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UNSAFE
ABORTION
The Unique Problem of the
Developing World 
Evidence from across the Global South
By Rakib Miah
Abstract
The World Health Organization estimates 21.6 million unsafe abortions occur annually. This exacts
significant human costs in terms of maternal mortality and morbidity, as well as costs to health systems,
economies and human capital. Unsafe abortions, and the subsequent costs, are virtually exclusive
developing world burdens. Moreover, efforts to counter unsafe abortion by developing regions are key in
order to meet the Sustainable Development Goal (3.1) of reducing global maternal mortality from 216 to
70 per 100,000 live births by 2030.
With research from across the Global South, this brief discusses three inter-related causes of unsafe
abortion: (1) restrictive abortion laws, (2) the lack of contraceptive usage, and (3) abortion stigma at the
community-level and in healthcare settings. Based on these causes, and on evidence of existing policies,
to counter unsafe abortion this paper suggests the following policy options: (1) liberalise abortion laws to
provide safe abortion services on the widest grounds possible; (2) increase contraception usage amongst
populations which have an unmet need for family planning services; and (3) tackle abortion stigma
amongst populations, particularly healthcare professionals, through sensitisation and outreach activities,
use of popular media and public platforms and legislation.
Abbreviations List
SDG(s) Sustainable Development Goal(s)
UARMDs Unsafe Abortion Related Maternal Deaths
UARMM Unsafe Abortion and Related Mortality and Morbidity
WHO World Health Organization
Page 2 of 11
Introduction: the developing
world burden of unsafe
abortion
The World Health Organizaton (WHO) (2011)
estimates 21.6 million unsafe abortions occur
annually (Box. 1 below). For regions affected by
the phenomenon of unsafe abortion, alongside a
gross human cost in mortality and morbidity, there
is a needless (financial) burden on public health
systems, economies and on human capital,
associated with the occurrence of unsafe abortion
(Panel. 1). Indeed, with every unsafe abortion there
is a risk of morbidity and mortality.
As 98% of unsafe abortions occur in developing
regions (ibid.), it follows the costs are also virtually
exclusive developing world burdens. Though, even
within developing regions rates of unsafe abortion
vary widely, as does the rate of unsafe abortion-
related maternal deaths (UARMDs) (Panel. 2;
Winikoff and Sheldon, 2012, p.595).
That said, the salient point which cannot be
understated is that the phenomenon of unsafe
abortion, and consequent human, economic and
financial costs are ‘entirely’ preventable (Faúndes
and Shah, 2015, p.S56). Aside from the known
relative simplicity of preventative measures to
reduce the need for unsafe abortion
(contraception), the technology and knowledge also
exist to safely induce an abortion (Grimes et al.,
2006, p.1908); in fact, one study in the United
States (U.S.) found the risk of a woman dying from
childbirth is approximately 14 times higher than
the risk of dying from abortion (Raymond and
Grimes, 2012). Yet, women in developing regions
continue to die, and suffer morbidity, from unsafe
abortion.
Panel. 1. Consequences of Unsafe Abortion.
Sources: WHO (2011); Singh and Maddow-Zimet (2015); Vlassoff et al. (2008);
Singh et al., (2009); United Nations (2009); Alder et al. (2012).
Panel. 2. Selected Indicators of Unsafe
Abortion in the Developing World.
Sources: WHO (2011); Singh and Maddow-Zimet (2015); Vlassoff et al. (2008);
Singh et al., (2009); United Nations (2009); Alder et al. (2012).
21.6
million unsafe abortions
occur yearly
$500m
is the annual cost to health
systems in developing regions
$400m
annual cost in lost productivity
in developing regions
47,000
women die every year from
unsafe abortion
5 to 7
million women suffer morbidity
annually in developing regions
CONSEQUENCES OF
UNSAFE ABORTION
Consequences of unsafe abortions
are almost exclusively developing
regions burdens
5
million productive life
years lost annually
due to mortality and
morbidity
of global maternal mortality
13%
of global maternal mortality is
due to unsafe abortion
97%	
40%	
9%	
95%	
15%	
Africa	 Asia	 Eastern	Europe	 La1n	America	and	
the	Caribbean	
Oceania		
Es+mated	Propor+ons	of	Unsafe	Abor+on	and	Safe	Abor+on	by	Region,	2008	
Safe	
Unsafe	
30	
220	
460	
160	
30	 30	
400	
Developed	
Regions	
Developing	
Regions	
Africa	 Asia	 Eastern	Europe	 La7n	America	
and	the	
Caribbean	
Oceania	
Es*mated	Number	of	Deaths	per	100,000	Unsafe	Abor*ons,	2008
Page 3 of 11
As this brief will discuss, there are three main root
causes of unsafe abortion across developing
regions: restrictive abortion laws, a lack of
contraceptive usage and societal stigma relating to
abortion.
With political will from developing governments
confronted by the public health risk of unsafe
abortion, such root causes can be counteracted so
as to reduce the prevalence of unsafe abortion and
its detrimental consequences. More pertinently,
with the newly established Sustainable
Development Goals (SDGs), action by
governments targeting unsafe abortion should be a
key effort to achieve the SDGs relating to global
(maternal) health (Box. 2).
	
An	 unsafe	 abortion	 is	 defined	 by	 the	 WHO	 (2011,	 p.02)	 as	 a	
procedure	 for	 terminating	 an	 unintended	 pregnancy	 that	 is	
‘carried	out	either	by	a	person	lacking	the	necessary	skills,	or	in	an	
environment	that	does	not	conform	to	minimal	medical	standards,	
or	both’.		
	
An	 unsafe	 abortion	 may	 be	 self-induced,	 carried	 out	 by	
clandestine	 medical	 practitioners	 outside	 of	 prescribed	 health	
facilities,	or	traditional	healers	(ibid.	p.14).	For	an	abortion	to	be	
“safe”	 it	 needs	 to	 consist	 of	 pre-	 and	 post-abortion	 care	 which,	
along	with	the	actual	abortion	procedure	itself,	have	to	conform	
to	 minimal	 medical	 standards	 as	 defined	 by	 current	 guidelines	
issued	by	the	WHO	regarding	abortion	services	(see	WHO	(2012)	
for	current	guidelines;	Ganatra	et	al.,	2014).		
	
