Anti-Slavery Almanac of 1846

1. res. 5m. /, ^gy^)

3. ANTI-SLAVERY ALMANACFOR
1846.
NEW YORK:
PUBLISHED BY FINCH & WEED,
118 Nassau Street.

4. CUSTOMARY NOTES, &c, FOR THE YEAR 1846.
"
Venus [ $ ] will be Evening Star until March 2d, then Morning Star until December 15th,
then Evening Star until October 3d, 1847.
The Moon will run highest, this year, about the 22d degree of [ n] Gemini, and lowest
about the 22d degree of [ t ] Sagittarius.
Latitude of Herschel fJ£l] about 41' south this year.
Longitude of the Moon's Ascending [a ] in the middle of this year, 7 signs, 4 degrees.
Mean obliquity of the Ecliptic in the middle of this year ; 23° 27' 33.5". True obliquity,
same time, 23° 27' 25.3".
Ascension Day May 21
Whit Sunday (Pentecost) May 31
Trinity Sunday ..... .-.June 7
CHRONOLOGICAL CYCLES.
Dominical Letter D.
Golden Number, or Lunar Cycle 4
Epact, or Moon's age Jan. 1st 3
Solar Cycle 7
Roman Indiction. . > 4
Julian Period 6559
MOVEABLE FEASTS.
Easter Sunday April 12
Rogation Sunday May 17
Advent Sunday Nov
EQUINOXES AND SOLSTICES.
D. H. M
Vernal Equinox, March 20 6 50 ev.
Summer Solstice, June 21 3 36 ev.
Autumnal Equinox, Sept, 23 5 34 mo.
Winter Solstice, Dec , . .21 11 15 ev.
ECLIPSES IN THE YEAR 184G.
There will be two Eclipses only this year, and both of the Sun.
I. On the 25th of April the Sun will be Eclipsed on the southern limb.
Principal Cities Beginning.
Greatest
Eclipse. End. Duration. Magnitude.
H. M. ... •
10 41 mora.
10 12 morn.
11 15 mom.
9 50 morn.
10 51 mom.
10 22 morn.
10 46 mom.
9 51 morn.
10 37 morn.
9 56 morn.
10 35 mom.
9 30 mom.
10 29 morn.
10 17 mora.
10 3 mom.
9 4 morn.
H. M.
11 57 mom.
11 28 morn.
36 ev.
10 58 morn.
17 ev.
11 4i mom.
8 ev.
11 4 morn.
11 -59 mora.
11 13 mora.
11 58 morn.
10 42 morn.
11 53 mom.
11 43 mom.
11 32 mom.
10 27 mora.
H. M.
1 12 ev.
40 ev.
1 54 ev.
10 ev.
1 38 ev.
1 ev.
1 30 ev.
22 ev.
1 22 ev.
33 ev.
1 21 ev.
noon.
1 19 ev.
1 11 ev.
1 5 ev.
11 57 morn.
H. M.
2 31
2 28
2 39
2 20
2 44
2 38
2 44
2 31
2 45
2 37
2 46
2 30
2 50
2 54
3 2
2 53
Digits.
5.72
Detroit, 5.38
6 60
5.00
6.83
6.27
6.96
5 76
7.00
6.00
Washington,
St. Louis,
712
5.68
7.50
7.92
Charleston,
New Orleans,
8.68
8.10
This Eclipse will be visible throughout the United States, excepting the North-western
corner of the Oregon Territory ; also throughout Mexico, Texas, West Indies, Great Britain,
Ireland and Iceland ; together with the southern part of Greenland, the northern part of
South Ameriea, and the Western parts of Europe and Africa. It will be central and annu-
lar on the meridian in latitude 25° 21' North, and longitude 74° 31' West from Greenwich, or
30' West from the meridian of New York. Magnitude at London, 3.32 digits.
II. There will be an Eclipse of the Sun on the 20th of October, at the time of New Moon
in the morning, invisible in America. The Eclipse will be visible through the greater part of
Africa and of Australia. The central Eclipse (which will be annular) will commence in
Africa in latitude 6° 44' North, and longitude 0° 32' West from Greenwich, and terminate bi
Australia in lat. 23° 51' South, and long. 126° 5' East. In its progress it will cross the north-
ern part of Madagascar, and be central and annular on the meridian in lat. 19° 22' South, and
long. 58° 41' East from Greenwich. Magnitude of the Eclipse at the Cape of Good Hope,
1.69 digit on the Sun's northern limb.
POSTAGE.
1. Letters are hereafter to be charged by weight instead of by the number of pieces of pa-
per, as follows : Letters not exceeding half an ounce in weight to be deemed single letters,
and to be charged 5 cents for any distance not exceeding 300 miles, and 10 cents for any dis-
tance over 300 miles. Each additional half ounce, or fraction of a half ounce, to be charged
5 or 10 cents, according to the distance sent. A 6heet of letter paper containing five bank
bills will weigh less than half an ounee.
t 2. Newspapers <Jf a size not exceeding 1900 square inches, may be sent by mail 30 miles
from the town where they are published, free of postage. For all distances over 30 miles,
the old rates of postage are charged, viz : 1 cent per copy for 100 miles, or any distance with-
in the State where published, and 1 1-2 cents over 100 miles and out of the State where
published.
3. Postmasters throughout the United States are not allowed to frank letters unless the
tame are endorsed "Post Office business," and their names signed to such endorsement.

5. JANUARY, 1846—31 Pays*
1
Moon'sPhases. New-Y'rk. SunonMer.
First Quar. 4
Full Moon, 12
Third Quar. 20
New Moon, 27
H. M.
9 29mor.
9 6 mor.
10 56 mor,
4 27 mor
d. h. m. s.
1 ev. 3 56
9 7 30
17 10 27
25 12 40
FEBRUARY, 1846—28 Pays.
MTWsPhases. New-Y'rk. Sun on Mer.
d.
Fh*t Quar. 3
Full Moon, 11
Thigd Quar. 18
H. M.
15 mor.
4 16 mor.
11 48 ev.
New Moon, 251 2 36 ev.
D. H. M. S.
1 13 55
9 14 31
17 14 17
25 13 18
Calendar for NEW-YORK City, Conn., N. Jersey Fenn., t)hio, Indiana, and Illinois.
Sun's
decS. Pi-
Sun
rises
Sun
sets.
H.M.
4 41
42
43
44
45
46
47
48
49
50
51
52
53
54
55
56
57
59
1
2
3
5
6
7
8
10
5 11
5 12
5 13
5 15
Moon
sets.
H. M.
9 37
10 46
11 52
morn.
57
1 59
2 59
3 56
4 49
5 38
6 22
rises.
6 21
7 18
8 15
9 13
10 11
11 11
morn.
1
2
3
4
5
6
sets
7 12
8 25
9 36
10 43
H.W.
N. Y.
H. M.
11 38
morn.
26
13
56
4
15
32
30
8 17
8 58
9 34
10 9
10 40
11 12
11 44
ev.17
50
1 30
2 17
3 17
4 36
5*56
7 10
8 7
8 58
9 48
10 35
11 19
morn.
J) D suns
M W dec S
D
M
Tu
W
Th
Fr'
Sa
D
M
Tu
W
Th
Fr
Sa
D
M
Tu
W
Th
Fr
Sa
D
M
Tu
W
Th
Fr
Sa
]) Sun Sun
pi. rises sets.
Moon H. W.
sets. N. Y.
H. M.
11 48
morn.
50
6 11
rises.
7 7
8 t
9 A
10 t
ii e
morn
9
sets,
7 10
8 21
9 30
FARM WORK FOR JANUARY.
I Summer is the season for prepar-
ing food, winter for disposing of it.
"Whatever grain or other produce of
the farm is now on hand, beyond
what is wanted for home consumption,
should be carried to market. Dont let
frost, rot, mildew, vermin, waste or too
much care swallow up the profits.
Perishable articles should at once be
sold for whatever they will bring. All
others may be sold when they will
command the best price, but in wait-
ing for a higher, see that the waste in-
terest, and risk of holding, will not ex-
ceed the additional price expected.
FARM WORK FOR FEBRUARY.
Keep the stables clean ; the yards
i jy and well littered; the barns and
shelters tight and warm; curry the
cattle and horses; and always pro-
vide salt and pure water where they
can get them. Nearly all animals like
clay, tar, and sulphur occasionally;
provide these within their reach, and
their health and appetite will be im-
proved by them.
If labor is cheaper than fodder," cut i
the hay, straw and cornstalks, and cat-
tle will eat them clean; they will
thank and pay you for it too, if a little
meal be added.
z. sr<y ***** *5*/wm"y' t*+**^~

