mr. W met with the guest, Mr. Z to talk about the possibility of travelling to Australia for work. Mr. Z told Mr. W that in Australia “job is not very easy, 365 days you need to work and life is like a mission, like a robot” Mr. W thought about it and concluded that he was from a poor family and needed to help them, so agreed that he would go to Australia to work. Mr. W had also never travelled to Australia so he thought that these were the working conditions in Australia. Mr. Z gave Mr. W’s mother a job in his family home (in South Asia) cleaning and looking after his family whilst he travelled back and forth to Australia. Mr. W trusted that Mr. Z was an honest man because he was also providing his mother with work.
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 Mr. Z arranged all of Mr. W’s travel. He took direction from Mr. Z with regard to the arrangement of his passport and visa. Travelling to Australia was the first time Mr. W had left South Asia, so he trusted that Mr. Z knew the process and would help him. During this time Mr. W signed some blank paper and documents, which was later found to be used for fraudulent applications to Australia’s Department of Immigration and Citizenship (DIAC). When Mr. W arrived in Australia he was taken straight to one of Mr. Z’s restaurants and set to work. Mr. W was accommodated at Mr. Z’s family residence in Australia. He was made to sleep on the floor of the living room and was not permitted free use of the kitchen or other household facilities. Mr. Z escorted Mr. W to and from the restaurants daily. Mr. Z threatened Mr. W if he did not comply with his requests. He told him stories about what he had done to other people who did not comply. In addition to this Mr. Z threatened to have Mr. W’s father put in jail if he did something wrong whilst working for him. Mr. Z took possession of Mr. W’s passport and denied him access to it. Mr. W worked every day as a kitchen hand in two of Mr. Z’s restaurants. He worked from approximately 9:30am until midnight, without days off. He was not permitted meal breaks. Before travelling to Australia Mr. Z agreed to pay Mr. W’s father a sum of money for the work Mr. W was completing. When Mr. W came to Australia Mr. Z did not pay any money to Mr. W and it is unclear if he ever paid money to his father. Mr. Z told Mr. W that he would be deducting the money it cost for his travel to Australia and only after that point he would start receiving payment for the work he was doing. Mr. W continued working for Mr. Z because he believed that he owed him money that he needed to pay back. Mr. Z travelled to South Asia for 3 days. During this time the Australian Federal Police came to the restaurant and questioned Mr. W about the work he was doing. Mr. W later found out that they had come to the restaurant because another staff member had made a complaint about his working conditions.
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 Mr. W agreed to continue giving the Australian Federal Police information about his situation. Mr. W states that he agreed to continue talking to the Australian Federal Police because “they said they could help me” He said that he felt scared about talking with the police because of the stories Mr. Z had told him, especially the thought of his father being put in prison. Mr. W travelled to Sydney with the Australian Federal Police. He stayed in a hotel and continued to assist the Australian Federal Police with their investigation. Mr. W describes his experience with the support program and the Australian Federal Police as disheartening as they could often not provide the assistance he required. During the time he was giving his statement to the police (approximately 1-2 months) his parents were urging him to return to the restaurant, because they too were afraid. Mr. W reports that he continued to assist the police because he would be able to remain safe; “ I thought if I stopped the story something would happen to me” Mr. W testified in court approximately one year after giving his statement to the Australian Federal Police. He discussed the difficult experience he had with testifying in court, including sitting opposite Mr. Z in the courtroom increasing his level of anxiety and distress .He stated on numerous occasions that he believed “If I stop my story, they will stop the help. Maybe the Australian police are going to say, sorry we cannot help you” Mr. Z was not convicted. Following his testament in court, Mr. W believed that the Australian Federal Police and the support program would continue to assist him with what he needed to remain and settle in Australia. Following the court, “I came to the police building and they said “Sorry, we failed the case; we are going to help for your future” Mr. W talked about his disappointment with this process, as the Australian Federal Police only assisted him to obtain a temporary visa and both the police and the support program informed Mr. W “Sorry, we cannot help you any more” this confused Mr. W as before that the police had told him “Sorry the case is not successful, we are not going to stop to help you, we are looking at your future…but they never, they couldn’t do”
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 4 years after the trial, despite his full cooperation with a criminal investigation; at the time the interview was conducted Mr. W is awaiting a permanent visa and the opportunity to exercise his rights as a resident of Australia. Mr. W expressed frustration and anger at the process during his interviews, he expressed disappointment in the Australian Government; “The Australian Government say they ‘save the people, save the people’ but I feel they did not save me…Australia is a very good country, but I am not sure what they are doing for other people. They only help for Australian people, only the Australian citizens but what about other people?” Mr. W’s case demonstrates that whilst a framework is in place it does not adequately meet the identified needs of the victim. This case also highlights how the support program can often be offered to victims as a bargaining tool for participation in a criminal justice investigation. The succeeding chapter of this study will look in more detail at the implications of this process for victims with regard to their human rights, and assess the way in which there is an unequal distribution of weight given to prosecution and protection.
