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Challenges in international and
    regional trade and new
opportunities for SIDS in market
  access: the case of CARICOM

                                     Nigel Durrant
                             Head, Agricultural Trade Unit
      Office of Trade Negotiations, Caribbean Community (CARICOM) Secretariat

  Presentation for panel discussion - Building resilience in small island economies: from
                             vulnerabilities to opportunities
             Hotel Victoria, Pointe aux Piments, Mauritius, 23-24 April 2012
CARICOM


The Caribbean Community (CARICOM), with a total population
of under 16 million, comprises 15 member states with
populations ranging from 5,000 (Montserrat) to 7.5 million
(Haiti). It is based on the Treaty of Chaguaramas, first signed in
1973 and revised in 2001.
It is the longest surviving integration movement among
developing countries, its predecessor being the (CARIFTA) (1965
to 1973)
The aim is to create a single market and economy (SME)
characterized by the free movement of goods, persons, services
and capital.
While significant headway has been made in creating the single
market for goods, other aspects of the regime lag behind.
CARICOM (cont’d)


The Organization of Eastern Caribbean States (OECS) is an
independent organization, which comprises nine members, eight
of which are members of CARICOM. It has achieved a deeper
level of integration than CARICOM as a whole, having a single
currency and central bank as well as other shared institutions.
Most CARICOM members are former British colonies, the
exceptions being the most recent members – Suriname and
Haiti.
Not all members of CARICOM participate in the single market –
the Bahamas having opted not to participate and Haiti having
been given a time-limited dispensation from its obligations
We will return to some of the challenges of regionalism later in
the presentation
Economic Landscape


The Caribbean has historically been dependent on the export of agricultural products
to Europe – sugar, cocoa, coffee, spices, others and later, bananas.
Currently, the economies are mostly dependent on services – tourism, financial
services (mainly offshore banking), cultural industries (mainly music). Services account
on average for 50% of GDP and 60% of exports but with wide variations across
countries. The OECS is even more dependent on services.
Some elements of traditional export agriculture still remain and there is a wide
variation in the level of importance of that sector across the region. Guyana, Suriname,
Belize (the three coastal states) Dominica, and to a lesser extent, Jamaica, are the
countries most dependent on agriculture.
Agriculture’s contribution to GDP in 2005 was about 35% for Guyana, 18% in Dominica,
15% in Belize and 8% in Grenada and St. Vincent and the Grenadines. For other
countries, the contribution ranged from about 3% to 6%.
While agriculture has diminished in importance over many decades, it still retains its
importance in terms of employment, food security and export earnings.
Economic Landscape (cont’d)


Manufacturing plays a minor role – much of the light manufacturing that
was once significant in some of the countries has declined or disappeared,
e.g. the garment sector. Haiti maintains a significant garment export sector.
Petroleum looms large in the economy of Trinidad & Tobago. Other mineral
products – bauxite/alumina, gold – are important in Jamaica, Guyana, and
Suriname.
Exports are fairly concentrated in a few products – mainly food/agricultural
products, mineral ores, some manufactures and petroleum products and
there is a seeming inability to diversify towards technology-intensive
exports.
The US market is the most important for both exports (50%) and imports.
The EU market, at 10% of total exports, nevertheless, continues to be
important for agricultural exports – sugar, bananas and rice. The CARICOM
market accounts for at most 12% of imports and 20% of exports and has been
static.
Economic Landscape (cont’d)


Foreign direct investment (FDI) flows into CARICOM have been buoyant but narrowly focused on
the extractive industries and tourism. There is little evidence that FDI has helped to move the
economies towards higher value added production in either goods or services.
Growth rates (per capita GDP) have been disappointing and have not kept pace with some of the
fastest growing African countries
The current economic downturn that started in 2007 has had severe effects on the fiscal balances
of many CARICOM countries and has also impacted on tourism earnings. Those countries less
affected are those with significant petroleum exports (Trinidad & Tobago) and gold
High cost of transportation for both intra-regional and external markets is an on-going issue in
policy debates. Available data suggest that overall transport costs and insurance in the Caribbean
are 30 per cent higher than the world average. It is often cheaper to ship via port Miami than
directly between CARICOM countries.
High energy costs – Energy utility costs are among the highest in the world with the only real
exception being Trinidad & Tobago, which has a petroleum industry.
ICT capacity and affordability – while the region is fairly well “wired”, the main issue of affordability
both for businesses and consumers, including low income groups.
The Multilateral Trading System –
      dispute settlement