Common	 methods	 to	 induce	 an	 unsafe	 abortion,	 particularly	 by	
those	women	who	self-induce	or	use	traditional	healers,	include:	
oral	 ingestion	 of	 toxic	 chemical	 or	 herbal	 abortificants,	 by	
inserting	foreign	bodies	into	the	uterus,	or	by	causing	trauma	to	
the	 abdomen	 (Grimes	 et	 al.,	 2006;	 WHO,	 2011;	 Fawcus,	 2008).	
Unsurprisingly,	 then,	 unsafe	 abortion	 is	 a	 significant	 cause	 of	
maternal-mortality	and	short-	and	long-term	morbidity,	including	
infertility,	 chronic	 pelvic	 pain,	 various	 organ	 failures	 and	 sepsis	
(Fawcus,	 2008;	 Vlassof	 et	 al.,	 2008;	 Alder	 et	 al.,	 2012).	 The	 last	
inducement	method,	in	particular,	involves	vigorously	pummelling	
the	 woman’s	 lower	 abdomen	 which	 can	 cause	 the	 ‘uterus	 to	
rupture’	 (WHO,	 2011,	 p.14)	 resulting	 in	 death,	 and	 is	 used	 in	
contexts	 diverse	 as	 equatorial	 Africa	 and	 the	 South	 Pacific	
(Ugboma	 and	 Akani,	 2004;	 Grimes	 et	 al.,	 2006)	 by	 traditional	
healers.		
BOXONE	
	Definition	of	Unsafe	Abortion	
	
	
BOXTWO	
		Unsafe	Abortion	and	the	SDGs	
In	September	2015,	the	Sustainable	Development	Goals	(SDGs),	following	the	Millennium	Development	Goals	(MDGs)	between	2000	and	2015,	
were	adopted	 by	 nearly	 200	countries	 to	 address	 poverty,	food	 security,	 climate	 change	 and	 other	 areas	 essential	 to	 human	 development	
(MacNaughton	and	Frey,	2016,	p.608;	Jha	et	al.,	2016;	see	United	Nations,	2015b;	2015c	for	more	information).		
	
In	particular,	the	SDG-3.1	target	calls	for	reducing	the	global	maternal	mortality	ratio	(MMR)	from	216	per	100,000	live	births	in	2015	to	less	than	
70	per	100,000	live	births	by	2030	(UNICEF,	2016).	Considering	unsafe	abortion	currently	accounts	for	13%	of	all	maternal	deaths	(WHO,	2011)—
which	may	be	higher	in	individual	developing	countries	such	as	India	(8-20%)	(Armo	et	al.,	2015)	and	Zambia	(30%)	(Coast	and	Murray,	2016)—
reducing	entirely	preventable	unsafe	abortions	should	be	a	key	effort	by	developing	governments	for	attaining	SDG-3.1.	
	
Targeting	 this	 preventable	 cause	 of	 maternal	 mortality	 in	 the	 context	 of	 the	 SDGs	 is	 made	 more	 so	 important	 considering	 the	 difficulty	 in	
achieving	 the	 MDG-5.A,	 which	 called	 for	 a	 75%	 reduction	 in	 the	 MMR	 between	 1990	 and	 2015	 (United	 Nations,	2015b).	 The	 international	
community	failed	to	achieve	this	target:	analysis	by	Alkema	et	al.	(2015)	shows	the	MMR	reduced	by	44%	(The	Lancet,	2015);	to	achieve	SDG-3.1,	
the	 MMR	 needs	 to	 be	 reduced	 by	 68%	 -	 a	 slightly	 lower	 target	 than	 MDG-5.A,	 but	 one	 significantly	 higher	 than	 what	 has	 been	 achieved	
historically.
Page 4 of 11
What are the root causes of
unsafe abortion in the
developing world?
Restrictive Abortion Laws
The first root cause of unsafe abortion and related
mortality and morbidity (UARMM) is restrictive
abortion laws across developing regions (Ahman
and Shah, 2011). Analysis of 165 countries by
Berer (2004) demonstrates unsafe abortion and
UARMDs is highest in countries with restrictive
abortion laws compared to countries with liberal
laws. Figure. 1 below graphically depicts that the
countries with the most restrictive abortion laws—
where abortion is only allowed to save a woman’s
life or it is prohibited altogether—are primarily in
developing regions (Mundigo, 2006, p.54).
Figure. 1. Countries with the Most Restrictive
Abortion Laws.
Source: Centre for Reproductive Rights (2015)
The relationship between UARMM and restrictive
abortion laws is twofold, and both act as significant
determinants of UARMM (Shah and Ahman,
2010). The more restrictive abortion laws: (1) the
less likely public health provisions will exist to aid
women seeking a safe abortion (Faúndes, 2012,
p.S70), especially when the legally-sanctioned
reasons for abortion are narrow, such as only to
preserve a mother’s life. Because of restrictive
abortion laws, women who seek an abortion for
reasons that fall outside of the scope of national
abortion laws are forced to either self-induce or to
use a clandestine provider (Faúndes and Shah,
2015, p.S57; Hosseini-Chavoshi et al., 2012) – that
is, to have an unsafe abortion.
This then produces the second relationship
between UARMM and restrictive abortion laws:
(2) following an unsafe abortion, the risk of
criminalisation for inducing an abortion outside of
the legal remit may discourage women to seek
medical care for post-unsafe abortion
complications (Cohen, 2009).1 In both instances,
women are risking mortality and morbidity.
The support for restrictive abortion laws, tempered
by social and religious norms (Mundigo, 2006),
stems primarily from a fear that liberalising
abortion laws will lead to an increase in women
using abortion to control their fertility (Faúndes,
2012, p.S70). This fear, however, is unfounded
(Box. 3 below).
Indeed, while ethical considerations pertaining to
social and religious norms regarding abortion are,
of course, for individual societies to reconcile, from
a public health perspective the message is clear:
restrictive abortion laws are a strong determinant
of UARMM across developing regions (Grimes et
al., 2006, p.1908).
																																																								
