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Comparing Fiscal
Equalisation Systems:
A first look at the 2019 data
Sean M. Dougherty
Senior Advisor and Head of Secretariat
OECD Network on Fiscal Relations
15th Annual Meeting of the OECD
Network on Fiscal Relations
2 December 2019 (Paris)
Background
• Our current fiscal equalisation project
builds on previous work
2
Fiscal equalisation
questionnaire 2006
Blöchliger and Charbit (2008),
“Fiscal equalisation”
2012
questionnaire
update
OECD (2013), “Fiscal equalisation:
A key to decentralised public
finances”, in Fiscal Federalism 2014
Fiscal equalisation
questionnaire 2019
Fiscal Federalism
2020
Highlights of past work
3
Key challenges identified:
• Revenue equalisation may reduce tax effort and slow
convergence
• Cost equalisation may be prone to rent seeking.
• Equalisation can pose a problem for budget stability.
Main policy messages:
• Use core, difficult to manipulate measures to determine
equalising transfers
• Representative Tax Systems (RTS) can mitigate perverse
incentives
• Separate equalising transfers from other transfers
• Monitor impacts on inequality and other economic
outcomes
Preliminary findings: Impacts
4
0%
2%
4%
6%
8%
10%
12%
Equalising transfers as a percentage of total
government expenditure, selected countries
Preliminary findings: Modalities
• There are three primary modalities of fiscal equalisation:
– Revenue equalising: Equalises the fiscal capacities
or (standardised) per capita revenues of SCGs
– Cost equalising: Equalises the (standardised) per
capita costs faced by SGCs
– Capacity-expense matching: A single transfer fills
the gap between (standardised) costs and
(standardised) revenues of SCGs
5
• On average, across revenue equalising systems*, we
observe that:
– Inter-jurisdictional Gini coefficient of per capita
revenue declines by about 4 percentage points after
equalisation
– This corresponds to roughly a one-third drop in inter-
jurisdictional revenue disparities
– Some countries aim for complete equalisation of fiscal
capacity, while others set explicit limits on the extent
of equalisation
6
Preliminary findings: Impacts
*Based on responses received.
Preliminary findings: Revenue equalisation
7
0
0.01
0.02
0.03
0.04
0.05
0.06
0.07
0.08
0.09
Canada Germany
Ginicoefficient
Before equalisation After equalisation
Preliminary findings: Cost equalisation
8
0
0.05
0.1
0.15
0.2
0.25
0.3
0.35
Mexico Italy
Ginicoefficient
Before equalisation After equalisation
Preliminary findings: Policy responses
• A few key mechanism design approaches have
been identified to help equalisation policy be
more neutral from the perspective of the SCG:
– Use of a representative tax system (e.g. Canada,
Australia, Germany)
– Use of standardized costs (e.g. Japan, Korea)
– Arms-length commissions (e.g. India, Australia)
– Incomplete equalisation (e.g. Germany, Lithuania,
Estonia)
– Separating equalising transfers from other transfers
(e.g. Canada)
9

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Session Two B: Comparing Fiscal Equalisation Systems Looking At 2019 Data, Meeting 2019

  • 1. Comparing Fiscal Equalisation Systems: A first look at the 2019 data Sean M. Dougherty Senior Advisor and Head of Secretariat OECD Network on Fiscal Relations 15th Annual Meeting of the OECD Network on Fiscal Relations 2 December 2019 (Paris)
  • 2. Background • Our current fiscal equalisation project builds on previous work 2 Fiscal equalisation questionnaire 2006 Blöchliger and Charbit (2008), “Fiscal equalisation” 2012 questionnaire update OECD (2013), “Fiscal equalisation: A key to decentralised public finances”, in Fiscal Federalism 2014 Fiscal equalisation questionnaire 2019 Fiscal Federalism 2020
  • 3. Highlights of past work 3 Key challenges identified: • Revenue equalisation may reduce tax effort and slow convergence • Cost equalisation may be prone to rent seeking. • Equalisation can pose a problem for budget stability. Main policy messages: • Use core, difficult to manipulate measures to determine equalising transfers • Representative Tax Systems (RTS) can mitigate perverse incentives • Separate equalising transfers from other transfers • Monitor impacts on inequality and other economic outcomes
  • 4. Preliminary findings: Impacts 4 0% 2% 4% 6% 8% 10% 12% Equalising transfers as a percentage of total government expenditure, selected countries
  • 5. Preliminary findings: Modalities • There are three primary modalities of fiscal equalisation: – Revenue equalising: Equalises the fiscal capacities or (standardised) per capita revenues of SCGs – Cost equalising: Equalises the (standardised) per capita costs faced by SGCs – Capacity-expense matching: A single transfer fills the gap between (standardised) costs and (standardised) revenues of SCGs 5
  • 6. • On average, across revenue equalising systems*, we observe that: – Inter-jurisdictional Gini coefficient of per capita revenue declines by about 4 percentage points after equalisation – This corresponds to roughly a one-third drop in inter- jurisdictional revenue disparities – Some countries aim for complete equalisation of fiscal capacity, while others set explicit limits on the extent of equalisation 6 Preliminary findings: Impacts *Based on responses received.
  • 7. Preliminary findings: Revenue equalisation 7 0 0.01 0.02 0.03 0.04 0.05 0.06 0.07 0.08 0.09 Canada Germany Ginicoefficient Before equalisation After equalisation
  • 8. Preliminary findings: Cost equalisation 8 0 0.05 0.1 0.15 0.2 0.25 0.3 0.35 Mexico Italy Ginicoefficient Before equalisation After equalisation
  • 9. Preliminary findings: Policy responses • A few key mechanism design approaches have been identified to help equalisation policy be more neutral from the perspective of the SCG: – Use of a representative tax system (e.g. Canada, Australia, Germany) – Use of standardized costs (e.g. Japan, Korea) – Arms-length commissions (e.g. India, Australia) – Incomplete equalisation (e.g. Germany, Lithuania, Estonia) – Separating equalising transfers from other transfers (e.g. Canada) 9

Notas del editor

  1. CHECK: Scale of Germany cost equalisation (should be much less than revenue equalisation), Scale of Mexican cost equalisation, high absolute low relative claims
  2. Canada and Germany are revenue-based systems, therefore they precipitate a large drop in measured revenue inequality (Both countries only list revenue factors as determining payments) Brazil and India are emerging economies (therefore higher initial inequality… higher absolute reduction, lower relative reduction)