6. .t
Jl
MARCH, 1846—31 Days. APRIL, 1846—30 Days.
Moon'sPhases. New-Y'rk. Sun on Mer. Moon - Phases. New-Y'rk. Sun on Mer.
D. H. M. D. H. M. s. D. H. M. ». H. M. s.
First Quar. 4 5 36 ev. 1 12 35 First QiL. f. 3 16 ev. 1 3 56
Full Moon, 12 9 53 ev. 9 10 44 Full Moon, 11 59 ev. 9 1 36
Third Quar. 20 9 2mor. 17 8 30 Third Quar. 18 3 28 ev. 17 morn.
New Moon, 28 55mor. 25 6 5 New Moon, 25 11 52mor. 25 11 57 51
Calendar for NEW-YORK City, Conn., N. Jersey, Penn., Ohio, Indiana, and Illinois.
D D Sun's D Sun Sun Moon H.W.
M W dec S. pi. rises sets. sets. N. Y.
46
23
37
13
50
27
3
3 40
3 16
2 52
2 29
2 5
1 41
1 18
54
30
S. 7
N. 17
41
M.
6 36
6 35
6 33
6 32
6 30
6 29
6 27
6 25
6 24
6 22
6 20
6 19
6 17
6 16
6 14
6 12
6 11,6
96
76
5 58
6
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
6!6 10
4|6 11
2|6 12
16 14
59 6 15
57,6 16
56 6 17
54 6 18
52,6 19
51 6 20
49,6 21
47[6 22
H. M.
10 35
11 37
morn
4 43
5 13
rises.
6 57
7 58
9
10 2
11 4
morn
5
1
1 56
2 44
3 27
4 6
4 43
5 18
sets.
8 14
9 20
10 21
11 17
H. M.
11 38
morn.
16
55
40
31
44
9
28
30
8 10
8 49
9 20
9 51
10 20
10 53
11 26
ev. 2
41
1 27
2 26
3 45
5 17
6 37
7 38
8 26
9 9
9 51
10 32
11 12
11 50
W
Th
Fr
Sa
D
M
Tu
W
Th
Fr
Sa
D
M
Tu
W
Th
Fr
Sa
D
M
Tu
W
Th
Fr
Sa
D
M
Tu
W
Th
Sun's
decN.
D Sunj Sun Moon H.W.
pi. rises sets. sets. N. Y.
466
446
436
41 J6
39
5 2
H. M.
morn.
8
rises.
7 53
8 56
9 59
10 58
11 53
morn.
42
sets
8 5
9 4
9 58
10
11 30
morn.
27
4711
6 45
7 35
8 10
8 45
9 18
9 54
10 28
11 5
11 42
ev. 26
1 17
2 20
3 37
4 59
6 14
7 13
8 4
8 48
9 30
10 9
10 48
26
morn.
FARM WORK FOR MARCH.
Tap the maple trees if the weather
has not before required it ; clean the
troughs, and see that the sap is entirely-
pure till congealed into prime sugar.
Look well after the cattle ; feed the
cows and ewes with young, a few
roots daily, and see they have a quiet,
dry, warm place, where they will not
be knocked about by the other animals.
Shade and fruit trees may be set out
wherever the ground is dry; grafts
should be selected and cut, and remem-
ber, the best kind of fruit may give you
ten times the profit, and cost you no
more than the worst.
FARM WORK FOR APRIL.
Bestir yourselves about the gardep,
and sow early peas, cabbage, radishes,
lettuce, parsnips, carrots, beets and
tomatoes ;
plant a few early potatoes,
cucumbers and melons ; by planting
the last on a well prepared bed of ma-
nure and loam and sand, protected by
glass, you will get them very early.
.A little time and money spent in this
way, is much better than laid out in
fine clothes and expensive groceries.
They are the best luxuries, and pro-
mote health and comfort. Tag the j
sheep, and dont turn out cattle too ear-
ly, let the grass first get a good start.

7. MAY, 1846—31 Days.
Moon'sPhases. New-Y'rk. Sun. on Mer
First Quar. 3
Full Moon, 11
Third Quar. 17
New Moon, 24
a. m.
6 56mor.
1 lOmor.
8 31 ev.
11 48 ev.
D. H. M. S.
1 11 56 57
911 56 14
1711 56 7
2511 56 37
JUNE, 1846—30 Pays.
Moon's Phases. New-Y'rk. Sun on Mer.
D.
First Quar. 2
Full Moon, 9
Third Quar. 16
New Moon, 23
H. M.
34mor.
10 40mor,
1 42mor.
52 ev.
D. H. M.
1 11 57 29
9 11 58 51
17 ev. 30
25 2 14
Calendar for NEW-YORK City, Conn., N. Jersey, Penn., Ohio, Indiana, and Illinois
D D Sun's D Sun Sun Moon H.W. D D Sun's D Sun Sun Moon H. W.
M W decN. pi rises sets. sets. N. Y. M W decN. pi rises
H.M.
sets.
H.M.
sets. N. Y.
D. M. H. M. H.M. H. M. H. M. D. M. H. M H. M.
1 Fr 15 6 25 5 1 6 54 morn. 4 1 M 22 4 w 4 33 7 22 morn 1 1
2 Sa 15 24 9s 4 59 6 55 8 43 2 Tu 22 12 W 4 33 7 23 12 1 47
3 D 15 42 £1 4 58 6 56 42 1 29 3 W 22 20 m 4 32 7 24 41 2 38
4 M 16 si 4 57 6 57 1 13 2 20 4 Th 22 27 :22b 4 32 7 24 1 10 3 42
5 Tu 16 17 % 4 56 6 58 1 43 3 29 5 Fr 22 34 ^= 4 31 7 25 1 41 4 46
6 W 16 34 m 4 55 6 59 2 12 4 41 6 Sa 22 40
3 4 31 7 26 2 15 5 46
7 Th 16 50
-*-
4 53 7 2 40 5 48 7 D 22 46 4 4 31 7 26 2 54 6 46
8 Fr 17 7
-r*.
4 52 7 1 3 11 6 45 8 M 22 52 t 4 31 7 27 3 40 7 35
9 Sa 17 23 -rv_
4 51 7 2 3 44 7 30 9 Tu 22 57 t 4 30 7 27 rises. 8 21
10 D 17 39 «£ 4 50 7 3 4 21 8 9 10 W 23 2 Y? 4 30 7 28 8 31 9 7
11 M 17 54 hT 4 49 7 4 rises. 8 50 11 Th 23 6 V5
5
4 30 7 28 9 22 9 53
12 Tu 18 10 r 4 48 7 5 8 50 9 29 12 Fr 23 10 4 30 7 29 10 5 10 36
13 W 18 24 t 4 47 7 6 9 47 10 6 13 Sa 23 14 'OX 4 30 7 29 10 45 11 22
14 Th 18 39 V5> 4 46 7 7 10 39 10 48 14 D 23 17 X 4 30 7 30 11 21 ev. 12
15 Fr 18 53 Y3 4 45 7 8 11 25 11 30 15 M 23 20 X 4 30 7 30 11 55 1 3
16 Sa 19 7 4 44 7 9 morn. ev. 19 16 Tu 23 22 r 4 30 7 31 morn. 1 59
17 D 19 21 jjjj 4 43 7 10 6 1 13 17 W 23 24 T 4 30 7 31 28 3 1
18 M 19 34 X 4^2 7 11 43 2 15 IS Th 23 25 T 4 30 7 31 1 2 4 9
19 Tu 19 47 X 4 41 7 11 1 18 3 25 19 Fr 23 26
a 4 30 7 32 1 38 5 14
20 W 20 cp 4 41 7 12 1 51 4 37 20 Sa 23 27 a 4 30 7 32 2 17 .6 22
21 Th 20 12 cp 4 40 7 13 2 25 5 45 21 D 23 27 n 4 31 7 32 3 7 21
22 Fr 20 24 a 4 39 7 14 3 6 46 22 M 23 27 n 4 31 7 32 3 46 8 10
23 Sa 20 36 a 4 38 7 15 3 38 7 40 23 Tu 23 27 25 4 31 7 32 sets. 8 54
24 D 20 47 y 4 38 7 16 sets. 8 29 24 W 23 26 23 4 31 7 33 8 3 9 37
25 M 20 58 n 4 37 7 17 7 48 9 12 25 Th 23 24 25 4 32 7 33 8 41 10 13
26 Tu 21 9 n 4 36 7 18 8 39 9 52 20 Fr 23 23
a
4 32 7 33 9 15 10 49
27 W 21 19 25 4 36 7 18 9 25 10 29 27 Sa 23 20 4 32 7 33 9 46 11 23
28 Th 21 29 25 4 35 7 19 10 5 11 5 28 D 23 18 w 4 33 7 33 10 15 11 57
29 Fr 21 38 25 4 34 7 20 10 41 11 43 29|M 23 15 n 4 33 7 33 10 43 morn.
30 Sa 21-47 a 4 34 7 21 11 14 morn. 301 Tu 23 11 w 4 34. 7 33 11 11 34
31 D|21 56 a 4 33 7 21 11 44 J 19
FARM WORK FOR MAY.
Finish all the plowing, planting, and
sowing. Early crops are more sure
than late. Brine your wheat and soak
your corn in saltpetre ; the crows and
worms will let it alone then, and you
will have larger crops. Cart out every
ounce of manure. It will waste as
much in the heap in one season as in
the ground ; and for the first you get
nothing, for the other, a great deal.
Dock and geld the lambs, look after
the sheep in storms, see that they are
well salted, and never allow them
to remain on wet land. Geld the colts,
calves, and pigs.
FARM WORK FOR JUNE.
Put the light plows and cultivators
agoing among your corn and roots, and
kill the weeds before they kill the
crops. Nowhere does " a step in time
save nine" more certainly, than in ex-
terminating weeds. Finish planting
potatoes, and sow ruta-baga. Dont be
afraid of getting an over stock. What
you cant sell at a round profit, you can
feed to advantage. Look after the red
root, cockle, and wild mustard in the
grain fields, and pull them all up be-
fore they get to seed. Prune your
fruit trees, spade up the turf about the
trunk, place manure, &c, around them.
?
;%0~