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 Chapter Five Analysis and Discussion The two cases outlined above demonstrate two different types of trafficking. The case of Ms. Y can be seen as a an isolated incidence of trafficking involving labour exploitation, Mr. W’s case can be viewed as more of an organized crime venture. Fundamentally, both of these cases demonstrate the core principles involved in the movement of persons for the purpose of labour exploitation. The support options available to both cases were vastly different. Mr. W constantly referred to the police being the ones that offered support. Throughout the interview process there was little mention of the contracted service provider, which demonstrates that Mr. W had little understanding of his rights and entitlements as a victim on the program. Ms. Y on the other hand spoke a lot more of the support that was offered to her through The Salvation Army. Most importantly Ms. Y stated that she began to have a clear understanding of her rights and the choices and options that were available to her for protection. Ms. Y As alluded to above one of the important factors that this case highlights is the gap in Australia’s response to trafficking in persons offences compared with that of the UN Protocol. It is unclear about the information that was shared between the AFP and the client with regard to whether or not the case was classified by them as trafficking. However the client left the interview with the impression that her case was trafficking but there was not enough information for the case to be taken forward. David and Gallagher (2011) speak to this in their submission to the Attorney General’s Department. “Operational experience suggests that some aspects of Australia’s anti- trafficking laws are not capable of responding to the modus operandi of offenders…Australia’s criminal law currently targets the most extreme instances of slavery and trafficking in persons. This leaves little room for the police to respond to cases that appear to be highly abusive and coercive, but do not quite
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 meet the elements of proof required for a prosecution under “forced labour”, “slavery” and “Sexual Servitude” under Australian criminal law” (p.1-2) The above view put forward by David and Gallagher (2011), can be hypothesized as the reason why the AFP did not take on Ms. Y’s case. Mr. W This case highlights several issues with regard to protection and support offered to victims in cases of trafficking. The legal argument is less prevalent here as his case was taken to trial. A stand out point in this case, is the lack of information Mr. W had about his rights and entitlements as a victim. As suggested earlier there was very little reference made to the support that was offered by the contracted service provider and when asked who it was that was assisting him he said “somebody the police told to help me”. Mr. W was unable to name the service provider, as when he asked this question of his support worker he was told, “it was a secret”. It is acknowledged that the current contracted service provider has changed since Mr. W was on the program, and anecdotally it is believed that practices around rights education have been enhanced. However this cannot take away from Mr. W’s experience or the impact of this on his future direction. Furthermore, it is also understood that the basic entitlements available on the program have not changed (see section 1.5) The case studies have been analysed using three primary themes, encompassing elements of Human Rights theory and Anti-Oppressive Social Work theory as discussed in preceding chapters of this study. It should be acknowledged at this point, that whilst this study’s analysis looks at the importance of victim protection, the study does not deny the importance of prosecution. The study is advocating for equal weight to be given to both prosecution and protection.