1 This may partly explain why there are a substantial segment of women
who suffer post-unsafe abortion complications but do not seek medical
care, thereby risking mortality and morbidity. The estimated proportions
of such women regionally (e.g. South-East Asia, 19%) and nationally
(e.g. Guatemala, 20%) are relatively high (Singh et al., 2005; Singh et
al., 2006).
Page 5 of 11
Lack of Contraceptive Usage
Related to restrictive abortion laws, the second
root cause of UARMM is due to a lack of
contraceptive usage. UARMM results from a want
to terminate a pregnancy that is unintended and
unwanted (Mundigo, 2006, p.50). Considering
developing regions are characterised by restrictive
abortion laws (Shah and Ahman, 2010), in such
contexts, then, for a woman wanting to abort a
pregnancy because it is unintended and
unwanted—which are generally legally prohibited
reasons for abortion—she may resort to unsafely
aborting a pregnancy.
The reasons why pregnancies may be unintended
and unwanted are diverse (Grimes et al., 2006,
p.1909). However, notwithstanding the occurrence
of unintended pregnancies due to sexual violence
(Faúndes and Shah, 2015, p.S56), Bankole et al.
(1999) found 50% or more of women across 20
countries in developing regions gave their desire to
control family size and growth as the most
important reason for wanting an abortion.
Though, unintended and unwanted pregnancies,
and thus unsafe abortions, can to a large extent be
avoided with use of modern contraceptive methods
(Culwell et al., 2010; Fawcus, 2008, p.S38).
However developing regions, which already
experience high rates of unintended pregnancies
(Sedgh et al., 2014, pp.307-308), are overall
characterised by the relatively low prevalence of
contraceptive usage (Box. 4). Consequently,
increasing the contraceptive prevalence across
developing regions is imperative to reducing
UARMM (Benagiano and Pera, 2000).
Abortion Stigma
The third root cause of UARMM is abortion
stigma, which, like support for restrictive abortion
laws, is tempered by social and religious norms
(Mundigo, 2006). Even in contexts where there is
provision of safe abortions services, a critical factor
that may determine usage of such services is
abortion stigma, particularly at the community-
level and in healthcare settings.
Community-Level Stigma
In contexts diverse as Mexico and Malawi,
community-level stigma includes branding women
who abort pregnancies as “sinners” and “evil”
	
BOXTHREE		
			Does	liberalising	abortion	laws	result	
				in	an	increase	in	abortion	rates?		
	In	a	May	2016,	a	joint	WHO/Guttmacher	Institute	study	published	
in	The	Lancet	found	the	abortion	rate	per	1000	women	aged	15-44	
shows	no	association	with	the	restrictive/liberal	nature	of	abortion	
legislation	(Sedgh	et	al.,	2016).	For	example,	the	abortion	rate	for	
countries	with	the	most	restrictive	laws	(prohibited	altogether	or	to	
save	 a	 woman’s	 life)	 is	 37,	 while	 the	 rate	 for	 countries	 with	 the	
most	liberal	laws	(on	request)	is	34.		
	
This	corroborates	previous	evidence	from	liberal	abortion	countries	
which	suggests	liberalisation	 is	 not	associated	with	an	 increase	in	
abortion	 rates	 (The	 Alan	 Guttmacher	 Institute,	 1999,	 p.28).	
Moreover,	 in	 some	 liberal	 abortion	 countries,	 such	 as	 the	 U.S.,	
Finland	and	Denmark,	abortion	rates	are	even	declining	(Peiró	et	al.,	
2012;	Gissler	et	al.,	1996;	Harper	et	al.,	2005).				
	
BOXFOUR		
			Low	prevalence	of	contraception	
	Developing	 regions	 are	 characterised	 by	 low	 prevalence	 of	
contraception	 usage.	 Across	 the	 least	 developed	 countries,	 for	
example,	only	40%	of	married,	or	in-union,	women	of	reproductive	
age	 use	contraceptives	(United	 Nations,	2015a,	p.08;	Chintsanya,	
2013;	 Palamuleni,	 2014);	 in	 individual	 developing	 countries,	 like	
Sudan,	it	may	be	low	as	10%	(Kinaro	et	al.,	2009);	in	Sub-Saharan	
Africa,	it	is	estimated	1	in	4	women	of	reproductive	age	do	not	use	
contraceptives	(WHO,	2012).
Page 6 of 11
(Shellenberg et al., 2011, p.S112; Levandowski et
al., 2012, p.S169) and as violating core societal
values of pro-creation, with abortion resulting in
‘strong community condemnation’ (Sorhaindo et
al., 2014, p.638).
Such stigmatizing behavior can determine
UARMM in two inter-related ways. Community-
level stigma may: firstly, compel women to seek
clandestine abortions, such as self-inducement,
despite (potential or actual) legal provisions for
abortion services, in an effort to avoid ‘revealing
their intention to terminate a pregnancy’
(Sorhaindo et al., 2014, p.623); and, secondly, act
as a disincentive in seeking medical care for post-
unsafe abortion health complications for fear of a
woman’s abortion being revealed (Coast and
Murray, 2016, p.202).
Stigma in Healthcare Settings
Though, community-level stigma affects not only
abortion-seeking women; it can also impact
healthcare professionals. Women may be
compelled to seek a clandestine abortion because,
as in Brazil, medical professionals may refuse to
perform abortion services through morally-based
conscientious objection (Seid et al., 2015) and for
fear of being stigmatised and ostracised (Faúndes et
al., 2013, p.S58); for example, only 2% of Brazilian
physicians in Faúndes et al. (2004)’s study were
willing to provide abortions themselves.
Moreover, Warenius et al. (2006) find nurses-
midwives in Zambia (which has relatively liberal
abortion laws) and Kenya strongly disapprove of
abortion based on religious and ethical reasons
(Koster-Oyekan, 1998; Rogo et al., 1998).
Consequently, such attitudes from healthcare
professionals may, as in South Africa, discourage
women to seek a legally-sanctioned abortion from
public health facilities, due to, in particular, an
‘expected poor quality of service’ (Faúndes and
Shah, 2015, p.S56) and treatment from healthcare
professionals. Therefore, in Kenya and South
Africa, despite a legal entitlement to a public
provision of abortion services, women still
resort to unsafe abortion.
Furthermore, even following an unsafe abortion, if
a woman is to seek medical care from health
complications, anti-abortion attitudes of healthcare
professionals put women in risk of mortality and
morbidity (Box. 5).
Policy Recommendations
The following policy recommendations are
intended to form as the foundations of action,
consisting of inter-related primary interventions by
(primarily) developing governments confronted by
unsafe abortion.
	