 Most CARICOM countries joined after independence, from 1962 onwards – Trinidad & Tobago
 (1962), Jamaica (1963), Barbados (1967). The bulk of the remainder joined around the time of the
 Uruguay Round – early 1990s. The Bahamas remains the only Caribbean non-WTO member.
 For much of CARICOM, the “banana wars”, which started in the early 1970s, became emblematic of
 the GATT/WTO as an arbitrating institution, capable of imposing penalties and granting redress to
 its members. Caribbean banana producers, although their interests were clearly involved, in terms
 of their access to the EU market, found that they had no legal standing in these disputes and that
 the rulings made could more or less ignore the (negative) consequences for them. The fact that
 negotiating rounds further threatened to erode their preferences further compounded the hurt.
 The successful Brazilian challenge to aspects of the EU’s sugar regime (export subsidies) was also
 perceived to have had negative consequences for the Caribbean and other ACP producers. This
 interpretation may be disputed since the EU had internal pressures for reform and the ruling may
 simply have given impetus to this trend.
 The success of the WTO challenge by Antigua & Barbuda against the USA in the internet gaming
 case was soured by the USA’s refusal to comply with the rulings. This points to the difficulty faced
 by small countries in gaining redress through the dispute settlement system. Imposing trade
 restrictions against a large trading partner may not be a feasible option.
 These events have helped to colour public perception of the role of the WTO in trade and
 development
The Multilateral Trading System –
     rules and negotiations

 GATT/WTO rules are often seen as restrictive and unfair for developing and small
 economies. The facts, however, are somewhat different.
 The outcome of the Uruguay Round was such that CARICOM countries were not
 required to make any real concessions. The main discipline imposed was in terms of
 the commitment to bind tariffs. Most CARICOM countries bound their agricultural
 tariffs at 100% and their non-agricultural tariffs at 50%, thus providing themselves with
 considerable “policy space”. The exceptions were Haiti and Suriname (who were not
 CARICOM members at the time) and whose bindings were considerably lower, in
 many cases at the level of their applied rates.
 In terms of the ability to provide support to their agricultural sectors, the Agreement
 on Agriculture (AoA) provides considerable scope. The problem is 1) financial ability to
 provide such support and 2) priority placed on the agricultural sector. Indeed, the WTO
 is sometimes used as an excuse for inaction in providing support to agriculture.
 CARICOM’s services commitments during the Uruguay Round were minimal
Doha Round Negotiations


Participation by CARICOM in the round has focused primarily on in goods (agriculture
and NAMA) with services coming in at a poor second. There is some interest in the
negotiations on rules, particularly those relating to regional trade agreements and
fisheries subsidies
In agriculture, CARICOM’s approach has been highly defensive – guarding against any
disruption of markets since the sector is regarded as very fragile. Though there is
room for some flexibility, the idea is that new commitments should not compromise
CARICOM CET
CARICOM is also a strong defender of special treatment for “long-standing
preferences” – i.e. guarding against preference erosion particularly in the EU market.
This has pitted the group against Central American and other countries who want to
break into those markets and see CARICOM’s position as obstructionist
As part of the small and vulnerable economies (SVE) group, which also includes
Mauritius and Fiji, CARICOM has been successful in crafting draft modalities which
would require it to reduce its bound agricultural tariffs by an average of 24% along
with flexibilities for Suriname, which would be allowed to rebind upwards.
Doha Round Negotiations (cont’d)


 Regarding fisheries subsidies negotiations (which seek to reduce subsidies
 as a means of relieving pressure on the world’s resources), the position
 adopted is one that calls attention to the low impact that small economies,
 and particularly small-scale fishing, has on the overall resource and thus the
 need for a special carve-out for subsidies granted by small economies.
 In services, an area in which the CARICOM has concrete interests, the region
 has proceeded from a position of extreme caution
 Some factors that contribute to the position are 1) lack of information on
 services 2) low level of non-tourism services trade in global context
 Some key services interests in developed country markets – “Mode 4”
 access for lesser-skilled labour; elimination of economic needs tests (ENTs);
 mutual recognition of credentials for professional services
The Challenges of Regionalism –
CARICOM Single Market & Economy