8. JUI5Y, 1846—31 Pays.
* Moon's Phasesj New-Yr
rk. Sun on ]V
First Qwar.
Full Moon,
Third Quar. 15
New Moon, 23
First Quar. 31
4 28 ev.
6 15 ev.
#
8 28mor.
3 7 mor.
6 7 mor.
D. H.
1*
9
17
25,
M. S.
3 28
4 50
5 47
6 12
Moon'sPhases.
AUGUST, 1846- Days.
Full Moon, 7
Third Quar. 13
New Moon, 21
First Quar, 29
New-Y'rk.
C. M.
1 4mor
5 55 ev.
6 29 ev.
5 23 ev.
Sun on Mer,
6 2
5 15
3 51
1 55
Calendar for NEW-YORK City, Conn., N. Jersey, Penn., Ohio, Indiana, and Illinois.
Sun's
decN.
B. M.
23 7
23 3
22 59
22 53
22 48
22 42
22 36
22 29
22 22
22 15
22 7
21 59
21 50
21 42
21 32
21 23
21 13
21 2
20 51
20 40
20 29
20 17
20 5
19 53
19 40
19 27
19 13
18 59
18 45
18 31
18 16
Sun
rises
Sun Moon
sets. ' sets.
H.
4
4
4
4
4
4
4
4
4
4
4
4
4
4
4
4
4
4
4
4
4
4
4
4
4
4
4
4
4
4 56;7 16
M.;H. M.
33;il 40
32 morn.
32j 12
32 48
32 1 29
32 2 18
31 3 14
31 rises.
31 7 59
30 8 42
30 9 20
29j 9 56
29J10 30
2811 5
28ill 41
27 morn.
47 7 25
4817*24
49 7
49 7 sets.
7 49
8 18
8 46
9 14
9 43
10 13
10 47
4 57|7 15ill 24
54 7 18
557 17
H.W.
N. Y.
M.
11
55
45
49
54
3
57
8 47
9 38
10 28
11 13
ev. 1
50
37
32
32
45
55
4
56
8 40
9 19
9 55
10 29
10 59
11 31
morn.
4
37
1 16
SunT
s
decN.
D. M.
18 1
17 46
17 31
17 15
16 59
16 42
16 25
16 9
15 51
15 34
15 16
14 58
14 40
14 22
14" 3
13 44
13 25
13 6
12 46
12 26
12 7
11 46
11 26
11 6
10 45
10 24
10 3
9 42
9 21
8 59
8 3S
H.M.
4 58
59
Sun
rises
Sun
sets.
H.
7
7
7
7
7
7
7
7
7
7
7
7
6 59
6 58
6 57
55
54
52
51
50
48
47
45
44
6 42
6 41
6 39
6
6 36
6 34
6 33
Moon
'sets.
H. M.
morn.
8
59
1 57
3 3
4 14
rises
7 52
8 29
9 5
9 41
10 19
11
11 44
morn.
31
1 22
2 15
3
4 jr
sets
6 51
7 19
7 47
8 17
8 49
9 24
10 4
10 51
11 44
morn.
H. M.
2 1
2 57
4 10
5 26
6 41
7 41
8 34
9 23
10 10
10 54
11 40
ev. 23
H.W.
N. Y.
10
58
56
10
28
43
38
8 22
8 59
9 33
10 3
10 33
11 3
11 35
morn.
7
43
1 26
2 21
FARM WORK FOR JULY.
Buy your scythes, rakes, cradles,
&c, before the good ones are all gone.
A good tool is cheap at the highest
price, and a poor one dear at the low-
est. Get a good horse-rake if you
have not made one while idle in the
winter. Fit up the hay carts and
grease the wheels, fill up the old whis-
ky jugs and canteens with pure wa-
ter and a little ginger, molasses and
vinegar, mixed with it, or milk and
water, oatmeal and water, or water
alone, and with a light 'lunch in abas-
ket, the men are ready for their wort
FARM WORK FOR AUGUST.
Complete the haying and get the
fodder well under cover. Cut the
wheat, oats and barley, when the berry
is in the dough state, and before it is
fully ripe, and you will get more grain
and infinitely better straw. What is
intended for seed may stand till dead
ripe, and see that it be gathered free
from all weeds. If the land intended ,
for the next wheat crop be weedy,
plow early and plow late, and leave
not a stalk for future growth. Take
early pears, plums and apples to mar^
,
ket. Look to your, lightning rods.
v Ois'"*
St^?C£j£y<p?£/± fc~~f

9. SEPTEMBER, 18 46—30 Days.
Moon'sPhases. New-Y'rk. Sun on Mer
Full Moon, 5
Third Quar. 12
New Moon, 20
First Quar. 28
H. M.
8 20mor.
6 46mor.
10 38mor.
2 31 mor.
1 morning.
911 57 14
17 11 54 26
2511 51 40
OCTOBER, 1846—31 Rays.
Moon'sPhases. New-Y'rk.
Full Moon, 4
ThirdQuar.il
New Moon, 20
First Quar. 27
D.H. M.
5 10 ev.
11 12 ev.
2 48 mor.
10 14 mor.
Sun on Mer.
r>. h. m. s,
1 11 49 41
9 11 47 19
17 11 45 26
25 11 44 12
Calendar for NEW-YORK City, Conn., N. Jersey, Penn., Ohio, Indiana and Illinois.
D D Sun's D Sun Sun Moon H.W. D D Sun'sl D Sun Sun Moon H.W.
M W decN. PL rises sets. sets. N. Y. M W dec S. pi. rises sets. sets. N. Y.
D. M. H. M. H. M. H. M. H. M. D. M. H. M. H. M. H. M. H. M.
1 Tu 8 16 V? 5 28 6 31 44 3 33 1 Th 3 13 "XZ 5 58 5 41 1 54 4 42
2 W "7 54 V? 5 29 6 30 1 51 5 2 Fr 3 37 X 5 59 5 40 3 6 6 4
3 Th 7 32 5 30 6 28 3 2 6 22 3 Sa 4 X 6 5 38 4 18 7 5
^4 Fr 7 10 /w 5 31 6 26 4 16 7 24 4 D 4 23 cp 6 1 5 36 rises. 7 56
5 Sa 6 48 X 5 32 6 25 rises. 8 18 5 M 4 46 op 6 2 5 35 6 7 8 42
6 D 6 26 x 5 33 6 23 6 59 9 4 6 Tu 5 9
2 6 3 5 33 6 48 9 26
7 M 6 3 5 34 6 21 7 36 9 48 n W 5 32 b 6 4 5 31 7 31 10 10
8 Tu 5 41 5 35 6 20 8 15 10 34 s Th 5 55 rr 6 5 5 30 8 19 10 51
9 W 5 18 8 5 36 6 18 8 56 11 15 9 Fr 6 18 n 6 6 5 28 9 9 11 31
10 Th 4 55 a 5 37 6 17 9 40 11 57 10 Sa 6 41 25 6 7 5 27 10 2 ev. 12
11 Fr 4 32 n 5 38 6 15 10 27 ev. 39 11 D 7 4 25 6 8 5 25 10 56 57
12 Sa 4 9 n 5 39 6 13 11 17 1 25 12 M 7 26 25 6 9 5 23 11 52 1 49
13 D 3 46 25 5 39 6 12 morn. 2 20 13 Tu 7 49 a 6 10 5 22 morn. 2 51
14 M 3 23 25 5 40 6 10 10 3 31 14 W 8 11 ?L 6 11 5 20 47 4 12
IS Tu 3 25 5 41 6 8 1 4 4 54 IS Th S 33 nj? 6 12 5 19 1 43 5 30
16 W 2 37
$
5 42 7 1 59 6 10 16 Fr •8 56 W 6 13 5 17 2 40, 6 35
17 Th 2 14 5 43 6 5 2 55 7 13 17 Sa 9 18 n* 6 15 5 16 3 36 7 21
18 Fr 1 51 m 5 44 6 3 3 51 7 55 IS D 9 40 ^ 6 16 5 14 4 34 7 57
19 Sa 1 27 w 5 45 6 1 4 48 8 32 19 M 10 1 -J-V.
6 17 5 13 5 32 8 31
20 D 1 4 w 5 46 6 sets. 9 4 20 Tu 10 23 nt 6 18 5 11 sets. 9 2
21 M 41 ,/v 5 47 5 58 6 20 9 35 21 W 10 44 "I 6 19 5 10 6 5 9 38
22 Tu N 17 _/v_ 5 48 5 56 6 52 10 4 22 Th 11 6 «i
6 20 5 8 6 47 10 12
23 W S. 6
V5
5 49 5 55 7 26 10 35 23 Fr 11 27 I 6 21 5 7 7 36 10 44
24 Th 30 5 50 5 53 8 5 11 7 24 Sa 11 48 t 6 22 5 6 8 30 11 21
25 Fr 53 5 51 5 51 8 49 11 41 25 D 12 9 V? 6 24 5 4 9 30 morn.
26 Sa 1 16 5 52 5 50 9 38 morn. 26 M 12 29
v? 6 25 5 3 10 34 2
27 D 1 40 5 53 5 48 10 34 19 27 Tu 12 50 6 26 5 1 11 41 47
28 M 2 3 5 54 5 46 11.37 1 3 28 W 13 10
'-'
6 27 5 morn. 1 45
29 Tu 2 27 5 55 5 45 morn. 1 59 29 Th 13 30 X 6 28 4 59 50 2 59
30 W 2 50 AW 5 56 5 43 44 3 14 30 Fr 13 50 X 6 29 4 58 2 4 24-
31jSa 14 9 T 6 31 4 56 3 10 5 42
FARM WORK FOR SEPTEMBER.
Complete harvesting the grain, and
if there be much of it, thrash it out
with a machine in the field. This
saves carting and waste, and wheat
generally bears as good price now as
at any time hereafter. A bushel in
ten is thus saved which would other-
wise be lost in six months, besides 3
per cent in interest. This is worth
any man's attention, who thinks " ma-
ny a little will soon make a mickle."
If not wanted in the yard, the straw
may be spread on the ground, though
it's better to feed cattle before it is fed
to the soil.
FARM WORK FOR OCTOBER.
Dig all the roots and store them se-
curely against frost and rot. Keep
them from the sun and wet, and allow
them to dry before housing. If stored
in the field, see that no water is al-
lowed to settle around the bottom, and
a small hole left in the top of the pit
to let ofF the gas and moisture. They
should be lightly covered at first to
prevent growth, and'before cold weath-
er sets in, give them ample protection
from frost, and put in a wisp of straw
to shut out the cold nor yet prevent
escape of gas. Gather all the fruit
before the heavy frosts.
-)»
l~£t* K***ic4—
K.

