1. 1
The diachrony of color term systems: Insights from South America
Patience Epps, Raanan Robertson, & Lauren Burleson
University of Texas at Austin
CILLA-V, Oct. 5, 2015
1. Introduction
Cross-linguistic approaches to the encoding of color have attracted decades of debate,
initiated by Berlin & Kay’s (1969) influential proposal that the distribution of ‘basic’ color
terms across languages (morphologically simplex terms with primary reference to color)
conforms to particular universal principles:
a) basic color terms partition the perceptual color ‘space’ in predictable ways across
languages, centered around universally relevant focal values;
b) the values of basic color terms follow from the number of terms in a given
language, such that in a language with only two terms, these must designate
‘black’ and ‘white’, a language with three terms will include ‘red’, and so on.
We focus here on Berlin & Kay’s observation (b): While essentially synchronic, Berlin & Kay
emphasized its diachronic implications – that languages build their color lexicons according
to a universal evolutionary progression:
{BLACK,WHITE}> {RED}> {YELLOW,GREEN}>{BLUE}> {OTHER}
Despite a massive subsequent literature, there has been very little effort to apply an actual
diachronic perspective to test the question of how languages build their color lexicons.
Most forays into questions of diachrony have been limited to specific languages, e.g.:
- the problem of defining ‘basic’ color terms in a given language when there is evidence
of transition from non-basic (e.g. Kay 2001);
- the question of how a particular language may develop or elaborate a color lexicon
over time, and the implications of this process for a fully partitioned color space (e.g.
‘freshness’ > ‘green’; cf. Lyons 1999, Kay 1999, Levinson 2001);
- in a very few studies, the role of language contact in driving the restructuration
and/or elaboration of a given language’s color term system (van Gijn et al. 2010,
Grimm 2014)
South America provides an ideal context in which to investigate the diachrony of color
systems, in light of:
- the region’s high level of genetic diversity, allowing for comparison across many
distinct language families;
- the relatively small and simple nature of many of its color systems, attributable e.g. to
the absence of an extensive dye tradition in the lowlands that might have promoted
their elaboration (e.g. Casson 1997, Gage 1999).

2. 2
OUR GOALS IN THIS PAPER:
To explore the evolution of color terms (black, white, red, yellow, and green/blue) across
South American language families in the context of Berlin & Kay’s diachronic predictions.
We consider:
- variation in reconstructibility of terms across 23 language families and their
subgroups
- evidence for innovation of terms from non-color terms, or from other color terms
- evidence for borrowing of terms from other languages
2. Methodology
Our investigation draws from the available literature on South American languages – mostly
dictionaries, word lists, & grammars.
Constraints:
- in many (most?) sources, lack of an attested term does not necessarily mean it is not
present in the language;
- presence of a term does not always mean that the term is widely used/
conventionalized in the language, let alone ‘basic’;
- sources rarely provide information about the etymology or alternative meanings of a
term.
 For these reasons, we focus on the most commonly elicited color terms (black, white,
red, yellow, and green/blue); assessments of etymological histories are not exhaustive.
Further methodological considerations:
- historical work on most of the language families considered is limited, so judgments
of reconstructibility are tentative (and proposed forms are very tentative indeed);
- actual chronologies of the different language families vary widely; our focus is on
relative chronologies of the different color terms only.
For each language family:
- data collected for each color term in each language, where information is available
(some data collection still ongoing);
- tentative reconstructions proposed for each protolanguage and subgroup, where
apparent cognates are present in multiple primary branches;
- potential etymological sources of terms considered where possible.