  CARICOM, while having shown remarkable resilience as an economic integration movement, has
  had to acknowledge that the pace of the deepening of the movement has been much slower than
  expected. The CARICOM Single Market & Economy (CSME) was originally scheduled to be in place
  by 2005.
  The regime for goods – the CET, the rules of origin etc. – receives the bulk of the attention from
  member states but there are reoccurring issues relating to its management which can only be
  addressed through a comprehensive reform of the system. Further, there is an outstanding
  mandate to institute a regime of free circulation of goods, which has hardly been addressed.
  The regime for services is considerably more recent and envisages a single market for trade in
  services via all four modes of supply. It is, in the estimation of a recent study done for the
  secretariat, only 37% complete. The major outstanding issue relates to the right of establishment and
  the need to harmonize national legislation so as to remove any elements that discriminate against
  CARICOM nationals.
  The aspect of the single market that has proceeded most slowly and which has probably drawn the
  most criticism is that relating to the movement of people and skills. The current regime provides
  for a limited list of skill categories to be recognized as having the right to move freely within the
  single market but there are continuing questions relating to the management of the regime.
  The slow pace of implementation has often been ascribed to a deficit in political will. It should also
  be taken into account that there may also be many economic actors who view integration
  negatively.
The Challenges of Regionalism –
     bilateral agreements

CARICOM now has several trade agreements with neighbouring developing
countries as well as with the European Union – the Economic Partnership
Agreement. This is in addition to the non-reciprocal market access
arrangements that it has with the US (CBI) and Canada (CARIBCAN).
Agreements have been concluded with the Dominican Republic, Cuba and
Costa Rica but all have operated at a low level.
Three significant features of the above bilaterals are 1) CARICOM’s LDCs
(the OECS and Belize) are not required to reciprocate , 2) the fairly
restrictive regime for agricultural products, and 3) No provisions on services
have yet been negotiated.
Negotiations are currently being conducted with Canada and are expected
to be concluded in 2012/2013.
Unlikely that any other negotiations will commence prior to the conclusion
of the agreement with Canada.
The Challenges of Regionalism –
 bilateral agreements (cont’d)

The Economic partnership Agreement (EPA), concluded between the Caribbean (CARICOM plus
the Dominican Republic) and the European Union in 2008, is the largest and most extensive trade
agreement in which CARICOM participates.
It is a WTO-compatible agreement, which replaces the unilateral preferences (for goods) granted by
the EU under the Cotonou Agreement of 2000
EPA was crafted in accordance with the requirements of Article XXIV of the GATT and Article V of
the GATS. The option of having the agreement notified under the Enabling Clause was not available
given the involvement of a developed partner (the EU) in the agreement.
It was also done against the background of the difficulties experienced in obtaining a WTO waiver
for the Cotonou Agreement trade provisions in 2001 – difficulties that were tied up with the dispute
with the EU over bananas.
In the absence of the EPA, exports of several key agricultural products – sugar, bananas in particular
– would have become unprofitable. The EU’s GSP scheme would not have sufficed.
Although the Cotonou arrangements provided for free access for most goods, restrictions remained
on most of the products covered by the EU Common Agricultural Policy. The EPA has eliminated all
market access restrictions to the EU market
The level of reciprocity required on the part of CARIFORUM has been modulated by a significant
level of exclusions (mainly agricultural goods) and by extended liberalization timeframes for some
goods that are important from a revenue or competition standpoint
The Challenges of Regionalism –
 bilateral agreements (cont’d)

Regarding services and investment, the EPA provides for the opening up of most
sectors on both sides along with provisions on non-discrimination for investors
(national treatment), commitments to environmental safeguards, labour and
occupational health and safety, and anti-corruption. The EU opens up 90% of its
services sectors while CARIFORUM opens up 65%. There are also provisions on
temporary presence of business persons and a protocol on cultural cooperation
Development provisions are highlighted in the EPA both generally and with regard to
specific sectors. Development financing will, however, continue to come from the
European Development Fund (EDF) and other EU financing instruments.
Some criticisms have been leveled at the EPA because of its comprehensiveness and
the extent to which it apparently constrains policy flexibility on the part of CARICOM.
Against that should be placed the confidence that such an agreement gives to
economic actors as well as the significant asymmetries that CARICOM/CARIFORUM
was able to build into the accord.
The Challenges of Regionalism –
 bilateral agreements (cont’d)