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 5.1 Evidence of elements of Trafficking in Persons Both cases evidence obvious indicators of Trafficking in Persons for the purpose of labour exploitation. Both cases satisfy the United Nations Trafficking in Persons Protocol (2000) in that there was evidence of “recruitment, transportation, coercion, deception, control and exploitation”. Both Ms. Y and Mr. W’s cases show how traffickers “prey on the vulnerable” (US State Department, 2008, p. 7) presenting opportunities that address the individual’s desperation for an improved way of life. There is evidence of labour exploitation in both cases whereby the work that was originally consented to before travel was changed on arrival to Australia. This is more obvious is the case of Ms. Y. In the case of Mr. W the trafficker used deception in order to make him believe that the conditions he was being subjected to were standard for Australian workplaces. In both cases the arrangement prior to travel with regard to wages was not upheld. Many aspects of these two cases appear to be fundamentally the same. Both victims were bought to Australia with travel arranged by another, identity documents were withheld and labour was extracted and payment for services was not provided, yet one case was taken forward as a criminal investigation and the other was not. The discrepancy between the two cases still remains unclear. 5.2 Protection and Assistance Whilst both Ms. Y and Mr. W sought different remedies similarities can be drawn between the two cases. These similarities bring to light the challenges both victims faced in their navigation of service systems and search for protection. Each of the following protection and assistance issues highlight the psychology of oppression alluded to in Chapter Two. Victim blaming, displaced aggression and internalized oppression are exemplified in several interactions that are had between victims and service providers including law enforcement. Most pertinent is the reinforcement of internalized oppression through each incidence of disappointment,
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 rejection and failure of current Australian policy. Anti-Oppressive Social Work Theory allows the consideration of the way services are currently being delivered in Australia. From the data collated for this research it could be argued that the very nature of service delivery contributes significantly to the future oppression of an already vulnerable and demonized group. Education about Australian Systems Both cases demonstrated that the Australian Government agencies involved in implementing the Action Plan (2004) did not offer a range of options to victims with regard to the choices they have for assistance. In both cases, the agencies responsible for implementing the framework did not offer any education about Australian Systems or the rights they have under the Australian law. It is unclear in the case of Mr. W whether or not the role of the Federal Police and community agencies was ever explained. It is also indistinct whether or not the information that was shared by the Federal Police with regard to assistance was entirely accurate or skewed in a way so that Mr. W would participate in an investigation; “the first time they came, they said they were going to help, that’s it…they need to tell before, we are going to help you, you need to go to court, make a statement…they need to tell you everything” Mr. W explains a situation whereby the Federal Police offered assistance to him should he come with them to participate in an investigation, they made promises about visa’s and study which have been a continual struggle to access since he commenced assisting the police in 2006; “They said good name of visa which they didn’t do. They said help with the study, Centrelink gave me 500 hours and I went to study, they said I could study cooking course but I never studied” From the interviews I understood that some of this support was provided but not in the way it was explained to Mr. W. For example, limited education was provided but not to the extent that was originally offered.