3. 3
Table 1. Example: Color terms and reconstructions in the Arawan language family
BLACK *kori (Authors)
Madi-Madihá
Madihá *kiri
Dení: kiɾiɗe
Kulina: sowe, mawa (Juruá dialect only);
kiri (archaic)
Madi *soki
Jarawara: soki
Banawa: sosoki na
Paumarí: baɾa- ‘dark’, poɾoɾo-
Suruahá: a:ʃjɛ
YELLOW
Madi-Madihá
Madihá *weshe
Dení: βetsʰeɗe
Kulina: wetsʰe
Madi
Jarawara: babato
Banawa: no info
Paumarí: korikori-; notxoro- (‘ripe fruit’)
Suruahá: no info
WHITE *Bakho (Dixon 2004)
Madi-Madihá
Madihá *pako
Dení: paku
Kulina: gese-wi, wese-wi (Rivet), mopo,
pako (Dienst)
Madi *sawa
Jarawara: sawa
Banawa: sawa
Paumarí: bokʰo-, poɾa-, βaɸoɾi-
Suruahá: no info
GREEN
Madi-Madihá
Madihá
Dení: ɗeɾepʰeɗe
Kulina:
Madi
Jarawara: kini (Vogel); tefe-na (Dixon)
Banawa: no info
Paumarí: kori ni-
Suruahá: no info
RED
Madi-Madihá
Madihá *makho
Dení: makʰuɗe
Kulina: makho, mapara (rare)
Madi *mawa
Jarawara: mawa (Dixon)
Banawa: mamawa na
Paumarí: dana-, nadaɾa-
Suruahá: no info
BLUE
Madi-Madihá
Madihá *nepede
Dení: ɗeɾepʰeɗe
Kulina: (?)bari-bunu-biri-aru (Rivet),
napana (Juruá dialect only - Dienst)
Madi
Jarawara: teteyo (Vogel); tefe-na (Dixon)
Banawa: no info
Paumarí: kori- (blue, green, yellow)
Suruahá: no info
Sources: Dení: Koop & Koop 2008; Kulina: Dienst 2014, Rivet 1940; Jarawara: Vogel 2006, Dixon 2004;
Banawa: Anonby & Anonby 2007; Paumarí: Salzer & Chapman 1998; Suruahá: Suzuki 1997.
Map 1: Arawan languages (Glottolog.org)

4. 4
3. Results:Color terms andtheir histories
NR = does not reconstruct (data available); Blank = not enough data available to determine whether the term reconstructs or not.
(NB: Authors’ reconstructed forms are highly tentative; some family-internal developments need further investigation. Jean and
Jabutian are both Macro-Je but are treated separately here because of this family’s considerable time-depth.)
Table 2: Reconstructed color terms in South American language families
Language families
and subgroups
black white red yellow green/blue source of reconstructions
Arawan *kori (‘dark’) *Bakho NR NR NR Authors; Dixon 2004
Madi-Madihá *kiri, *mawa
(‘dark’?)
*pako NR NR NR Authors
Madihá *kiri *pako *makho (cf.
‘white’)
*weshe (‘yellow,
light’)
*nepede Authors
Madi *soki *sawa (cf.
Tacanan)
*mawa Authors
Arawakan *khuere *kath *kɨɾa *ʃɨpule Payne 1991
Barbacoan NR NR NR *lah- NR Curnow & Liddicoat 1998
S. Barbacoan *pa’ba *ɸi’ba *lu'ba *lahke- *luʃ Authors
N. Barbacoan
Coconucoan *jalɨ *polɨ *pikɨ *ɨskɨ *pilji Authors
Boran *kɨ́βe-ne *tsɨ́tsɨɨ-ne *tɨ́-ppai-ne *gíí(-giβa)-ne;
*gí(kká)-ne-(ɨ́βɨ́)
*aittɨ́βá-ne Aschmann 1993
Cahuapanan *ajara (cf.
Quechua jana)
NR NR *ʃaʔpi(ʔ) *kani Pilar Valenzuela 2011 and
p.c.
Cariban (*apuru?, *kɨrɨ?
cf. Arawak)
*amutu (?) *aCmiru NR *tuku (?) Sergio Meira p.c., Authors
N. Cariban (*apuru?, *kɨrɨ?) *amutu *amiru *ʃepe (?) *tuku Sergio Meira p.c., Authors
S. Cariban (*apuru?, *kɨrɨ?) *apeku *aCmiru NR *tuku Sergio Meira p.c., Authors
Chapakuran
(Branch 2)
*tom (‘burn,
black’); *mitʃem
*towaʔ (‘white,
light color, dawn’)
*kotem, *mem
(‘red, ripe’)
*-tʃik (?) Lima 1997, Joshua Birchall
p.c., Authors
OroWin-Wari’-
Wanham
*tom, *miʃem *towaʔ *pakaʔ, *mem
(‘red/ripe’)
Guahiban NR *po *tso *wajan NR Authors, cf. Queixalós 1993
Sikuani-Cuiva-
Macaguan
*tse-bia *po-bi *tso-bi *wajan NR