CARICOM’s positions in trade negotiations have been conditioned by perceptions of
the uncompetitiveness of its economies – particularly the agricultural sector -- and the
concomitant need to protect them from international competition. Positions taken in
these negotiations – even with neighbouring developing countries of similar size –
have been highly defensive and have sought to exclude significant percentages of
goods from the agreements.
Regional Trade Agreements (free trade areas, customs unions etc) have the
advantage of providing legal certainty to the trade relations among the contracting
parties. In this respect, the uncertainty surrounding the granting of the WTO waiver to
the Cotonou Agreement in 2001 is salutary.
Although CARICOM has had duty free access to its main markets (Canada, the EU and
the USA) for many decades, these arrangements have involved autonomously-
granted preferences, which can be altered by the preference-granting countries. In
addition, all these arrangements include some restrictions on agricultural products
and thus, there is a possibility of additional market access as a result of trade
negotiated agreements
The Challenges of Regionalism –
 bilateral agreements (cont’d)

Preferential access does not automatically translate into market penetration.
National and inter-governmental organizations, along with the private sector, must
provide accurate and timely information on market access conditions (charges,
regulations etc.). Trade agreements cannot be seen as a panacea and there is a host of
other complementary trade-related issues that must be addressed.
Modern trade agreements deal not only with goods but with services, investment and
a host of other areas. The players in one sector cannot afford to focus narrowly on the
negotiating issues that most directly affect them but must become familiar with the
broader issues in trade negotiations (and trade policy) in order to properly articulate
the interests of their sectors
Private sector organizations must play a key role in providing information on market
conditions, lobbying governments in both the home countries and abroad for
beneficial policy changes, facilitating the provision of technical assistance to
enterprises, and in coordinating positions for trade negotiations.
Issues of technical capacity at the national level as well as some level of skepticism
regarding the benefits of trade agreements continue to be topics that have to be
addressed
Concluding Ideas


The challenge of development is one that is not unique to SIDS.
Although SIDS tend generally to experience higher costs, they may
also have their unique advantages which can be exploited. Granted
that these differences exist, the development imperatives are very
much those that apply to all countries
Although the term “Washington Consensus” has become a bad
word in development circles, it is worth nothing that the person
who coined the term (John Williamson, 1989), and the prescriptions
that were laid down, were not of the extreme non-interventionist
kind. In addition to recommendations on fiscal discipline and trade
openness, the WC called, among other things, for a redirection of
public spending from subsidies towards pro-growth and pro-poor
services like education, primary health care and infrastructure
investment.
Concluding Ideas


It is through effecting improvements to the business environment
(institutional) and infrastructure (hardware) that economies are able to
prosper. Small economies have no choice to but to be basically open
economies which are responsive to the international marketplace and for
that reason must emphasize in their policy frameworks the building of
absorptive capacity for international business.
It is essential that SIDS participate fully in trade negotiations both at the
multilateral and bilateral levels. It is equally important that these processes
are seen as adjuncts to development policy and not as ends in themselves.
ICT is one of the investments that SIDS should not take lightly since it helps
to overcome or neutralize many of the disadvantages of size. The fact that
small producers can be put in direct contact with small buyers (for both final
goods and inputs) is a major benefit of ICT.
Concluding Ideas


A concerted effort must be made to better link agriculture with the services-based
economies. Tourism, while it can produce huge benefits to small economies, can also
result in large outflows with food being one of the largest. This calls for a
reengineering of the mostly small-scale agricultural sector to better enable it to meet
the needs of the tourist sector in terms of the types of products demanded,
consistency of supply and quality. The experience of CARICOM in this regard is a mixed
one indeed but the main lessons to be learnt are 1) public investment – particularly in
terms of research, infrastructure and information systems -- is necessary to support
the reorientation of the sector and 2) strong partnerships must be developed among
actors in both sectors.
Providing supportive environment for innovation is a crucial factor in stimulating
economic development. The evidence suggests that expenditure on research and
development in CARICOM is not only low but has not been keeping up with inflation.
This is probably also the case with other SIDS. This issue is also related to the priority
placed on education, particularly technical and scientific education.
Nigel Durrant
nigel.durrant@crnm.org