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 Ms. Y whilst having a different experience with agencies implementing the framework still experienced a similar outcome. After her interaction with the Federal Police Ms. Y was left with little knowledge about Australian systems and choice about what her next step would be. She became reliant on community support in order to guide and educate her about her rights in Australia. Ms. Y stated, “The government has to understand that we come from different background, and unlike in Africa we do have options. They have to give us time not to push us, everything in a rush…when you just take everything in a rush I don’t have say I don’t have anything I can do, or any suggestions I can raise” Ms. Y stated that the greatest help she received was to understand that she had rights; “Most of the help, to help me know that I have rights. I have rights and I have to have a life of my own choice. Not the life of being forced because of the situation or circumstances” Ms. Y’s caseworker from The Salvation Army was instrumental in assisting her to understand that she had rights. Ms. Y was able to learn about the rights about her choices here in Australia, and make considered choices about her future. This demonstrates that human rights education it is of great value to the victim and it is worthwhile to implement this into the Australian Government framework. Assessment and Evaluation of Cases Ms. Y’s case in particular shows several issues and challenges that are experienced by victims who go forward and make a statement to the Federal Police. In the case of Ms. Y she was not offered an interpreter, whilst she has a good command of English she stated she would have found it useful to be able to express herself in her own language. She did not know how to translate some ideas from her first language to English when she was interviewed at the Federal Police. In addition to this Ms. Y explained an interview that was brief and rushed and in her words “I found the interview was done because they were to do it…because if somebody wants to help you or get information from you, they really go deep and ask all the questions and they are going to give me time to explain…all I was able to give was a summary of everything it just took us 30 minutes”
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 This interview demonstrates that assessment of cases happens in a non-systematic way, as clearly Mr. W had a very different experience giving a statement over two-three weeks. This aligns with ideas put forward by Dominelli (2002) in her discussion of oppression and domination. Conducting interviews in a non-systematic manner demonstrates that the Australian Government creates superior groups and inferior groups; some have access to support and others don’t. This reinforces internalized oppression, which has likely already developed within victims given their trafficking experience. Collaborative Practice Ms. Y and Mr. W both expressed frustration in the amount of times they were required to repeat their experiences to several different people. Mr. W has particularly struggled with this. He has remained on a temporary visa in excess of 2 years and during this time he has been required to make a statement to Centrelink on 4 or 5 occasions in order to access the benefit he is entitled to. Ms. Y explained that the experience of having to repeat her story was impacting on her mental health and continued to trigger traumatic reactions; “Every place I have to repeat the same thing, it was affecting me”. Ms. Y sought relief from her caseworker who suggested that before she attends agencies or appointments Ms. Y could give consent for her written story to be passed along to prevent this repetition. Ms. Y stated that doing this was one of the most helpful things that her caseworker offered her. Ms. Y’s case in particular shows that there is an obvious need for the framework to include NSW Police and community support agencies to be trained about Trafficking in Persons as they can play a vital role in detection, intervention and immediate protection of trafficked people.
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 Continuum of Support A continuum of support refers to a support stream that is offered on several levels of a victim’s participation with the criminal justice system. This includes: a) Provision of support for those victims who come forward but are unable to go forward with an investigation; b) Medium-Long term support offered to those victims who complete a criminal justice investigation and require support to equip them with skills for independent living in the Australian community. Both Ms. Y and Mr. W’s cases exemplify the failure by the Australian Government to implement support streams at the several phases of interaction with the framework. Mr. W clearly stated throughout his interviews that if he had known that the support would be withdrawn following the court case he would not have participated in the investigation. Mr. W’s main premise for participating in the investigation was to have access to support, safety and protection which was not only not provided after the court case but adds further to the argument of the support program being positioned as a bargaining tool for participation in an investigation. 5.3 Policy Implications United Nations Protocol vs. Australian Criminal Sanctions Ms. Y’s case demonstrates a need to look more closely at the relationship between Australia’s criminal sanctions and their international obligation under the UN Protocol (2000) It is speculated that Ms. Y’s case meets the definition of trafficking in persons as per United Nations standards but perhaps related offences are inconsistent in Australian law (David and Gallagher, 2011, Berg, Pers. Comm, 2011) This gap was detrimental to Ms. Y in that it rendered her ineligible for services provided by the Australian Government.