BOXFIVE		
			Abortion	stigma	in	Gabon	
	In	 an	 analysis	 of	 maternal	 death	 at	 Libreville	 Hospital	 in	 Gabon,	
Mayi-Tsonga	 et	 al.	 (2009)	 find	 healthcare	 professionals	 grossly	
delayed	 the	 care	 for	 death-causing	 abortion-related	 conditions	
compared	to	other	pregnancy-related	conditions:	the	former	was	
delayed	by	23.8	hours,	whereas	the	latter	was	as	low	as	1	hour.		
	
The	authors	note	there	is	a	‘sense’	abortion	stigma	is	responsible	
for	 this	 mistreatment	 (ibid.,	 p.68).	 Indeed,	 abortion	 is	 socially-
rejected	in	Gabon,	particularly	by	healthcare	professionals,	and	this	
a	 common	 theme	 across	 Sub-Saharan	 African	 countries	 (e.g.	
Mngadi	 et	 al.,	 2008).	 	 Though,	 such	 mistreatment	 of	 women	
seeking	post-abortion	care	by	stigmatizing	healthcare	professionals	
is	 not	 excusive	 to	 Gabon;	 it	 has	 also	 been	 evidenced	 in,	 for	
example,	Argentina	(Steele	and	Chiarotti,	2004).
Page 7 of 11
ONE	POLICY	RECOMMENDATION	
ONE	
LIBERALISE	ABORTION	LAWS	
POLICY IMPLICATIONS
•  Governments	should	liberalise	abortion	laws	to	provide	
safe	abortion	services	through	public	health	systems	on	
the	widest	grounds	possible.		
•  In	countries	diverse	as	South	Africa	(Jewkes	and	Rees,	2005),	Romania	(The	
Lancet,	1995)	and	Ethiopia	(Sedgh	et	al.,	2012),	liberalisation	of	abortion	laws	has	
drastically	reduced	UARMM.	
•  However,	research	in	Ethiopia,	India,	Cambodia,	Colombia,	Mexico	City	and	Nepal	
suggests	the	success	of	liberalising	abortion	laws	on	reducing	UARMM	rests	on	
increasing	public	awareness	of	newly	established	entitlement	to	legal	abortion	
services	(Malter,	2012;	Grimes,	2003;	Seid	et	al.,	2015).		
•  Such	public	information	efforts	are	also	key	to	reduce	resistance	to	liberalisation	
by	dispelling	popular	misconceptions	regarding	abortion	(Garcia	et	al.,	2004).		
•  Liberalising	abortion	laws	will	require	investments	in	the	infrastructure	and	
resources	needed	to	provide	safe	abortions.	However,	liberalising	abortion	does	
not	‘appreciably’	increase	demand	for	abortion	(Grimes	et	al.,	2006,	p.1912),	
therefore	it	should	not	represent	additional	burdens	on	weak	public	health	
systems.		
•  Indeed,	abortion	rates	over	the	long-term	may	decline,	and	savings	may	be	made	
from	treating	(reduced)	unsafe	abortion	complications,	and	‘net	economic	gains’	
from	increased	productivity	(Faúndes,	2012,	p.S70).		
•  For	countries	lacking	the	financial	and/or	structural	capacity	to	provide	safe	
abortion	services	through	public	health	systems	following	liberalisation,	this	
presents	a	potential		target	for	international	donor	intervention(s).		
•  Governments	can	seek	to	partner	with	the	international	donor	community	to	
assess	the	feasibility	of	third-party	provision	of	abortion	services.	
TWO	POLICY	RECOMMENDATION	
TWO	
INCREASE	CONTRACEPTIVE	USAGE	
POLICY IMPLICATIONS
•  The	‘surest	way’	(Norris	et	al.,	2016,	p.08)	to	reduce	
UARMM	is	to	prevent	unwanted	pregnancies.	
•  Therefore,	governments	should	work	towards	increasing	
modern	contraception	usage	amongst	their	populations	
(Fawcus,	2008,	p.S39)	to	reduce	UARMM.		
	
To	do	this,	governments	could:		
	
•  Include	sexual	and	reproductive	health	classes	within	
educational	curriculums	to,	for	example,	discuss	
contraception,	to	dispel	misconceptions	regarding	the	
latter	and	of	abortion	(Levandowski	et	al.,	2012,	p.S169).		
•  Distribute	free	male	and	female	contraceptives.		
•  Create	networks	of	community-based	local	volunteers	to	
provide	family	planning	services,	including	distribution	of	
contraceptives,	and	family	planning	and	reproductive	
health	advice.		
•  In	Bulgaria,	Kyrgyzstan,	Kazakhstan,	Switzerland,	Tunisia,	Turkey	and	Uzbekistan	
general	abortion	rates	declined	as	use	of	modern	contraception	increased	
(Marston	and	Cleland,	2003).		
•  The	strategy	of	creating	networks	of	community	volunteers	has	been	used	in	
Zimbabwe,	Peru,	Nepal,	Columbia	and	Nigeria	to	achieve	a	variety	of	health	
outcomes:		‘A	regular	client-worker	contact	can	improve	the	use	of	
contraception’	(Kabir	et	al.,	2013,	p.08).		
•  However,	no	contraceptive	method	is	100%	effective	(Grimes	et	al.,	2006,	p.1914).		
•  The	WHO	(2012,	p.23)	estimates	even	with	perfect	(i.e.	correct	and	consistent)	use	
of	contraception	by	women	and	men,	33	million	women	worldwide	experience	
unintended	pregnancies	annually.		
•  This	further	suggests	the	need	for	public	provision	of	liberal	abortion	services	
across	developing	regions.
Page 8 of 11
Conclusion
In conclusion, unsafe abortion and its consequent
costs represent an entirely preventable
phenomenon, and is a virtually exclusive
developing world burden. With political will from
developing governments, targeting the three
discussed causes (restrictive abortion laws, a lack of
contraceptive usage, and abortion stigma) can
reduce unsafe abortions. To this end, this brief
recommends three policy options. Indeed, such an
effort by developing governments is key to meeting
the SDG relating to maternal mortality.
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1
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[Online]. [Accessed 26th April 2016]. Available from:
THREE	POLICY	RECOMMENDATION	
THREE	
REDUCE	ABORTION	STIGMA	
POLICY IMPLICATIONS
•  Governments	should	work	towards	reducing	abortion	
stigma	amongst	their	populations,	and	particularly	
amongst	healthcare	professionals.	
	