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4. Durrant nigel

  • 1. Challenges in international and regional trade and new opportunities for SIDS in market access: the case of CARICOM Nigel Durrant Head, Agricultural Trade Unit Office of Trade Negotiations, Caribbean Community (CARICOM) Secretariat Presentation for panel discussion - Building resilience in small island economies: from vulnerabilities to opportunities Hotel Victoria, Pointe aux Piments, Mauritius, 23-24 April 2012
  • 2. CARICOM The Caribbean Community (CARICOM), with a total population of under 16 million, comprises 15 member states with populations ranging from 5,000 (Montserrat) to 7.5 million (Haiti). It is based on the Treaty of Chaguaramas, first signed in 1973 and revised in 2001. It is the longest surviving integration movement among developing countries, its predecessor being the (CARIFTA) (1965 to 1973) The aim is to create a single market and economy (SME) characterized by the free movement of goods, persons, services and capital. While significant headway has been made in creating the single market for goods, other aspects of the regime lag behind.
  • 3. CARICOM (cont’d) The Organization of Eastern Caribbean States (OECS) is an independent organization, which comprises nine members, eight of which are members of CARICOM. It has achieved a deeper level of integration than CARICOM as a whole, having a single currency and central bank as well as other shared institutions. Most CARICOM members are former British colonies, the exceptions being the most recent members – Suriname and Haiti. Not all members of CARICOM participate in the single market – the Bahamas having opted not to participate and Haiti having been given a time-limited dispensation from its obligations We will return to some of the challenges of regionalism later in the presentation
  • 4. Economic Landscape The Caribbean has historically been dependent on the export of agricultural products to Europe – sugar, cocoa, coffee, spices, others and later, bananas. Currently, the economies are mostly dependent on services – tourism, financial services (mainly offshore banking), cultural industries (mainly music). Services account on average for 50% of GDP and 60% of exports but with wide variations across countries. The OECS is even more dependent on services. Some elements of traditional export agriculture still remain and there is a wide variation in the level of importance of that sector across the region. Guyana, Suriname, Belize (the three coastal states) Dominica, and to a lesser extent, Jamaica, are the countries most dependent on agriculture. Agriculture’s contribution to GDP in 2005 was about 35% for Guyana, 18% in Dominica, 15% in Belize and 8% in Grenada and St. Vincent and the Grenadines. For other countries, the contribution ranged from about 3% to 6%. While agriculture has diminished in importance over many decades, it still retains its importance in terms of employment, food security and export earnings.
  • 5. Economic Landscape (cont’d) Manufacturing plays a minor role – much of the light manufacturing that was once significant in some of the countries has declined or disappeared, e.g. the garment sector. Haiti maintains a significant garment export sector. Petroleum looms large in the economy of Trinidad & Tobago. Other mineral products – bauxite/alumina, gold – are important in Jamaica, Guyana, and Suriname. Exports are fairly concentrated in a few products – mainly food/agricultural products, mineral ores, some manufactures and petroleum products and there is a seeming inability to diversify towards technology-intensive exports. The US market is the most important for both exports (50%) and imports. The EU market, at 10% of total exports, nevertheless, continues to be important for agricultural exports – sugar, bananas and rice. The CARICOM market accounts for at most 12% of imports and 20% of exports and has been static.
  • 6. Economic Landscape (cont’d) Foreign direct investment (FDI) flows into CARICOM have been buoyant but narrowly focused on the extractive industries and tourism. There is little evidence that FDI has helped to move the economies towards higher value added production in either goods or services. Growth rates (per capita GDP) have been disappointing and have not kept pace with some of the fastest growing African countries The current economic downturn that started in 2007 has had severe effects on the fiscal balances of many CARICOM countries and has also impacted on tourism earnings. Those countries less affected are those with significant petroleum exports (Trinidad & Tobago) and gold High cost of transportation for both intra-regional and external markets is an on-going issue in policy debates. Available data suggest that overall transport costs and insurance in the Caribbean are 30 per cent higher than the world average. It is often cheaper to ship via port Miami than directly between CARICOM countries. High energy costs – Energy utility costs are among the highest in the world with the only real exception being Trinidad & Tobago, which has a petroleum industry. ICT capacity and affordability – while the region is fairly well “wired”, the main issue of affordability both for businesses and consumers, including low income groups.