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 The Australian Government Action Plan, Human Rights and Oppression This research has taken on a Universalist perspective of human rights as influenced by both the United Nations definition of human rights, and social work human rights theorist Jim Ife (2001). As suggested by the theory, using a human rights framework with regard to the implementation of policy about victim protection stands as a sound baseline for policy development. Disregarding the central tenets of human rights theory: “recognition and respect the dignity of all people and basic standards which we can identify and measure inequality and fairness” (HREOC, 2009) shows a failure on behalf of the Australian Government to implement policy with respect to international human rights obligations. The Australian Governments Action Plan (2004) was designed to address the full cycle of the trafficking process, it is suggested that the policy gives equal weight to all areas intervention including prevention, prosecution and protection. This research has found that there is in fact unequal weight given to prosecution and protection stages of the framework, with greater emphasis given to prosecution. Mr. W’s case shows that the victim support program can be used as a bargaining tool for participation in a criminal investigation, particularly in his interpretation of the assistance offered being conditional of his participation in the investigation. Ms. Y’s case shows that despite some evidence to suggest that she was a trafficked person, a protection program was not offered to her through official government pathways, given that her case did not demonstrate capacity for an investigation. As mentioned previously, human rights defenders have proposed that access to victim support programs should be provided as an unequivocal human right. Again, obligatory participation in criminal justice processes raises real concerns for the victim, and “from a human rights point of view, access to these programs should be on the basis of need” (Burn and Simmons, 2009, p.10)
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 Providing services on the basis of need is supported by the view of Nancy Fraser (1989) who puts forward the idea that there is a distinct relationship between needs and rights. Whilst Australia continues to structure their victim support program in this way, essentially the Australian Government is denying victims access to their rights. As stated in Chapter Two, the test for this study is to establish evidence, that the current victim support system is not working effectively and that the Australian Government needs to reassess the current victim support program and make changes that are in line with a human rights framework. The experiences of both Ms. Y and her inability to access supports and Mr. W and his lackluster experience of support combined with theoretical knowledge and evaluations by service providers demonstrate that services offered to trafficked people needs to be delivered more comprehensively and inclusively of all victims of trafficking despite their willingness and/or capacity to participate in an investigation. “Trafficking victims, who are not involved in the law enforcement and criminal justice process, have been left to find care and support from members of the community and religious organisations. We believe that the program should be extended to all victims of trafficking” (NGO Shadow Report, 2006) As mentioned in Chapter Two van Wormer (2004) “Policy and Practice are intertwined”(p.14) the research has demonstrated that policy impacts not only Social Work practice but the overall outcomes that can be achieved by the victim. The current Australian policy to address Trafficking in Persons promotes structural oppression in that it creates barriers for individuals to be able to navigate the system and have access to resources which not only assist them to exercise their rights but to meet their needs. It can be hypothesized that by adopting a human rights framework there is larger scope for the delivery of tailored services that are not obligatory to participation in a criminal justice investigation. Narrowing the scope of the grounds of participation within a legal framework suggests that an individual is ‘not worthy of protection’ On the basis of human rights there is a strong argument to suggest that the current approach taken by the Australian Government is inadequate.
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 Trafficking in Persons “is about the process of reducing human beings to property” (Human Rights Watch, 2002, p.2) the crime itself is a direct violation of several articles of the United Nations Declaration of Human Rights (1948) including but not exclusive to; a) Article 4: No one shall be held in slavery or servitude; slavery and the slave trade shall be prohibited in all their forms; b) Article 5: No one shall be subjected to torture or to cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment; c) Article 13: Everybody has the right to freedom of movement and residence within the borders of each state It is essential that Australia adopts a collaborative human rights based approach to service delivery for victims of Trafficking in Persons; a service delivery system that does not continue the promotion and human rights violations. This however has been a challenge as many governments including Australia often approach the issue of Trafficking in Persons from a prosecution perspective rather than a human rights protection position. You could argue that prosecution of perpetrators is a human right, but again the study is looking at an equal distribution of rights. The clear demonstration of the priority of the Australia Government to prosecute over protect is in the obligatory participation in a Criminal Justice investigation in order to be offered support. Whilst a lawyer will argue that prosecution is a critical part of protection, I hypothesize at this point and invite further enquiry into the outcome of investigations if protection and prosecution are given equal weight.