To	do	this,	governments	could:		
	
•  Conduct	sensitisation	and	outreach	activities	to	increase	
awareness	of	abortion,	the	consequences	of	restrictive	
abortion	laws	and	abortion	stigma	(UARMM),	and	to	
dispel	misconceptions	regarding	abortion.		
•  Convey	such	messages	through	popular	media,	including	
popular	entertainment,	to	‘normalise	abortion	within	
public	discourse’	(Norris	et	al.,	2011).	
•  Create	visible	public	platforms	to	encourage	religious	
authorities	to	engage	with	the	debates	surrounding	the	
liberalisation	of	abortion	and	its	consequences.		
•  Legislate	the	requirements	–	in	terms	of	medical	
treatment	and	professional	service	–	of	healthcare	
professionals	vis-à-vis	abortion	services	(Malter,	2012).		
•  Changing	societal	attitudes	regarding	abortion	is,	quite	obviously,	a	long-term	
investment	whose	dividends	may	not	materialise	in	the	immediate	future.	
However,	tackling	abortion	stigma	is	key	to	counteracting	UARMM.		
•  As	discussed,	even	despite	liberal	abortion	laws,	women	may	still	seek	an	unsafe	
abortion	due	to	abortion	stigma.		
•  In	Malawi,	following	sensitisation,	health	workers	reported	that	they	felt	their	
colleagues	treatment	of	women	with	post	unsafe-abortion	complications	had	
improved	(Levandowski	et	al.,	2012,	p.S169).
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Policy Brief