  • 7. The Multilateral Trading System – dispute settlement Most CARICOM countries joined after independence, from 1962 onwards – Trinidad & Tobago (1962), Jamaica (1963), Barbados (1967). The bulk of the remainder joined around the time of the Uruguay Round – early 1990s. The Bahamas remains the only Caribbean non-WTO member. For much of CARICOM, the “banana wars”, which started in the early 1970s, became emblematic of the GATT/WTO as an arbitrating institution, capable of imposing penalties and granting redress to its members. Caribbean banana producers, although their interests were clearly involved, in terms of their access to the EU market, found that they had no legal standing in these disputes and that the rulings made could more or less ignore the (negative) consequences for them. The fact that negotiating rounds further threatened to erode their preferences further compounded the hurt. The successful Brazilian challenge to aspects of the EU’s sugar regime (export subsidies) was also perceived to have had negative consequences for the Caribbean and other ACP producers. This interpretation may be disputed since the EU had internal pressures for reform and the ruling may simply have given impetus to this trend. The success of the WTO challenge by Antigua & Barbuda against the USA in the internet gaming case was soured by the USA’s refusal to comply with the rulings. This points to the difficulty faced by small countries in gaining redress through the dispute settlement system. Imposing trade restrictions against a large trading partner may not be a feasible option. These events have helped to colour public perception of the role of the WTO in trade and development
  • 8. The Multilateral Trading System – rules and negotiations GATT/WTO rules are often seen as restrictive and unfair for developing and small economies. The facts, however, are somewhat different. The outcome of the Uruguay Round was such that CARICOM countries were not required to make any real concessions. The main discipline imposed was in terms of the commitment to bind tariffs. Most CARICOM countries bound their agricultural tariffs at 100% and their non-agricultural tariffs at 50%, thus providing themselves with considerable “policy space”. The exceptions were Haiti and Suriname (who were not CARICOM members at the time) and whose bindings were considerably lower, in many cases at the level of their applied rates. In terms of the ability to provide support to their agricultural sectors, the Agreement on Agriculture (AoA) provides considerable scope. The problem is 1) financial ability to provide such support and 2) priority placed on the agricultural sector. Indeed, the WTO is sometimes used as an excuse for inaction in providing support to agriculture. CARICOM’s services commitments during the Uruguay Round were minimal
  • 9. Doha Round Negotiations Participation by CARICOM in the round has focused primarily on in goods (agriculture and NAMA) with services coming in at a poor second. There is some interest in the negotiations on rules, particularly those relating to regional trade agreements and fisheries subsidies In agriculture, CARICOM’s approach has been highly defensive – guarding against any disruption of markets since the sector is regarded as very fragile. Though there is room for some flexibility, the idea is that new commitments should not compromise CARICOM CET CARICOM is also a strong defender of special treatment for “long-standing preferences” – i.e. guarding against preference erosion particularly in the EU market. This has pitted the group against Central American and other countries who want to break into those markets and see CARICOM’s position as obstructionist As part of the small and vulnerable economies (SVE) group, which also includes Mauritius and Fiji, CARICOM has been successful in crafting draft modalities which would require it to reduce its bound agricultural tariffs by an average of 24% along with flexibilities for Suriname, which would be allowed to rebind upwards.
  • 10. Doha Round Negotiations (cont’d) Regarding fisheries subsidies negotiations (which seek to reduce subsidies as a means of relieving pressure on the world’s resources), the position adopted is one that calls attention to the low impact that small economies, and particularly small-scale fishing, has on the overall resource and thus the need for a special carve-out for subsidies granted by small economies. In services, an area in which the CARICOM has concrete interests, the region has proceeded from a position of extreme caution Some factors that contribute to the position are 1) lack of information on services 2) low level of non-tourism services trade in global context Some key services interests in developed country markets – “Mode 4” access for lesser-skilled labour; elimination of economic needs tests (ENTs); mutual recognition of credentials for professional services