10. « .«<S*S%S*J*i%fc
NOVEMBER, 1846 --30 ©ays. DECEMBER, 1846- 31 Days.
Moon'sPHases.
j
New-Y'rk. Sun on Mer. Moon'sPhases. New-Y'rk. Sun on Mer.
D. H. JVC. D. B. M. S, it. H. M. * r>. H. M. s.
Full Moon, 3 4 15mor. •
1 11 43 44 Full Moon, 2 5 50 ev. 1 11 49 18
Third Quar. 10 6 48 ev. 9 11 44 Third Quar. 10 4 20 ev. 9 11 52 37
New Moon, 18 6 4ev. 17 11 45 10 New Moon, 18 7 46mor. 17 11 56 25
First Quar. 25 5 35 ev. 25 11 47 14 First Quar. 25 1 40 mo?. 25 ev. 24
Calendar for NEW-YORK City, Conn., N.Jersey, Penn., Ohio, Indiana, and Illinois.
1
2
3
4
5
6
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
Sun's
deeS
M
29
48
7
25 8
Sun
rises
H.M.
6 32
33
6 34
6 35
6 37
6 3SJ4
6 39
6 40
41
43
44
45
46
47
49
50
6 51
6 52
6 53
6 55
6 56
6 57
6 58
6 59
7
Sun
set&
Moon
sets,
H. M
4 20
5 30
rises
6- 7
6 57
7 49
8 44
9 40
10 37
11 33
morn.
29
1 26
2 23
3 21
4 20
5 21
sets.
5 30
6 23
7 22
8 26
9 33
10 41
11 50
morn.
58
2 7
3 15
4 22
H.W.
N. Y.
H. -
M.
6 44
7 36
8 21
9 7
9 48
10 29
11 9
11 47
ev.29
1 15
2 7
3 15
4 29
5 36
6 35
7 20
7 58
8 38
9 13
9 50
10 28
11 9
11 52
morn.
41
1 38
2 43
3 59
5 8
6 19
Tu
W
Th
Fr
Sa
r>
M
Tu
W
Th
Fr
Sa
D
M
Tu
W
Th
Fr
Sa
D
M
Tu
W
Th
Fr
Sa
D
M
Tu
W
Th
Sun's
dec S. Pi-
Sun Sun
rises sets.
10
11
12
13
14
15
15
16
17
18
19
19
20
21
21
22
23
23
24
24
25
25
25J4
Moon
sets.
5 27,
rises.
5 36
6 31
7 27
8 24
9 21
10 18
11 14
morn.
10
1
2
3
4
5
6
sets,
6 12
7 21
8 31
9 41
10 50
11 59
morn..
1 6
2 12
3 17
4 19
5 18
6 12
H.W.
N.'Y.
H. M.
7 15
8 7
8 52
9 34-
10 15
10 53
11 29
6 33
7 24
8 6
8 51
9 34
10 18
11 2
11 47
morn.
34
25
21
24
37
51
6 56
7 50
FARM WORK FOR NOVEMBER.
Prepare for winter quarters now
with all your might. Put the children
to their winter's school, and see that
you have a good master, good disci-
pline, good books, and attractive rooms,
well warmed and well aired. If you
expect good cattle, you first look for
good calves ; and if you wish good men
and women, you, must first secure
good children. Repair all the barns
and sheds so as to exclude wind, rain
and snow. Take off the cattle from
the meadows in time to prevent injury
to the tuff. Soon as the grass is much
injured by frost, take off all the stock,
FARM WORK FOR DECEMBER.
All cattle now require increased at-
tention. Tis a practice with some, to
j ust keep their stock through the win-
ter and let them do their thriving in
summer. This is bad policy, or rather
no policy at all. Half the age of stock
is thus thrown away. They may be
gaining as rapidly in winter as in sum-
mer, if provided with shelter and ap-
propriate food. Ashes, chareoal and
lime, should be placed around the
trunks of fruit trees. The first will
kill the worms and insects harboring
'
about the roots, and prevent the mice
burrowing around the bark.
4&*>fct «k«* % *i »

11. STRAINING AT GNATS AND SWALLOWING CAMELS.
It will take the light of eternity to reveal all the influences that have
wrought the above degeneracy in the Presbyterian church. In the provi-
dence of God, however, some of her sins in this thing are " open beforehand
going to judgment." One of them is at hand. It will be interesting and
instructive, probably, to all religious brokers and stock-jobbers in the man-
trade. It is as follows: At the meeting of the General Assembly, at Pitts-
burg, in 1836, the Trustees of the funds of the church reported respecting the
successful operation they had lately made, to increase the revenues of the
church, by a sale of certain northern securities, and the investment of the
proceeds in bank stock at Vicksburgh and Grand Gulf. One transaction was
dwelt upon with great interest : among the stocks so transferred, were a
number of shares in the Hackensack Bridge Company, N. J., concerning
which the consciences of the pious had long been troubled, from the circum-
stance that the bridge was a thorough-fare for travelling on the Sabbath, and
a portion of the profits of this Sabbath profanation went into the treasury of
the Lord. So the trustees relieved the tender consciences, and removed the
scandal, by investing the funds in southern banks, to be used in buying the
new cotton.- fields of the south-west and stocking them with negroes : from
all which they anticipated a much larger income than a mere 6 per cent.
interest! Tne same year, these trustees and their southern friends
made stubborn and stout resistance to any action of the Assembly condemna-
tory of slavery.
Time rolled on. Four years after, in 1840, the Proceedings of the General
Assembly (Old School) contain a report of a committee on the funds of the
Church, the Hon. John Fine, chairman, which, though cautiously deficient in
specific data, contains the following significant paragraph :
" The committee regret that any previous Assembly should have approved
of the funds of the Church being invested in the stocks of distant banks,
with the expectation of receiving a larger income than 6 per cent, interest." The
report states that "for one or more years this expectation was realized. But
the Committee fear that some portion of these investments is now in extreme
hazard. It is plain that the Assembly would not, at the present time, recom-
mend a further investment of the Church funds in south-western backs. Is
it not worthy of the consideration of the trustees, whether it be not the part
of wisdom to sell the stocks of the unproductive banks as soon as it may be
judiciously done, and invest the proceeds in securities which are less fluc-
tuating and less hazardous."
May 27th, 1842, brought out a statement from the " Standing committee on
Finance," showing " the cost and estimated value of sundry stocks, and loss
thereon." The whole cost of the stocks named, was $136,339. For some
of these stocks a handsome premium was paid at the time of purchase,
amounting in all to $11,331. The whole loss, as estimated in 1842, was
$89,634. The following table shows for what the premiums were mostly
paid, and where most of the losses were.
No. of
Shares.
100,
200,
10,
200,
150,
100,
100,
Planters' Bank of Mississippi,
Agricultural Bank of do.,
Grand Gulf Bank of do.,
Planters' Bank of Tennessee,
Union Bank of do.,
Bank of Mobile,
Bank of Louisville,
Estimated
Cost. Premium. Loss.
$11,077,62 $1,077,62 $10,827,62
23,700,76 3,701,76 21,701,76
992,00 942,00
22,106,25 2,106,25 16,106,25
15,262,50 262.50 11,062,50
11,027,50 1,027,50 3,527,50
10,526,25 526,25 4,726,25
$94,692,88 $8,701,88 $68,893,88
From this it appears that the Church paid nearly the whole of her premi-
ums for, and realized nearly the whole of her losses from, the stocks of those
south-western banks, that were to pay such a handsome income over 6 per
cent, interest, and were to earn it almost wholly in the cotton and negro