  • 1. Page 1 of 11 UNSAFE ABORTION The Unique Problem of the Developing World Evidence from across the Global South By Rakib Miah Abstract The World Health Organization estimates 21.6 million unsafe abortions occur annually. This exacts significant human costs in terms of maternal mortality and morbidity, as well as costs to health systems, economies and human capital. Unsafe abortions, and the subsequent costs, are virtually exclusive developing world burdens. Moreover, efforts to counter unsafe abortion by developing regions are key in order to meet the Sustainable Development Goal (3.1) of reducing global maternal mortality from 216 to 70 per 100,000 live births by 2030. With research from across the Global South, this brief discusses three inter-related causes of unsafe abortion: (1) restrictive abortion laws, (2) the lack of contraceptive usage, and (3) abortion stigma at the community-level and in healthcare settings. Based on these causes, and on evidence of existing policies, to counter unsafe abortion this paper suggests the following policy options: (1) liberalise abortion laws to provide safe abortion services on the widest grounds possible; (2) increase contraception usage amongst populations which have an unmet need for family planning services; and (3) tackle abortion stigma amongst populations, particularly healthcare professionals, through sensitisation and outreach activities, use of popular media and public platforms and legislation. Abbreviations List SDG(s) Sustainable Development Goal(s) UARMDs Unsafe Abortion Related Maternal Deaths UARMM Unsafe Abortion and Related Mortality and Morbidity WHO World Health Organization
  • 2. Page 2 of 11 Introduction: the developing world burden of unsafe abortion The World Health Organizaton (WHO) (2011) estimates 21.6 million unsafe abortions occur annually (Box. 1 below). For regions affected by the phenomenon of unsafe abortion, alongside a gross human cost in mortality and morbidity, there is a needless (financial) burden on public health systems, economies and on human capital, associated with the occurrence of unsafe abortion (Panel. 1). Indeed, with every unsafe abortion there is a risk of morbidity and mortality. As 98% of unsafe abortions occur in developing regions (ibid.), it follows the costs are also virtually exclusive developing world burdens. Though, even within developing regions rates of unsafe abortion vary widely, as does the rate of unsafe abortion- related maternal deaths (UARMDs) (Panel. 2; Winikoff and Sheldon, 2012, p.595). That said, the salient point which cannot be understated is that the phenomenon of unsafe abortion, and consequent human, economic and financial costs are ‘entirely’ preventable (Faúndes and Shah, 2015, p.S56). Aside from the known relative simplicity of preventative measures to reduce the need for unsafe abortion (contraception), the technology and knowledge also exist to safely induce an abortion (Grimes et al., 2006, p.1908); in fact, one study in the United States (U.S.) found the risk of a woman dying from childbirth is approximately 14 times higher than the risk of dying from abortion (Raymond and Grimes, 2012). Yet, women in developing regions continue to die, and suffer morbidity, from unsafe abortion. Panel. 1. Consequences of Unsafe Abortion. Sources: WHO (2011); Singh and Maddow-Zimet (2015); Vlassoff et al. (2008); Singh et al., (2009); United Nations (2009); Alder et al. (2012). Panel. 2. Selected Indicators of Unsafe Abortion in the Developing World. Sources: WHO (2011); Singh and Maddow-Zimet (2015); Vlassoff et al. (2008); Singh et al., (2009); United Nations (2009); Alder et al. (2012). 21.6 million unsafe abortions occur yearly $500m is the annual cost to health systems in developing regions $400m annual cost in lost productivity in developing regions 47,000 women die every year from unsafe abortion 5 to 7 million women suffer morbidity annually in developing regions CONSEQUENCES OF UNSAFE ABORTION Consequences of unsafe abortions are almost exclusively developing regions burdens 5 million productive life years lost annually due to mortality and morbidity of global maternal mortality 13% of global maternal mortality is due to unsafe abortion 97% 40% 9% 95% 15% Africa Asia Eastern Europe La1n America and the Caribbean Oceania Es+mated Propor+ons of Unsafe Abor+on and Safe Abor+on by Region, 2008 Safe Unsafe 30 220 460 160 30 30 400 Developed Regions Developing Regions Africa Asia Eastern Europe La7n America and the Caribbean Oceania Es*mated Number of Deaths per 100,000 Unsafe Abor*ons, 2008
  • 3. Page 3 of 11 As this brief will discuss, there are three main root causes of unsafe abortion across developing regions: restrictive abortion laws, a lack of contraceptive usage and societal stigma relating to abortion. With political will from developing governments confronted by the public health risk of unsafe abortion, such root causes can be counteracted so as to reduce the prevalence of unsafe abortion and its detrimental consequences. More pertinently, with the newly established Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), action by governments targeting unsafe abortion should be a key effort to achieve the SDGs relating to global (maternal) health (Box. 2). An unsafe abortion is defined by the WHO (2011, p.02) as a procedure for terminating an unintended pregnancy that is ‘carried out either by a person lacking the necessary skills, or in an environment that does not conform to minimal medical standards, or both’. An unsafe abortion may be self-induced, carried out by clandestine medical practitioners outside of prescribed health facilities, or traditional healers (ibid. p.14). For an abortion to be “safe” it needs to consist of pre- and post-abortion care which, along with the actual abortion procedure itself, have to conform to minimal medical standards as defined by current guidelines issued by the WHO regarding abortion services (see WHO (2012) for current guidelines; Ganatra et al., 2014). Common methods to induce an unsafe abortion, particularly by those women who self-induce or use traditional healers, include: oral ingestion of toxic chemical or herbal abortificants, by inserting foreign bodies into the uterus, or by causing trauma to the abdomen (Grimes et al., 2006; WHO, 2011; Fawcus, 2008). Unsurprisingly, then, unsafe abortion is a significant cause of maternal-mortality and short- and long-term morbidity, including infertility, chronic pelvic pain, various organ failures and sepsis (Fawcus, 2008; Vlassof et al., 2008; Alder et al., 2012). The last inducement method, in particular, involves vigorously pummelling the woman’s lower abdomen which can cause the ‘uterus to rupture’ (WHO, 2011, p.14) resulting in death, and is used in contexts diverse as equatorial Africa and the South Pacific (Ugboma and Akani, 2004; Grimes et al., 2006) by traditional healers. BOXONE Definition of Unsafe Abortion BOXTWO Unsafe Abortion and the SDGs In September 2015, the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), following the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) between 2000 and 2015, were adopted by nearly 200 countries to address poverty, food security, climate change and other areas essential to human development (MacNaughton and Frey, 2016, p.608; Jha et al., 2016; see United Nations, 2015b; 2015c for more information). In particular, the SDG-3.1 target calls for reducing the global maternal mortality ratio (MMR) from 216 per 100,000 live births in 2015 to less than 70 per 100,000 live births by 2030 (UNICEF, 2016). Considering unsafe abortion currently accounts for 13% of all maternal deaths (WHO, 2011)— which may be higher in individual developing countries such as India (8-20%) (Armo et al., 2015) and Zambia (30%) (Coast and Murray, 2016)— reducing entirely preventable unsafe abortions should be a key effort by developing governments for attaining SDG-3.1. Targeting this preventable cause of maternal mortality in the context of the SDGs is made more so important considering the difficulty in achieving the MDG-5.A, which called for a 75% reduction in the MMR between 1990 and 2015 (United Nations, 2015b). The international community failed to achieve this target: analysis by Alkema et al. (2015) shows the MMR reduced by 44% (The Lancet, 2015); to achieve SDG-3.1, the MMR needs to be reduced by 68% - a slightly lower target than MDG-5.A, but one significantly higher than what has been achieved historically.