5. 5
Language families
and subgroups
black white red yellow green/blue source of reconstructions
Jivaroan *ʃuwína *púhu *kapántu *(j)angkúu (cf.
‘yellow parrot’)
*samek ‘green’
*wigka ‘blue’
Payne 1981, Authors
Jean (Macro-Je) *tyk *za-ka *ka-mrek Davis 1966
Jabutian (Macro-
Je)
NR NR *nũ r(ǝ̃)o *numuj *kapɨ ‘green’ Ribeiro & Voort 2010
Mascoyan *paisiam *mopa *jiɬwas *jatik *japak Authors
Nadahupan *c'a NR *heɟ NR NR Authors
Hup-Yuhup-Dâw *c'a *ho *no NR *pɔ̃ Authors
Nambikwaran *(ta3)ton3 *pãn3 *hǝi3n *sa3t'ǝi: 3sa3t'ǝin3
(‘yellow/green/bl
ue’)
NR (cf. ‘yellow’) Price 1978
Panoan *wiso; *tʃɨʃɨ *huʃu *huʃin NR *ʃoo ‘green,
immature’
Authors
Mainline Panoan *wiso; *tʃɨʃɨ *huʃu *huʃin *paʃin *paʃa ‘raw, green’ Shell 2008, Authors
Quechuan *jana *juraq *puka *qarwa ~ qaλwa
(Quechua II:
*qiλu)
*ĉiqja(.q)
(Quechua II:
*q(‘)umir);
*anqaʃ (?) ‘blue’
Heggarty 2004
Aymaran *ĉ’ijara *anq’u *wila (cf. wilu
‘blood’), *tʃupika
*qarwa ~ qaλwa;
*qiλu
*tʃ’uqña Heggarty 2004, cf. Hardman
1981
Tacanan *zewe *pasa (cf. Pano) *nui ‘plant w/
red fruit’
*sawa (cf. Arawa;
also ‘ripe)
*zawa (also
‘immature’)
Girard 1971
Tukanoan *~tj’i *p’o NR NR *tɨme Thiago Chacon p.c.
E. Tukanoan *~ji’i *bo *~sua NR *sɨme, *ja’sa Chacon p.c., Authors
W. Tukanoan *~tj’i *p’o *ma (‘red
parrot’)
*sɨɲo NR Chacon p.c., Authors
Tupian NR *kɨta *wup NR *kɨt (‘green’,
‘unripe’)
Rodrigues 2007, Authors
Tupi-Guaranian *pitsun, *un *tiŋ (cf. ‘smoke’) *piraŋ, pɨtaŋ *juβ *oβɨ, *kɨr Mello 2000
Witotoan *huʔtɯ() NR *hĩãɨ̃(hĩ) *bora() *mokó- Echeverri & Seifart 2011,
Aschmann 1993
Yanomaman *uʃi *au(ʃi) NR *frãre *ruwǝ (‘green’,
‘unripe’)
Authors, cf. Migliazza 1972
Yan-Yano-Ninam *uʃi *au(ʃi) *wakǝ *frãre *ruwǝ Authors
Zaparoan NR *uʃi *naatu NR *nɨɨ Authors
Iquito-Arabela *muero *uʃi *naatu NR *nɨɨ Authors