12. speculation of the time. What a delightful piece of pious financiering it was,
to take the funds from the Hackensack Bridge Company, and the like, for
conscience sake, and invest them where, besides yielding more than lawful
interest, they would go to stimulate the trade in souls and blood ! Thank
Heaven, " the biters were bitten." We fear they will meet an account at the
day of judgment, not so easily settled as this. As God is true, if they repent
not, chained, tortured, sold, and murdered men and women will meet them
there, and ask redress. Brokers of men, how will you meet them ?
HOW THE MAN-TRADE WAS DRIVEN AT THE TIME THE
GENERAL ASSEMBLY FUNDS WERE LOST,
In January, 1840, a correspondent of the United States Gazette, who signed
himself Spectator, and whose accuracy the editor vouched for, gave an im-
pressive account of the course of events in Mississippi, in those palmy days
of negro speculation, that were to bring such revenues to the Presbyterian
Church. He said
:
u In the fall of 1835, shfc'es, in great multitudes, were driven to the State,
quadrupling any previous year. The demand abroad advanced the price.
The competition forced the traders to give from twelve to fifteen months'
time, adding ten per cent, interest. So soon as the planter learned he could
purchase on time, by bills on New Orleans, he bought liberally. The traders
soon sold all they had, returned home with the accepted bills, cashed them in
Banks, and not only embarked in it again more largely themselves, but induced
their friends and acquaintances also to embark in it. Every corner of the Slave-
holding States was now ransacked, and every dwelling visited by the trader.
Prices advanced higher and higher. The fall of 1836 is a time long to be remem-
bered. All the public highways to Mississippi became lined—yea, literally
crowded—with slaves. When they arrived, the immense number (swelling
to rise of 40,000) made the callous hearts of all the traders ache. They pitched
their tents upon the brow of every hill surrounding each town and village
in the State, awaiting the call of purchasers. None came. The winter of
1837 approached, and but few, very few sales were yet effected. At last they
advertised they would give one and two years' time, by bills on New Orleans,
adding ten percent, interest discount.
" The terms were accepted by the planters, and many were induced to
purchase a second, and even a third supply at from $1200 to $1800 each. All
the slaves were soon sold. But by this time the merchants began to give
way. Nearly all the bills made by the planters in the fall of 1835 and spring
of 1836, at from twelve to fifteen months' time, were protested for non-pay-
ment. The bills for the whole of the purchases in the winter and spring of
1837 were protested for non-acceptance. The negro speculators became
alarmed. They went to work in February and March, and in three months'
time had secured their debts by deeds in trust and mortgages upon nearly the
whole property of the State, in three years, the slave population of Missis-
sippi increased from 70.000 to 160,000 slaves ! at an average cost of at least
$1000 each! making the debt for slaves alone, in three years, swell to
$90,000,000 ! ! From 1833 to 1837, cotton bore an exorbitantly high price.
This, together with the increased force, induced the planter to direct all his
energy to its cultivation, relying upon purchasing every article of consump-
tion. He neglected to raise his corn and pork 5 he had to purchase more
mules, horses and ploughs, open more lands, and increased his bills with the
merchants, whom he totally neglected to pay. When the crash came, in May,
1838, all the paper held against the planters by the merchants, or nearly all, was
transferred to the banks, or sued upon by the merchants. The crowd of busi-
ness in the different Courts delayed j udgment, and when judgment was at last
obtained, the sheriffs and marshals could find nothing, scarcely, to levy upon.
Bankruptcy and ruin among some of the merchants were inevitable ; and in
their fall they crushed the banks. The negro-traders stood by with cold indiffer-
ence, and beheld towns depopulated and large plantation after large plantation
laid waste, growing up with thorns and briars, without feeling one pang of

13. results. Is the Bible in favor of such things—of ignorance, vice, and wretch-
edness—of falsehood, and debauchery, and murder—in favor of wielding the
powers of civil government to encourage and protect the wrong-doer— and to
drive the poor, the helpless, the friendless to desperation ? Such is the ques-
tion which is often gravely, and sometimes triumphantly, urged on our atten-
tion by advocates of slavery, and even by some of the professed interpreters of
the Scriptures !
To insinuate that the Bible is in favor of such things as are essential to
slavery—that it gives them the least countenance or quarter—or, that its max-
ims, and doctrines, and examples are at all consistent with them, is to utter
absurdities and blasphemies, from which infidelity itself, unless steeped to
the core in hypocrisy, must recoil. Why, what more could the most impu-
dent and malignant Atheism attempt for the subversion of Christianity ? If
the Bible is in favor of such things as slavery consists in, no man can believe
that it is the work of Wisdom and Goodness—that it is the record of Truth
and Love. He may pretend and profess what he will, and support himself
with all the sophistry which cunning itself can furnish. It is not in human
nature, however bribed, or however tortured, to swallow such contradictions.
What ! truth in Heaven authorize falsehood upon the earth ! —Love in Heaven
authorize hatred upon the earth!—Equity and holiness in Heaven authorize
stealing, adultery, and murder upon the earth. Hume, and Voltaire, and
Paine, must, as the advocates of infidelity, yield the palm at once to such as
make the Bible the bulwark of slavery, or derive a single weapon for its de-
fence from the armory of Heaven,
The Bible in favor of slavery! Do but study a little its leading maxims
—
its comprehensive precepts—its characteristic doctrines. It requires you to
recognize in every human creature, though a- stranger or an enemy, a neigh-
bor, a brother, another self, whom you are to love and honor accordingly. It
requires you to work with your own hands in making provision for your ne-
cessities, and assisting the destitute and helpless. Tasks commonly described as I
menial and repulsive, it requires you to honor as the means of usefulness and
blessedness —it requires you to enter deeply into the sufferings of the outraged ;
and the forlorn—of the persecuted and the friendless—putting yourself in their !
place—reckoning the results and injuries to which they are exposed to your
own account, and exerting yourself accordingly. It assures you, that in the
j
day of final retribution, you shall rise to Heaven or sink to Hell, as you have
been true or false to the claims of a world-embracing philanthropy — especially
as you have consented or refused to exert yourself for the relief of the victims
of want, disease, and oppression. The Bible the bulwark of slavery ! —The
armory whence it may derive its w-eapons of annoyance or defence ! —Why,
in those very passages to which cunning and cruel men refer in defence of
slavery, the master, the employer, is required to maintain his relations to the
servants he employs, justly and equitably—to act on the j-rinciples of
the Divine Government. The Apostle Paul in the very letter in which
many thoughtless creatures assert that he lent his countenance and support
to slavery, gives us all distinctly to understand, that instead of entreating, he
might justly have required Philemon to treat Gnesimus every way as his
equal. In the Corinthian Church, he-forbids the most menial of its mem-
bers to be " the servants of men" whoever might attempt to reduce them to folly
—might urge upon them such demands as were inconsistent with the Chris-
tian profession. The Bible is everywhere in this matter at one with itself.
To every seeing eye and true heart—to every manly spirit, this is evident
enough.
The Bible in favor of slavery ! Why, with minute particularity and fright-
ful emphasis, it condemns, and denounces, and execrates every element and
feature of slavery.—Can it justify as a whole what it condemns in detail ? That
is not the way of the Bible So indeed they acknowledge who affirm that it will
ultimately effect the abolition of slavery. It does not support to-day what it
will overthrow to-morrow! If the Bible is, as most men profess to believe,
hereafter to root up every form of slavery, it must do so by virtue of its char-
acteristic principles—it must do so by virtue of its inherent and determined

14. opposition to slavery. Can it be expected to extirpate what it regards, with
indulgence or complacency. To expect, then, the abolition of slavery from
its influence, must be to admit what this paper asserts, that it is now totally
and irreconcilably inconsistent with slavery 5—its maxims, and doctrines, and
examples are in deadly confliet with if.
Am I my Brother's Keeper?
But however bad and hurtful—however wicked and destructive slavery
may be, it is-, we are often told, none of their business who are beyond its influ-
ence—who live where it does not exist. Beyond its influence! —where is
that 1 Are not all human hearts united in indissoluble fellowship ? Is not
every man a member of the- family to which I belong?. Are- we not mutually
affected by the characters we maintain—by the1
condition in which We maybe
placed ? Can he suffer wrong and I escape with impunity 1 If slavery exists
anywhere in the human family, we cannot be beyond its influence. If it is
the business of one man, it must be the business- of all men. Whatever
touches humanity, touches every partaker of humanity.
What ! bound "to- preach the- Gospel to- every creature/5 '
and is slavery
none of our business % The slave- is entitled to receive what we are
bound to impart. The law oflove was designed for his benefit as well as for
ours; and we are bound to exert ourselves to bring- hinrunder its protection
—
to secure for him all the heavenly influence it is adapted to exest. This clear-
ly is the voice of nature and the demand of the Gospel. How can we yield
to such wants and listen to this voice, while we treat his wants and woes as
none of our business?
We sustain to him specific antf significant relations. In the ecclesiastical,
political, and economical spheres, we are bound to him by special ties. We
are in various ways able to exert a controllings influence over the absurd and
destructive arrangements by which he is crushed. We may plead his cause,
not only impressively, but authoritatively. We may exert ourselves effect-
ively for his deliverance. Can such a matter benone of ovjc business?
Slavery in various ways is a manifest and deadly injury to us. It wastes
our substance, assails our reputation, reduces our strength, involves us in
danger, neutralizes- our influence, counteracts every way the great design
of our existence. It threatens us with utter and irremediable ruin; If it is
none of our business,, what business have we1
in this world ?
M<)R>Ali SUA-SIOKv
Is not this the Alpliw ami Ornegw of the dnti- Slavery enterprise? Moral
suasion is undoubtedly good ;
—but for what ? It is hardly " worth while"
to persuade, merely to produce persuasion. Persuasion is a means to an
end. Of course it derives, in every case-,. its significance from, the objects
to which it looks. An. earnest soulwill care very little for any form of moral
suasion, which has nothing to do with the Active Faculty. If you try to
1 convince and pursuadehira, he will demand as a condition of listening to you,
that as the result of your argument, you- propose something to be done, and
something worthy of his high destiny and solemn responsibilities. It is, doubt-
less, important to convince people that slavery is wrong and ruinous. But
why 1 Surely not that they may rest in any such convietion. What good sould
that do ? They- must be persuaded of the evil of slavery, that they may exert
themselves for its abolition. But where ? Wherever they can reach it
through the relations they sustain. In every sphere where they have any re-
sponsibilities- to- honor, they must,, if slavery there produces its snaky tongue,
assail the monster. It may seek a refuge in the sanctuary, the ballot-box, or
the exchange. If they do not try to bruise its head wherever it emits its poi-
sonous breath, moral suasion has done them, little good. It needs itself to be
persuaded.
But all this some professed abolitionists seem to deprecate. Such a course,
they affirm, would remove us from the " Anti-Slavery Platform."—But,
what was the stuff the said platform was made of? Were we not drawn to-
gether by the attractive power of certain principles ? Did we not swear alle-