  • 11. The Challenges of Regionalism – CARICOM Single Market & Economy CARICOM, while having shown remarkable resilience as an economic integration movement, has had to acknowledge that the pace of the deepening of the movement has been much slower than expected. The CARICOM Single Market & Economy (CSME) was originally scheduled to be in place by 2005. The regime for goods – the CET, the rules of origin etc. – receives the bulk of the attention from member states but there are reoccurring issues relating to its management which can only be addressed through a comprehensive reform of the system. Further, there is an outstanding mandate to institute a regime of free circulation of goods, which has hardly been addressed. The regime for services is considerably more recent and envisages a single market for trade in services via all four modes of supply. It is, in the estimation of a recent study done for the secretariat, only 37% complete. The major outstanding issue relates to the right of establishment and the need to harmonize national legislation so as to remove any elements that discriminate against CARICOM nationals. The aspect of the single market that has proceeded most slowly and which has probably drawn the most criticism is that relating to the movement of people and skills. The current regime provides for a limited list of skill categories to be recognized as having the right to move freely within the single market but there are continuing questions relating to the management of the regime. The slow pace of implementation has often been ascribed to a deficit in political will. It should also be taken into account that there may also be many economic actors who view integration negatively.
  • 12. The Challenges of Regionalism – bilateral agreements CARICOM now has several trade agreements with neighbouring developing countries as well as with the European Union – the Economic Partnership Agreement. This is in addition to the non-reciprocal market access arrangements that it has with the US (CBI) and Canada (CARIBCAN). Agreements have been concluded with the Dominican Republic, Cuba and Costa Rica but all have operated at a low level. Three significant features of the above bilaterals are 1) CARICOM’s LDCs (the OECS and Belize) are not required to reciprocate , 2) the fairly restrictive regime for agricultural products, and 3) No provisions on services have yet been negotiated. Negotiations are currently being conducted with Canada and are expected to be concluded in 2012/2013. Unlikely that any other negotiations will commence prior to the conclusion of the agreement with Canada.
  • 13. The Challenges of Regionalism – bilateral agreements (cont’d) The Economic partnership Agreement (EPA), concluded between the Caribbean (CARICOM plus the Dominican Republic) and the European Union in 2008, is the largest and most extensive trade agreement in which CARICOM participates. It is a WTO-compatible agreement, which replaces the unilateral preferences (for goods) granted by the EU under the Cotonou Agreement of 2000 EPA was crafted in accordance with the requirements of Article XXIV of the GATT and Article V of the GATS. The option of having the agreement notified under the Enabling Clause was not available given the involvement of a developed partner (the EU) in the agreement. It was also done against the background of the difficulties experienced in obtaining a WTO waiver for the Cotonou Agreement trade provisions in 2001 – difficulties that were tied up with the dispute with the EU over bananas. In the absence of the EPA, exports of several key agricultural products – sugar, bananas in particular – would have become unprofitable. The EU’s GSP scheme would not have sufficed. Although the Cotonou arrangements provided for free access for most goods, restrictions remained on most of the products covered by the EU Common Agricultural Policy. The EPA has eliminated all market access restrictions to the EU market The level of reciprocity required on the part of CARIFORUM has been modulated by a significant level of exclusions (mainly agricultural goods) and by extended liberalization timeframes for some goods that are important from a revenue or competition standpoint
  • 14. The Challenges of Regionalism – bilateral agreements (cont’d) Regarding services and investment, the EPA provides for the opening up of most sectors on both sides along with provisions on non-discrimination for investors (national treatment), commitments to environmental safeguards, labour and occupational health and safety, and anti-corruption. The EU opens up 90% of its services sectors while CARIFORUM opens up 65%. There are also provisions on temporary presence of business persons and a protocol on cultural cooperation Development provisions are highlighted in the EPA both generally and with regard to specific sectors. Development financing will, however, continue to come from the European Development Fund (EDF) and other EU financing instruments. Some criticisms have been leveled at the EPA because of its comprehensiveness and the extent to which it apparently constrains policy flexibility on the part of CARICOM. Against that should be placed the confidence that such an agreement gives to economic actors as well as the significant asymmetries that CARICOM/CARIFORUM was able to build into the accord.