  • 4. Page 4 of 11 What are the root causes of unsafe abortion in the developing world? Restrictive Abortion Laws The first root cause of unsafe abortion and related mortality and morbidity (UARMM) is restrictive abortion laws across developing regions (Ahman and Shah, 2011). Analysis of 165 countries by Berer (2004) demonstrates unsafe abortion and UARMDs is highest in countries with restrictive abortion laws compared to countries with liberal laws. Figure. 1 below graphically depicts that the countries with the most restrictive abortion laws— where abortion is only allowed to save a woman’s life or it is prohibited altogether—are primarily in developing regions (Mundigo, 2006, p.54). Figure. 1. Countries with the Most Restrictive Abortion Laws. Source: Centre for Reproductive Rights (2015) The relationship between UARMM and restrictive abortion laws is twofold, and both act as significant determinants of UARMM (Shah and Ahman, 2010). The more restrictive abortion laws: (1) the less likely public health provisions will exist to aid women seeking a safe abortion (Faúndes, 2012, p.S70), especially when the legally-sanctioned reasons for abortion are narrow, such as only to preserve a mother’s life. Because of restrictive abortion laws, women who seek an abortion for reasons that fall outside of the scope of national abortion laws are forced to either self-induce or to use a clandestine provider (Faúndes and Shah, 2015, p.S57; Hosseini-Chavoshi et al., 2012) – that is, to have an unsafe abortion. This then produces the second relationship between UARMM and restrictive abortion laws: (2) following an unsafe abortion, the risk of criminalisation for inducing an abortion outside of the legal remit may discourage women to seek medical care for post-unsafe abortion complications (Cohen, 2009).1 In both instances, women are risking mortality and morbidity. The support for restrictive abortion laws, tempered by social and religious norms (Mundigo, 2006), stems primarily from a fear that liberalising abortion laws will lead to an increase in women using abortion to control their fertility (Faúndes, 2012, p.S70). This fear, however, is unfounded (Box. 3 below). Indeed, while ethical considerations pertaining to social and religious norms regarding abortion are, of course, for individual societies to reconcile, from a public health perspective the message is clear: restrictive abortion laws are a strong determinant of UARMM across developing regions (Grimes et al., 2006, p.1908). 1 This may partly explain why there are a substantial segment of women who suffer post-unsafe abortion complications but do not seek medical care, thereby risking mortality and morbidity. The estimated proportions of such women regionally (e.g. South-East Asia, 19%) and nationally (e.g. Guatemala, 20%) are relatively high (Singh et al., 2005; Singh et al., 2006).
  • 5. Page 5 of 11 Lack of Contraceptive Usage Related to restrictive abortion laws, the second root cause of UARMM is due to a lack of contraceptive usage. UARMM results from a want to terminate a pregnancy that is unintended and unwanted (Mundigo, 2006, p.50). Considering developing regions are characterised by restrictive abortion laws (Shah and Ahman, 2010), in such contexts, then, for a woman wanting to abort a pregnancy because it is unintended and unwanted—which are generally legally prohibited reasons for abortion—she may resort to unsafely aborting a pregnancy. The reasons why pregnancies may be unintended and unwanted are diverse (Grimes et al., 2006, p.1909). However, notwithstanding the occurrence of unintended pregnancies due to sexual violence (Faúndes and Shah, 2015, p.S56), Bankole et al. (1999) found 50% or more of women across 20 countries in developing regions gave their desire to control family size and growth as the most important reason for wanting an abortion. Though, unintended and unwanted pregnancies, and thus unsafe abortions, can to a large extent be avoided with use of modern contraceptive methods (Culwell et al., 2010; Fawcus, 2008, p.S38). However developing regions, which already experience high rates of unintended pregnancies (Sedgh et al., 2014, pp.307-308), are overall characterised by the relatively low prevalence of contraceptive usage (Box. 4). Consequently, increasing the contraceptive prevalence across developing regions is imperative to reducing UARMM (Benagiano and Pera, 2000). Abortion Stigma The third root cause of UARMM is abortion stigma, which, like support for restrictive abortion laws, is tempered by social and religious norms (Mundigo, 2006). Even in contexts where there is provision of safe abortions services, a critical factor that may determine usage of such services is abortion stigma, particularly at the community- level and in healthcare settings. Community-Level Stigma In contexts diverse as Mexico and Malawi, community-level stigma includes branding women who abort pregnancies as “sinners” and “evil” BOXTHREE Does liberalising abortion laws result in an increase in abortion rates? In a May 2016, a joint WHO/Guttmacher Institute study published in The Lancet found the abortion rate per 1000 women aged 15-44 shows no association with the restrictive/liberal nature of abortion legislation (Sedgh et al., 2016). For example, the abortion rate for countries with the most restrictive laws (prohibited altogether or to save a woman’s life) is 37, while the rate for countries with the most liberal laws (on request) is 34. This corroborates previous evidence from liberal abortion countries which suggests liberalisation is not associated with an increase in abortion rates (The Alan Guttmacher Institute, 1999, p.28). Moreover, in some liberal abortion countries, such as the U.S., Finland and Denmark, abortion rates are even declining (Peiró et al., 2012; Gissler et al., 1996; Harper et al., 2005). BOXFOUR Low prevalence of contraception Developing regions are characterised by low prevalence of contraception usage. Across the least developed countries, for example, only 40% of married, or in-union, women of reproductive age use contraceptives (United Nations, 2015a, p.08; Chintsanya, 2013; Palamuleni, 2014); in individual developing countries, like Sudan, it may be low as 10% (Kinaro et al., 2009); in Sub-Saharan Africa, it is estimated 1 in 4 women of reproductive age do not use contraceptives (WHO, 2012).
  • 6. Page 6 of 11 (Shellenberg et al., 2011, p.S112; Levandowski et al., 2012, p.S169) and as violating core societal values of pro-creation, with abortion resulting in ‘strong community condemnation’ (Sorhaindo et al., 2014, p.638). Such stigmatizing behavior can determine UARMM in two inter-related ways. Community- level stigma may: firstly, compel women to seek clandestine abortions, such as self-inducement, despite (potential or actual) legal provisions for abortion services, in an effort to avoid ‘revealing their intention to terminate a pregnancy’ (Sorhaindo et al., 2014, p.623); and, secondly, act as a disincentive in seeking medical care for post- unsafe abortion health complications for fear of a woman’s abortion being revealed (Coast and Murray, 2016, p.202). Stigma in Healthcare Settings Though, community-level stigma affects not only abortion-seeking women; it can also impact healthcare professionals. Women may be compelled to seek a clandestine abortion because, as in Brazil, medical professionals may refuse to perform abortion services through morally-based conscientious objection (Seid et al., 2015) and for fear of being stigmatised and ostracised (Faúndes et al., 2013, p.S58); for example, only 2% of Brazilian physicians in Faúndes et al. (2004)’s study were willing to provide abortions themselves. Moreover, Warenius et al. (2006) find nurses- midwives in Zambia (which has relatively liberal abortion laws) and Kenya strongly disapprove of abortion based on religious and ethical reasons (Koster-Oyekan, 1998; Rogo et al., 1998). Consequently, such attitudes from healthcare professionals may, as in South Africa, discourage women to seek a legally-sanctioned abortion from public health facilities, due to, in particular, an ‘expected poor quality of service’ (Faúndes and Shah, 2015, p.S56) and treatment from healthcare professionals. Therefore, in Kenya and South Africa, despite a legal entitlement to a public provision of abortion services, women still resort to unsafe abortion. Furthermore, even following an unsafe abortion, if a woman is to seek medical care from health complications, anti-abortion attitudes of healthcare professionals put women in risk of mortality and morbidity (Box. 5). Policy Recommendations The following policy recommendations are intended to form as the foundations of action, consisting of inter-related primary interventions by (primarily) developing governments confronted by unsafe abortion. BOXFIVE Abortion stigma in Gabon In an analysis of maternal death at Libreville Hospital in Gabon, Mayi-Tsonga et al. (2009) find healthcare professionals grossly delayed the care for death-causing abortion-related conditions compared to other pregnancy-related conditions: the former was delayed by 23.8 hours, whereas the latter was as low as 1 hour. The authors note there is a ‘sense’ abortion stigma is responsible for this mistreatment (ibid., p.68). Indeed, abortion is socially- rejected in Gabon, particularly by healthcare professionals, and this a common theme across Sub-Saharan African countries (e.g. Mngadi et al., 2008). Though, such mistreatment of women seeking post-abortion care by stigmatizing healthcare professionals is not excusive to Gabon; it has also been evidenced in, for example, Argentina (Steele and Chiarotti, 2004).