15. giance one and all to these as a manifestation of the Godhead ? Were we not
thus brought to clasp hands and unite hearts in the Anti-Slavery enterprise ?
Could we pledge ourselves to confine the application of these principle within
any specified limits—4© any specified objects or modes of execution ? Any
such engagement must have been totally and glaringly inconsistent with the
regard we professed for the organic principles which bound us together. We
might as well have pledged ourselves to each other, that as abolitionists, we
would not obey the law of progress. We must in that case have formed an
absurd and wicked conspiracy against all that is true, and sacred, and venerable.
The principles of our organization are, of course, the basis of our enterprise
—
they furnish the only platform on which we could ever stand for a single mo-
ment. To refuse to give these principles any natural application in whatever
direction, must be to depart from the Anti- Slavery platform. It must be to
renounce the objects which the Anti-Slavery enterprise was designed to pro-
mote,
Political Action.
We are in politics, as everywhere else, to act in character. Here, as every-
where else, our activity is to be a fair expression of our principles. We can-
not otherwise maintain our integrity and power—cannot otherwise exert upon
mankind a healthful influence. Through our political responsibilities, we are
to confer upon the world substantial benefits, or to inflict upon it heavy inju-
ries. The cause of freedom, especially, cannot but be affected well or ill by our
aims and activity nere.
In our political sphere, slavery claims to be at home. Here, it publishes
its maxinas, and sets up its pretensions, and defines it position, and shapes its
arrangements, and enacts its laws—labors by night and by day, cunningly
and unweariedly, to fortify itself. Here, it multiplies its victims, and tries
hard to legalize absurdities which shock credulity itself, and outrages which
no form ofpatience, however trained and tried, can endure. If even three true
men meet each other in the political sphere, alive, as they must be, to the
claims of freedom, and hostile as they must be to every form of slavery, how
can they help forming a Liberty Party ? Are they not such in principles,
aim, and. spirit % Are they not such in the convictions, affections, and pur-
poses they cherish ? Such are they not in everything distinctive in their
characters ? How can they be anything else, then, in their plans, methods, and
exertions ? If they are united in aim, principles, and spirit, can they as
sincere men, be other than one Mi expresshig themselves, in their activity ? As
they are a Liberty Party at hearty must they not in head and hand also be a
Liberty Party ?
Can such men, whether few or many, be expected to choose parties pledged
to the support of slavery as their coadjutors ? To act with them ? Such in-
quiries imply a contradiction flat and strong enough to suffocate anybody
who may attempt to swallow it. What sort of an opposition to slavery
should we be likely to make in alliance with its cunning and determined sup-
porters •? In alliance with those who require us to go with them in raising
to the high places of the Republic, candidates who defend and practise slavery
—who go the length ef maintaining, that long persistence in it" sanctions and
sanctifies it?"
THE LIBERTY PARTY.]
Why is SE needed ? What are its objects ? What are its principles ? WJiat
are its measures ? What are its prospects S
Answer.
1 It rs needeb, because there are three millions of Slaves in our boasted
Republic, held in the most abject and degrading bondage by the combined
strength of the entire nation ; involving our whole country in the guilt and
disgrace of a system that outrages humanity, insults God, corrupts morality,
destroys industry, and reduces the first principles of human liberty and free
government to idle abstractions.

16. au^-'aaa
It is needed, because the National Government, under all its successive
administrations, has been unrighteously wielded for the support of this inhu-
man and anti-republican system. It is needed, because the Executive,
Judiciary, Legislative, Diplomatic, Military ard Naval powers of the Union
are become the mere drudges and tools of the slaveholders, who are less than
250.000 in number, yet control our seventeen millions of inhabitants, and
in such a manner as, from time to time, may best cripple the energies of!
the free States, and strengthen the slave system. It is needed, because there !
is no other political party in the United States that does not calculate upon j
the support of slaveholders, and, for that cause, refuse to take direct action
j
against slavery, and in fact, do its bidding, by supporting slaveholders for the i
highest offices in the nation. It is needed, because no moral suasion can'
retain moral power that is wielded by those whose political power is wielded j
in an opposite direction. It is needed, because slavebolding exists in this j
country as a political institution, and must be overthrown by political action ;
and because the abolition of slavery, whenever and wherever it takes place, is
simply the repeal of the slave laws. It is needed, because Liberty and Slavery-
are opposites, and cannot live together in the same country for any great
length of time ; and passing events show that the liberties of the whole coun-
try will speedily be lost, unless the slave system is abolished. m
2. The objects of the Liberty Party, are " the abolition of slavery by
moral and political action, as prescribed in the Constitution of the United
States,"—and the administration of the Government in accordance with the
spirit of the Constitution, as set forth in its Preamble, and in the Declaration
of American Independence, applying the doctrine of equal and inalienable
human rights to the solution of" all questions naturally arising in the direction
of public affairs, and within the constitutional limits of legislative, executive,
and judicial action.
3. The Principles of the Liberty Party, (as already implied) are those of
our great National Charter—" that all men are created equal, and are endowed
by their Creator with certain inalienable rights, among which are life, liberty,
and the pursuit of happiness,"—" That for the security of these rights,
governments are instituted among men, deriving their just powers," (under
God) " from the consent of the governed," irrespective of color or caste :
—
" That it is always safe and wise to do right—and always unwise and unsafe
to do wrong."
4. The Measures of the Liberty Party, corresponding with its objects and
its principles, will bear directly upon the removal of the abuses on account of
which it is needed All the Constitutional powers of the Government it will
wield for the abolition of slavery, instead of wielding them for its support.
The power of the national government over slavery in the District of Colum-
bia, Territories, and inter- State slavetrade admits of no National question.
Here then, undoubtedly, and at once, the Liberty Party, in power,, would
decisively act. In many other ways, and particularly by withholding all
offices within the gift of the national government from slaveholders, it could
act in opposition to slavery in a way against which no Constitutional objec-
tions could be made. Add to this, the fact that many reflecting and inquiring
minds, (in and out of the Liberty Party) are beginning to call in question, if
not wholly to deny, the legality and constitutionality of slavery in any part
of the United States, and it is evident that the Liberty Party, when in power,
will not be at a loss for Constitutional measures for affecting its chief and
paramount object. And in all minor objects, the same principles will furnish
it with a sure guide.
5. The Prospects of the Liberty Party are identified, therefore, with the
prospects of the abolition of slavery, the preservation of civil liberty, and the
use of civil government in this country, for the objects for which it was
instituted among men.
What prospects are there then, do you think, dear reader, that the enterprise
will succeed 1 What prospect is there, that you and your neighbors will lend,
your aid and co-operation ?

17. IS SLAVERY CONSTITUTIONAL ?
This question is comparatively a new one, with the greater part of
abolitionists themselves. And therefore it will be interesting to know the
argument of those who contend that slavery is unconstitutional. There is
no harm in free discussion, but ^nuch good. The reader of the anti-slavery
Almanac may be pleased to read some hints which will be useful to all who
would impartially examine the question.
We have all been educated in the belief that slavery in the States is not
incompatible with the national Constitution. But it should be remembered
that all our constitutional expositions have been given us by those who have
only re-echoed the sentiments of the slaveholders themselves.
Another remarkable fact is, that the argument in favor of constitutional
slavery is never framed in accordance, either with the Spirit of the Constitu-
tion, nor yet with the principle of Strict Construction, making out the whole
argument by either one of these standards. Instead of this, the argument runs
backwards and forwards, first insisting on strict construction and then, for want
of the words and phrases needed, running back upon supposed intentions, but
leaving wholly out of sight the declared intentions of the document itself in
its Preamble. So, that the result is reached, neither by following the strict
letter nor yet the living spirit of the Constitution—but by a sort of dodging,
hide-aRd-seek evolution between the two.
And still another circumstance should modify, somewhat, an over confident
assumption that the ordinary construction is the correct one. While most
persons readily reject the doctrine that slavery in the States is unconstitu-
tional, they almost as readily affirm that which is difficult to be distinguished
(when carefully considered) from a denial of its constitutionality. For
example, all men will say that the spirit of the Constitution is to be known
by its Preamble, and that this spirit is the same as that which pervades the
Declaration of Independence, by which our government came into being.
All reasonable men will say, likewise, that there can be nothing more directly
and manifestly repugnant to the Declaration of Independence, and to the Pre-
amble of the Constitution, than is the slave system. Now it deserves inquiry,
how far this almost universal concession falls short of -amounting to a conces-
sion that slavery is unconstitutional, when tested by the spirit of that instru-
ment? Can that be constitutional which is hostile to the Constitution'?
And if slavery be hostile to the Constitution, hew can it appear that the
Constitution is not hostile to slavery? As they are both "political institu-
tions,"" how can they both stand together if they be opposites ?
'
And if a resort be had to the strict dead letter construction (instead of the
spirit), how stands the case then? Why, not a word or syllable concerning
slaves or slavery, or correctly describing them, appears in the document!
No exception, therefore, is made to the declared intent in the Preamble to
" establish justice" and " secure the blessings of liberty,"—the meaning of
which (either by the " spirit" or by the " strict letter") can admit of no ques-
j
tion.
The " supposed intentions" of the framers, to provide for returning fugitive
slaves, &c, &c, is, however, urged in this place. But can their supposed
intentions which they did not express, (and of which the people adopting the
Constitution knew nothing), do away and nullify the intentions expressed in the
Preamble? Shall the minor object, supposed to be held by the framers, set
aside the gi-and declared object of the instrument itself? And besides, the
Madison papers tell us expressly, that the clause concerning " persons held
to service and labor," was first written "
servitude" But " on -motion of Mr.
Randolph, the word servitude was struck out, and the word service unani-
mously inserted, the former being thought to express the condition of slaves,
and the latter the obligation offree persons."—Vol. iii., p. 1569
By the strict letter and living spirit of the Constitution, " the United States
shall guaranty to every State in this Union, a republican form of government,"
"no State shall pass any bill of attainder" or "laws impairing the obligation
of contracts," and " no person shall be deprived of life, liberty, or property,"
(says an amendment), " without due process of law."—And " Congress shall have