  • 15. The Challenges of Regionalism – bilateral agreements (cont’d) CARICOM’s positions in trade negotiations have been conditioned by perceptions of the uncompetitiveness of its economies – particularly the agricultural sector -- and the concomitant need to protect them from international competition. Positions taken in these negotiations – even with neighbouring developing countries of similar size – have been highly defensive and have sought to exclude significant percentages of goods from the agreements. Regional Trade Agreements (free trade areas, customs unions etc) have the advantage of providing legal certainty to the trade relations among the contracting parties. In this respect, the uncertainty surrounding the granting of the WTO waiver to the Cotonou Agreement in 2001 is salutary. Although CARICOM has had duty free access to its main markets (Canada, the EU and the USA) for many decades, these arrangements have involved autonomously- granted preferences, which can be altered by the preference-granting countries. In addition, all these arrangements include some restrictions on agricultural products and thus, there is a possibility of additional market access as a result of trade negotiated agreements
  • 16. The Challenges of Regionalism – bilateral agreements (cont’d) Preferential access does not automatically translate into market penetration. National and inter-governmental organizations, along with the private sector, must provide accurate and timely information on market access conditions (charges, regulations etc.). Trade agreements cannot be seen as a panacea and there is a host of other complementary trade-related issues that must be addressed. Modern trade agreements deal not only with goods but with services, investment and a host of other areas. The players in one sector cannot afford to focus narrowly on the negotiating issues that most directly affect them but must become familiar with the broader issues in trade negotiations (and trade policy) in order to properly articulate the interests of their sectors Private sector organizations must play a key role in providing information on market conditions, lobbying governments in both the home countries and abroad for beneficial policy changes, facilitating the provision of technical assistance to enterprises, and in coordinating positions for trade negotiations. Issues of technical capacity at the national level as well as some level of skepticism regarding the benefits of trade agreements continue to be topics that have to be addressed
  • 17. Concluding Ideas The challenge of development is one that is not unique to SIDS. Although SIDS tend generally to experience higher costs, they may also have their unique advantages which can be exploited. Granted that these differences exist, the development imperatives are very much those that apply to all countries Although the term “Washington Consensus” has become a bad word in development circles, it is worth nothing that the person who coined the term (John Williamson, 1989), and the prescriptions that were laid down, were not of the extreme non-interventionist kind. In addition to recommendations on fiscal discipline and trade openness, the WC called, among other things, for a redirection of public spending from subsidies towards pro-growth and pro-poor services like education, primary health care and infrastructure investment.
  • 18. Concluding Ideas It is through effecting improvements to the business environment (institutional) and infrastructure (hardware) that economies are able to prosper. Small economies have no choice to but to be basically open economies which are responsive to the international marketplace and for that reason must emphasize in their policy frameworks the building of absorptive capacity for international business. It is essential that SIDS participate fully in trade negotiations both at the multilateral and bilateral levels. It is equally important that these processes are seen as adjuncts to development policy and not as ends in themselves. ICT is one of the investments that SIDS should not take lightly since it helps to overcome or neutralize many of the disadvantages of size. The fact that small producers can be put in direct contact with small buyers (for both final goods and inputs) is a major benefit of ICT.
  • 19. Concluding Ideas A concerted effort must be made to better link agriculture with the services-based economies. Tourism, while it can produce huge benefits to small economies, can also result in large outflows with food being one of the largest. This calls for a reengineering of the mostly small-scale agricultural sector to better enable it to meet the needs of the tourist sector in terms of the types of products demanded, consistency of supply and quality. The experience of CARICOM in this regard is a mixed one indeed but the main lessons to be learnt are 1) public investment – particularly in terms of research, infrastructure and information systems -- is necessary to support the reorientation of the sector and 2) strong partnerships must be developed among actors in both sectors. Providing supportive environment for innovation is a crucial factor in stimulating economic development. The evidence suggests that expenditure on research and development in CARICOM is not only low but has not been keeping up with inflation. This is probably also the case with other SIDS. This issue is also related to the priority placed on education, particularly technical and scientific education.