6. 6
3.1. Relative reconstructability of termsacrossfamiliesand subgroups
Table 3: Proto-languages/subgroups in which color term(s) can/cannot be reconstructed
Number of proto-
languages (Reconstr./NR)
Number of subgroups
(Reconstr./NR)
Black/dark 18/5 16/0
White/light 18/5 16/0
Red 18/5 15/1
Yellow 14/7 9/5
Green/Blue 16/5 11/3
 Reconstructability of black/white/red is marginally higher than yellow/green-
blue in our sample; reconstructed red/yellow/green-blue terms are more likely
to show evidence of derivation; several languages use the same term for yellow/
green-blue.
3.2. Associations between reconstructed color terms and other lexical items
NB: Not an exhaustive assessment, due to lack of etymological information in sources.
Black:
– burn (Chapakuran, maybe Yanomaman)
– genipap (black dye plant, Witotoan)
White:
– smoke (Tupi-Guaranian; apparently replaced earlier ‘white’ term)
Red:
– blood (Aymaran)
– red dye plant / achiote (Tacanan; secondary terms in Nadahup,
Nambikwara)
– red parrot (W. Tukanoan)
– ripe (Chapakuran)
Yellow:
– yellow parrot (Jivaroan)
– ripe (Tacanan)
– type of mud (Tupi-Guaranian, Tukanoan)
Green/Blue:
– immature, raw (Panoan, Tacanan, Tupian, Yanomaman)
– parrot (Witotoan)
– leaf (Tupi-Guarani)
 Directionality (original vs. secondary meaning) unclear in some cases; some non-
color terms (e.g. ‘ripe’) may be derived from the color terms.

7. 7
3.3. Associations among reconstructed color terms within families
Table 4: Evidence of possible historical associations within color inventories
Associations Languages Terms
White > red Panoan
Arawan
*huʃu > *huʃin
*Bakho > *makho
Red > yellow Tupi-Guaranian
Nambikwara
*wup (Tupi) > *juβ (TG) (Rodrigues 2007)
*sate- *hǝi3n (‘continuous/heavy’ + red) >
*sa3t'ǝi: 3sa3t'ǝin3 (yellow/green/blue)
Black/dark > green/blue Tacanan
Arawak
Arawan
(??) *zewe > *zawa
*khuere reflexes in Wapishana, Baré
*kori reflexes in Jarawara, Paumari
White >
green/blue/yellow
Tupian *kɨta > *kit
Green/blue > yellow Mainline Panoan *paʃa ‘raw, green’ > *paʃin
Yellow > green/blue Carib *šewe reflex in Yukpa
- See also resemblances between some reconstructed forms for black and red:
Proto-Arawak *khuere ~ *kɨra, Cariban *apuru ~ *aCmiru
- Other examples of related terms referring to different colors are found among
sister-languages, with directionality unclear
- Likelihood of semantic extension from white > other colors by means of white-
yellow similarity (cf. Arawan ‘yellow/light color’, where yellow is not
distinguished from green/blue or red
3.4. Evidence of possible borrowing of color terms acrossfamilies
We focus here on borrowing among indigenous languages; some borrowing from
Spanish/Portuguese is also attested, particularly in green/blue terms.
Black:
Cariban *kɨrɨ (?) ~ Arawakan *khuere ‘dark, black’ > Arawan *kori ‘dark’
(cf. other evidence of Arawakan > Arawan influence)
Quechuan *jana ~ Cahuapanan *ajara (esp. Chayahuita jara)
White:
Zaparoan *uʃi ~ Panoan *huʃu > Ese Ejja (Tacanan) oʃe1
Tacanan *pasa ‘white’ ~ Mainline Panoan *paʃa ‘raw, green’, *paʃin ‘yellow’
Red:
Arawakan *kɨɾa ~ Tupian *kɨta (?Arawak > Puinave kɤt)
Aymara *čupika > Cajamarca Quechua2
Quechuan *puka > Wari’ (Chapakuran) pakaʔ (?)
1 Note also Yanomaman *uʃi ‘black’ and *au(ʃi) ‘white’.
2 See Adelaar w/Muysken (2004:261).