18. power'''—"to make all laws which shall be necessary and proper for carrying
into execution all the foregoing powers."
According to the definitions of republican government by Jefferson and
Madison, no slaveholding State can he a republic. Slavery is extinct when-
ever the State " bills of attainder" and " laws impairing the obligation of con-
tracts" are set aside as unconstitutional. And where are the slaves in the
natron who were deprived of liberty by "due process of law?'r
This latter
provision being an amendment, like the codicil to a Will, repeals and annuls
whatever in the original instrument, might have conflicted with it.
And more than all this. The original thirteen States abolished slavery by
their Declaration of Independence, July 4, 1776, and the declaration, never
repudiated or repealed, is still binding, and constitutes the basis of our con-
stitutional law. The Courts in Massachusetts, declared slavery illegal in
that State, on account of the declaration that all men are born equal.* And
slavery in all the States rests upon the same legal grounds. The lack of
judicial decisions to that effeet in those States, does not make slavery legal
there, any more than the lack of such a decision in England, prior to the
decision of Lord Mansfield in the case of John Somerset, in' 1772, made
slavery constitutional in England up to that time, which the decision
affirmed it had not been.
If the government, established by the Federal Constitution cannot abolish
slavery, then it can neither " establish justice, ensure domestic tranquility,
provide for the common defense, promote the general welfare, nor secure the
blessings of liberty to ourselves and our posterity." It can accomplish no
one of the declared objects of its organization. More than ail this. If the
Constitution be not against slavery, then it is in its favorr and consequently
in favor of subverting the liberties of the people, by subjecting them to the
slave power. It cannot be neutral, and the national government cannot help
sustaining slavery or else acting against it.
Such are some of the views and sentiments that a portion of the people
are beginning to entertain. Do they not deserve the careful attention of all
who take an interest in the national welfare 1 Should not the members of
the Liberty Partv, in particular, examine the subject attentively ?
W. G.
DISSOLUTION OF THE UNION,
Among the earnest friends of civil liberty, there are a few who seem to
despair of ever succeeding in the enterprise of bringing the National Govern-
ment under the influence of the principles of the Declaration of Independence,
and so they are in favor of the dissolution of the Union. They either think
that the Constitution is a compromise in favor of slavery, or else (nearly or
quite the same thing), that it does not clothe Congress with any efficient
powers for the overthrow of the slave system. They say—and truly enough
—that the liberties of the North will be sacrificed, if we continue to remain
subservient as we have been, to the slave power. And they urge (what no
intelligent friend of human liberty will deny), that the end ought not to be
sacrificed, for the preservation of the means—and that the Constitution and
the Union ought not to be preserved at the expense of the liberties of the people,
which they were designed to secure. Theannexation of Texasr
which they think
to be inevitable, they consider such a violation of the Constitution as releases
us from its obligations, and they look forward with dismay, to the time when
the new States formed out of Texas, will so completely throw the national
government into the hands of the slaveholders, that the North, though united,
will find itself in the minority, and unable to move.
Though this view is not held, to any great extent, in the Liberty Party,
yet it is urged on their attention by strong-minded men., and the tendency is
to discourage anyfurtheiattempts to preserve the Constitution and the Union,
* Such is the phraseology of the Massachusetts Bill of Eights, hut the word " created" is
more properly used in the Declaration of Jnclependence.

19. by placing the administration of the general government in right hands. Let
us look, then, for a moment, at the brighter side of the picture.
Texas is not yet, quite annexed. And the good Providence of God, smiling
on human vigilance, may yet defeat that wicked measure. But if it takes
place, some time at least, must elapse, before the increased population of
Texas will materially strengthen the slave power in the national government.
" Sufficient to the day is the evil thereof." While the free States have the
power, it is their duty to wield it, and they should be urged to the performance
of that duty, and not to a premature retreat from it. " While there is life,
there is hope." When the free States shall have become abolitionized enough
to " dissolve the Union" on account of slavery, they will have become abolition-
ized enough to wield the government for the overthrow of slavery, unless
(which is not probable) they should be out-voted by the slave States, and then
it would be in time to withdraw. Until then, it is our business to seek the
overthrow of slavery, " by moral and political action as prescribed by the Constitu-
tion of the United States." This was the work the Abolitionists originally
undertook, and they ought not to be disheartened in their work. Perhaps it
will be found, on examination, that the Constitution contains no compromises
with slavery, but arms the national government against it. A dissolution of
the Union, now, would not be a division of liberty from freedom. The strong-
holds of pro-slavery sentiment and feeling are here, in the free States.
As the annexation of Texas is unconstitutional, the same disposition and
power in the free States to repel that wicked measure, which would be
necessary to " dissolve the Union," would be equally available to vote Texas
out of the Union, so long as the majority of votes is cast by the free States.
A dissolution of the Union, as a substitute for the abolition of slavery, would
be treachery to the anti-«lavery cause ; and a dissolution of the Union as a
means of abolishing slavery, is too sanguinary and bloody a method for men
of peace, while any other measure can be used. The slaves might indeed,
free themselves by an insurrection, in that case, but it would be at the expense
of oceans of blood.
A political dissolution of the Union (while the free States hold the power)
should no more be regarded as an anti-slavery measure, than is an ecclesiastical
division, on Mason & Dixon's line, in the Methodist Episcopal Church. Ifeither
ecclesiastics or politicians, to get^id of the agitating subject, see fit to divide,
rather than abolish slavery, let the responsibility rest upon themselves.
Our obligations to remain in a Union with the South, should be estimated
in the light of our connection with our crushed brethren in bonds, together
with the non-slaveholding whites—the majority of our " Southern brethren"
in distinction from the petty oligarchy that unlawfully crushes them.
Their case we are bound to make our own. We have no moral right (were
it possible) to slip our own necks out of the yoke, and leave them in their chains
;
especially since we are guilty of having so long assisted in their enslavement.
The non-slaveholding States can no more rid themselves of the guilt of:
American slavery, by " dissolving the Union" than the controlling partner in j
the ownership Qf a slave ship, or of a slave plantation, can wash his hands in j
innocency, by selling out his stock, or by making it a present to his partner
!
For the North, while holding a controlling power over slavery, to dissolve the
Union without abolishing slavery, would only be the sealing of her own con-
demnation in the sight of God, of posterity, and of the whole civilized world.
To preserve the Union by the abolition of slavery, to administer the Govern-
ment righteously, and not to abdicate or disband it, should be the work of a
free people- This work, the Liberty Party has undertaken. Her flag is
at the mast head, with the motto—*• DorCt give up the Ship!" Here let us
rally, and "work while the day lasts." "And let us not be weary in well
doing, for in due season we shall reap, if we faint not."
BANKS, TARIFFS, etc.
The Liberty party contends and goes for the manhood of every human
being in this Republic of whatever color or condition, ivhenever, wherever, and
however assailed, whether in the crushed slave of South Carolina—the man .