  • 7. Page 7 of 11 ONE POLICY RECOMMENDATION ONE LIBERALISE ABORTION LAWS POLICY IMPLICATIONS •  Governments should liberalise abortion laws to provide safe abortion services through public health systems on the widest grounds possible. •  In countries diverse as South Africa (Jewkes and Rees, 2005), Romania (The Lancet, 1995) and Ethiopia (Sedgh et al., 2012), liberalisation of abortion laws has drastically reduced UARMM. •  However, research in Ethiopia, India, Cambodia, Colombia, Mexico City and Nepal suggests the success of liberalising abortion laws on reducing UARMM rests on increasing public awareness of newly established entitlement to legal abortion services (Malter, 2012; Grimes, 2003; Seid et al., 2015). •  Such public information efforts are also key to reduce resistance to liberalisation by dispelling popular misconceptions regarding abortion (Garcia et al., 2004). •  Liberalising abortion laws will require investments in the infrastructure and resources needed to provide safe abortions. However, liberalising abortion does not ‘appreciably’ increase demand for abortion (Grimes et al., 2006, p.1912), therefore it should not represent additional burdens on weak public health systems. •  Indeed, abortion rates over the long-term may decline, and savings may be made from treating (reduced) unsafe abortion complications, and ‘net economic gains’ from increased productivity (Faúndes, 2012, p.S70). •  For countries lacking the financial and/or structural capacity to provide safe abortion services through public health systems following liberalisation, this presents a potential target for international donor intervention(s). •  Governments can seek to partner with the international donor community to assess the feasibility of third-party provision of abortion services. TWO POLICY RECOMMENDATION TWO INCREASE CONTRACEPTIVE USAGE POLICY IMPLICATIONS •  The ‘surest way’ (Norris et al., 2016, p.08) to reduce UARMM is to prevent unwanted pregnancies. •  Therefore, governments should work towards increasing modern contraception usage amongst their populations (Fawcus, 2008, p.S39) to reduce UARMM. To do this, governments could: •  Include sexual and reproductive health classes within educational curriculums to, for example, discuss contraception, to dispel misconceptions regarding the latter and of abortion (Levandowski et al., 2012, p.S169). •  Distribute free male and female contraceptives. •  Create networks of community-based local volunteers to provide family planning services, including distribution of contraceptives, and family planning and reproductive health advice. •  In Bulgaria, Kyrgyzstan, Kazakhstan, Switzerland, Tunisia, Turkey and Uzbekistan general abortion rates declined as use of modern contraception increased (Marston and Cleland, 2003). •  The strategy of creating networks of community volunteers has been used in Zimbabwe, Peru, Nepal, Columbia and Nigeria to achieve a variety of health outcomes: ‘A regular client-worker contact can improve the use of contraception’ (Kabir et al., 2013, p.08). •  However, no contraceptive method is 100% effective (Grimes et al., 2006, p.1914). •  The WHO (2012, p.23) estimates even with perfect (i.e. correct and consistent) use of contraception by women and men, 33 million women worldwide experience unintended pregnancies annually. •  This further suggests the need for public provision of liberal abortion services across developing regions.
  • 8. Page 8 of 11 Conclusion In conclusion, unsafe abortion and its consequent costs represent an entirely preventable phenomenon, and is a virtually exclusive developing world burden. With political will from developing governments, targeting the three discussed causes (restrictive abortion laws, a lack of contraceptive usage, and abortion stigma) can reduce unsafe abortions. To this end, this brief recommends three policy options. Indeed, such an effort by developing governments is key to meeting the SDG relating to maternal mortality. Bibliography Ahman, E. and Shah, H. I. 2011. New estimates and trends regarding unsafe abortion mortality. International Journal of Gynecology & Obstetrics. [Online]. 115(2), pp.121-126. [Accessed 23rd April 2016]. Available from: http://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S002072921100377 8 Alkema, A., Chou, C. Dr., Hogan, D., Zhang, S., Moller, B., Gemmill, A., Fat, M. D., Boerma, T., Termmerman, M. Prof., Mathers, C. and Say, L. Global, regional, and national levels and trends in maternal mortality between 1990 and 2015, with scenario-based projections to 2030: a systematic analysis by the UN Maternal Mortality Estimation Inter- Agency Group. The Lancet. [Online]. 387(10017), pp.462-474. [Accessed 29th April 2016]. Available from:http://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S01406736150 08387 Armo, M., Babbar, K., Thakur, H. and Pandey, S. 2015. Maternal morbidity due to unsafe medical abortion in rural practice is just the tip of the iceberg: is it really preventable? International Journal of Reproduction, Contraception, Obstetrics and Gynecology. [Online]. 4(1), pp.56-60. [Accessed 21st April 2016]. Available from: http://www.scopemed.org/fulltextpdf.php?mno=172499 Bankole, A., Singh, S. and Haas, T. 2010. Reasons Why Women Have Induced Abortions: Evidence from 27 Countries. International Perspectives on Sexual and Reproducitve Health. [Online].24(3), [no page numbers]. [Accessed 27th April 2016]. Available from: https://www.guttmacher.org/about/journals/ipsrh/1998/09/reasons- why-women-have-induced-abortions-evidence-27-countries Benagiano, G. and Pera, A. 2000. Decreasing the need for abortion: challenges and constraints. International Journal of Gynecology & Obstetrics. [Online]. 70(1), pp.35-48. [Accessed 26th April 2016]. Available from: http://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S002072920000228 9 Berer, M. 2004. National Laws and Unsafe Abortion: The Parameters of Change. Reproductive Health Matters. [Online]. 12(24), pp.01-08. [Accessed 26th April 2016]. Available from: http://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S096880800424024 1 Calhoun, C. B. 2015. The Myth That Abortion is Safer Than Childbirth: Through the Looking Glass. Issues in Law & Medicine. [Online]. 30(2), pp.209-215. [Accessed 25th April 2016]. Available from: http://europepmc.org/abstract/med/26710380 Center for Reproductive Rights. 2015. The World's Abortion Laws Map. [Online]. [Accessed 26th April 2016]. Available from: THREE POLICY RECOMMENDATION THREE REDUCE ABORTION STIGMA POLICY IMPLICATIONS •  Governments should work towards reducing abortion stigma amongst their populations, and particularly amongst healthcare professionals. To do this, governments could: •  Conduct sensitisation and outreach activities to increase awareness of abortion, the consequences of restrictive abortion laws and abortion stigma (UARMM), and to dispel misconceptions regarding abortion. •  Convey such messages through popular media, including popular entertainment, to ‘normalise abortion within public discourse’ (Norris et al., 2011). •  Create visible public platforms to encourage religious authorities to engage with the debates surrounding the liberalisation of abortion and its consequences. •  Legislate the requirements – in terms of medical treatment and professional service – of healthcare professionals vis-à-vis abortion services (Malter, 2012). •  Changing societal attitudes regarding abortion is, quite obviously, a long-term investment whose dividends may not materialise in the immediate future. However, tackling abortion stigma is key to counteracting UARMM. •  As discussed, even despite liberal abortion laws, women may still seek an unsafe abortion due to abortion stigma. •  In Malawi, following sensitisation, health workers reported that they felt their colleagues treatment of women with post unsafe-abortion complications had improved (Levandowski et al., 2012, p.S169).
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