8. 8
Yellow:3
Aymaran *qarwa/qaλwa ~ Quechuan *qarwa/qaλwa
> Kabiyari (Arawakan) karawa, Itonama kabalaʔi (?) ‘green’
Aymara *qiλu > Quechua qiλu, Chipaya kˀilʸu, Cofan kijopa
Tacanan *sawa ‘yellow’ ~ Madi *sawa ‘white’
Green/blue:
Quechuan *ĉiqya(.q) ~ Aymaran *tʃ’uqña > Chipaya čˀoxɲa
Aymara larama ‘blue’ > Chipaya larama ‘blue’
4. Synchronic inventories
We also surveyed a wide sample of Amazonian languages for which color terms
appear to be relatively thoroughly documented, in order to test the degree to which
the diachronic distributions correspond to synchronic ones:
Table 5: Languages sampled (33 languages from 19 families):
Family
Arawan
Arawakan
Cahuapanan
Cariban
Chocoan
Guahiban
Language
Paumari
Kulina
Piapoco
Yucuna
Baniwa
Chayahuita
Shiwilu
Eñepa
Apalai
N. Embera
Sikuani
Family
Jivaroan
Kakua-Nukakan
Macro-Je: Je
Macro-Je: Maxacali
Nadahupan
Nambikwaran
Panoan
Peba-Yaguan
Quechuan
Language
Aguaruna
Kakua
Kaingang
Maxacali
Hup
Dâw
Sabane
Capanahua
Chacobo
Yagua
Huanuco Q.
Family
Tacanan
E. Tukanoan
W. Tukanoan
Tupian
Tupian: TG
Yanomanan
Zaparoan
Language
Ese Ejja
Cubeo
Wanano
Koreguaje
Karitiana
Tupari
Nheengatu
Yanomami
Ninam
Iquito
Arabela
Table 6: Synchronic color term distributions across sample
% languages for which a
discrete term exists4
alternate non-color meanings of
terms, as attested
Black/dark 100% ‘ripe’
White/light 100% ‘ripe’, ‘clean’
Red 100% ‘ripe’, ‘achiote’, ‘fire’
Yellow 94% ‘ripe’
Green/blue 85% ‘unripe’, ‘raw’, ‘bitter’
Blue 21%
Brown 36%
Pink 27% ‘ripe’
Purple 48%
Orange 18%
3 See also Jivaroan*(j)angkúu ‘yellow/yellow parrot’ ~ Candoshi (isolate) ‘yellow parrot’. Qarwa
also means ‘llama’ in Aymara; possible lexical source for ‘yellow’?
4 Figures exclude Spanish/Portuguese loans; ‘basicness’ of term is not generally known.

9. 9
In our sample, synchronic color inventories tend to include terms according to the
following preferences – broadly consistent with the results of our diachronic study:
BLACK/WHITE/RED > YELLOW > BLUE/GREEN > OTHER COLORS
5. Conclusion
The evidence examined here supports the following diachronic generalization for
color terms across Amazonian language families:
OLDEST <-------------------------------------------------------------->YOUNGEST
BLACK/WHITE RED YELLOW&GREEN/BLUE
 Reconstructibility to proto-languages and subgroups is more consistent for
black-white-red than for yellow-green/blue
 Evidence of derivation (least <--> most frequently derived from other terms):
1) black/white, 2) red, 3) yellow and green/blue
 More variability across families in yellow & green/blue terms, including
borrowability (some evidence of loans among black/white terms, but most are
old)
 General correspondence between diachronic and synchronic color term
distributions.
Reconstructibility/variability of terms within language families could be a factor of
both/either:
- elaboration of color term inventories over time (less > more complex)
- retention of terms over time that are conceptually more ‘basic’
Both of these possibilities are compatible with Berlin & Kay’s predictions, although
only one relates to the diachronic expansion of color term systems.
Need for more investigation into color term systems in Amazonian languages:
precise meanings, etymologies, recent expansions of systems, etc.
Acknowledgments
We gratefully acknowledge Amalia Skilton’s assistance with data collection, and
methodological inspiration from Cecil Brown. Thanks also to Joshua Birchall, Thiago
Chacon, Sergio Meira, and Pilar Valenzuela for their insights into reconstructions.

10. 10
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