20. (
' "T "n' l
-- I - mi i i i fr r rw.m . r i -»- .i I 1 i«nrmr,.„i
jM - - -- --
_—
held as property till twenty-five, as the son of a slave, in New Jersey—the non*
voting colored man of Pennsylvania and New York—in the negro-pew—in
the school, or the college—in the rail-road car, or in the steamboat— in the
withholding labor in a store, or mechanic's shop from colored men—in all
these we go for that centre right, that equal right, that the black man's dollar
shall go just as far as the white man's. We go for the ruined three millions
of white men of the Slave States undone for the want of the wages of respected
labor, annihilated, covered with rags, no schools, ignorance so thick that, like
Egypt's darkness, it may be felt, abject', labor despised as a slave's matter.
Six millions, three white and three colored of human beings, one third of the
men of the Republic, victims of this dreadful desolation of a nation's best
hopes—three millions of slaves at labor, make three millions of slaves without
labor—three millions destroyed by working for nothing, causes three millions
more to pine in poverty and ignorance, their souls crushed by believing that
white men who have nothing can be respectably miserable, only by doing
nothing, for which they are paid nothing
!
- .
Yet, with all these facts and ten thousand more staring us in the face, we
mean as a Liberty Party not to divert or distract our attention with Tariffs
or Free Trade, Banks or Sub-Treasuries, with Corporations sole or aggregate,
with Peace or War. Whether it is best to have a navy for war, or sink it as a
means of peace, whether the recruiting sergeant's or schoolmaster's wages be
increased, whether we should refuse to open our ports to the slave products
of Brazil and Spain, or shut them Out, whether we should sell or give away
our public lands, whether we should use the funds of the nation, or leave it to
the States to improve river navigation and make harbors on the great lakes,
whether we should compel parents to send their children to school or leave
them to do as they please, whether we should abolish the Cadet School, at
West Point, or not, or make a rail-road to the mouth of Columbia or not,
whether we should abolish imposts for revenue, and raise the expenses of the
General Government by direct taxation or not, whether we should prohibit,
by act of Congress, the importation from abroad, of all alcoholic liquors, and
i prevent their manufacture at home, or leave it as before, and hundreds of other
j
questions may arise, which the Liberty Party will not undertake before they
j
have power to make their position respected, to settle one way or the other,
! as a party, but will leave each person to judge for himself as he thinks right.
But if the Liberty Party acquire power, in Congress or a State Legislature,
j
so as to be responsible for the action of the Government, either state or
j
national, the first business will be to overthrow slavery, in every form, in
j
which it may be reached, and restore all men to their rights as far as our
jurisdiction extends, then if any of the foregoing questions, or others come up
;
for consideration and decision, the Liberty-Party Congress or State Legisla-
|
ture will decide upon rendered reasons, what they believe to be just and right
!
and that integrity and nobility of soul, which would cut up slavery, root and
i
branch : would do right or endeavor so to do, on these other questions, and if
i
they saw, in the progress of time they were in an error, they would have the
i
moral courage to retreat and do right. Therefore it would be a silly waste of
time, to take up any of these questions now, and throw them into our Con-
ventions to distract us ; for when slavery is abolished, we shall find- the great
disturbing cause of our differences is gone, and we shall have but little to contend
about. Most of the controversies in this country of a political character
—
our Embargo, Non-intercourse Acts, Declaration of War against England
and the manner in which it was conducted, our Foreign Relations, Domestic
Expenditures, the controversies between Tariff for Protection, and Tariff for
Revenue—have grown out of this great cause of eternal envy and disturbance,
Free and Slave Labor. A. S.
" ONE IDEA PARTY."
Behold this picture ! Both Whig and Democrat believe the great object of
!
government and its main design is to make dollars by Tariffs, Banks, Sub-
I Treasuries, Free Trade, Corporations, Monopolies. Canals, Rail-roads, and by
|
obtaining the money paid for governmental jobs in the shape of salaried offi-

21. ces, and in expending thirteen millions annually on the sea and land, by the
army and navy, to keep three millions of slaves from insurrection at home,
and other nations from invading the assailable land of unpaid and whip-
extorted labor in the South.
The Liberty Party, the great One Idea Party, believe that a Republican
Government is made to protect and defend every human being in the enjoy-
ment of his natural rights, Of life, liberty, safety and happiness, and give wages
to all, education to all, toleration to all, protection to all—the man first, his
clothing afterwards ; the man first, his mode of transportation afterwards; the
man first, and currency afterwards ; the man first, and all human contingencies
afterwards.
The party who loves and respects the man, white, black, brown, or red, will
see that he is fed, clothed, and furnished, and justice done his natural wants,
because he is a man, and a man needs them. But the Whig and Democratic i
Parties act as strangely as if they saw a man fall into the River—his hat falls
one way, his great coat another, his pack another; these old parties cry out
Save that hat ! Oh, save that great coat or it will be lost ! Oh, save that
pack, or it will sink for ever. The Whigs and Democrats put out their skiffs I
and scull for the coat, the hat and the pack; the Liberty Party cry, Oh save
the sinking man ! and put out with their skiffs, and, by his locks, they save the
drowning man; and will then look for the hat, coat and pack, because, as a
man, he needs them.
What is the gbeat hindrance in the mission fields to the esta-
blishment OF A PRACTICAL, PERMANENT GOSPEL 1
Anstver. Oppression. Oppression is modified slavery. In some of its
modifications, slavery exists in almost every heathen nation on earth.
But how does that state of society operate prejudicially to the establish-
ment of truth ? Anstver. Everyway. It requires the gospel to "bow down
and worship it." That is, oppressors say emphatically to missionaries, if not
in so many words, at least by plain implication, Oppose our daily practices
whence we derive our revenues, and we will oppose you. But lend your
countenance and toleration to this practice, and you shall share our smiles
and our patronage.
Examples in ancient times. The variety of religions introduced into Rome,
before the days of the Apostles, all bowed down to the civil authority, and
were all tolerated. When the Apostles preached Christ, a Prince and a
Saviour, and proclaimed their determination to obey God rather than men, both j
they and their religion were at once outlawed. " The kings of the earth did
set themselves, and the rulers took counsel together against the Lord, and
against his anointed," and under their authority, and supported by their
power, persecutions raged for centuries to such an extent, that the blood of
j
the Christians fattened the fields of their early labors. But after a time, the
doctrine of obeying God rather than men, was entirely given up ; indeed, was
reversed, and forthwith the civil authorities in the persons of Constantine
and his successors became the friends and patrons of this religion.
Modern examples. At the Sandwich Islands grievous oppression has long
been exercised by the Chiefs over the people. The missionaries say, " If we
had preached against oppression, and made the practice of it a bar to Church
membership, we should have been driven away." They did not preach
against it: they received the Chiefs to the bosom of the Church, and secured
their patronage. But an intelligent observer, friendly to the mission, says
that religion among the Islanders, is " without purity or virtue."
Among the Indians upon our borders slavery exists. The language of the
missionaries there, is, that " If we interfere with their slavery, they would
drive us from the country." They do not interfere with it, and slaveholders
among them are said to be their " most pious and devoted Church-members."
In our Southern slave States, no minister is tolerated who does not so con-
strue the gospel as to make it sustain slavery. It is so construed. The re-
sult is an immense mass of heathenism, worse in some respects, (according
to the showing of their own religious bodies,]^ than exists anywhere else

22. on earth; and every return of the census shows that this heathenism is
increasing more rapidly than in any other land under the whole heavens.
There are no half-truths in God's word. There are none but practical
truths there. The difficulty, then, in establishing a practical gospel, is simply
the difficulty in preaching the whole truth. Oppression everywhere demands
that the whole truth shall not be spoken. As far as that demand is complied
with, the practical nature of the gospel is impaired, its fine gold is dimmed-—
its purity and power diminished, and its permanency shaken.
OLD TINKEM OF TRENTON.
An extract from Alvan Stewart's argument before the Supreme Court of
New Jersey
:
" Slavery is a matter in invitum, and the party most interested can have no
voice in making a contract. To illustrate one of the abhorrent features ofthe
institution in the slave States, Mr. Stewart, adverting to one of the positions
of the opposite counsel, supposed the following case. An old man, said he,
whom we will call Tinkem, lived in Trenton, once upon a time, and not being
long for this world, called his ten sons around him and told them, ' My sons, I
have but little to give you of worldly property, and therefore, in order to start
the five oldest of you comfortably in this life, I give each of them one of their
five younger brothers, to be his property,—in other words, his slave, for life,
and his posterity after him. And you, the five youngest of my sons, must be the
slaves of your elder brothers. I do this in conformity with the usage of the
citizens of a large number of the States of this Union !' But the eldest son
says, '
Father, what are the rights and prerogatives which we shalj, in that
case, possess over our slave brothers V '
Oh,' says the old man, ' you will re-
duce them to chattels, or cattle,—living, breathing property,—that is all. It
is perfectly legal, and you will be protected in the enjoyment of your property
;
you are no longer to regard them as sentient beings ;
you are to deprive them
of all education, except the cart-whip instruction; you are to make them
know and feel that their every moment is to be regulated by your wish and
will, and that they are subject to be sold, and worked, husband apart from
wife, and wife from husband ; and their children from both* So, now, my
son, take your slaves and begone!' Now (continued Mr. Stewart), the story
of this horrible deed reaches the ears of the citizens of Trenton, and the sanc-
tums of its editors. A burst of indignation is the consequence. Everybody
and every press exclaims " Monster ! monster! monster !" with one voice. It
is taken up by the people, and the press of Philadelphia and New York, and
language grows weak, and imagination weary,in searching for fitting epithets,
in which to.condemn the foul and damning act of this heartless old villain, Tink-
em of Trenton ! Men come from a prodigious distance to get a sight of so much
moral deformity, existing in a single man. The phrenologists come to exa-
mine his craniologica! developments, wondering what manner of man-monstei
he can be ; and the whole nation rings with the story, and but one opinion is
expressed, everywhere, in public and in private,—and that of horror and aston-
ishment. But, your honors, pause in your honest outburst of indignation.
Old Tinkem stands excused, in view of the fact that not a week comes and
goes in the regions of the sunny south, that does not furnish a parallel to his
conduct. A slaveholding father there gives the children of his own body, by
his bond woman, to be slaves for life, to his children by his free-woman,—
I
mean his wife ! It is done in twelve states out of the six-and-twenty of which
this Union is composed, whenever the father wishes to endow his heir out of
his possessions. And this I hold to be slavery in the length and breadth of
its fiagitiousness ; it is yet but one phase of its abounding villainy. The pic-
turcis startling, frightful, revolting ; but it is neither overdrawn, nor too high-
ly colored.

23. THE PRESIDENCY OF THE UNITED STATES.
Of the fourteen presidential terms, now expired since the formation of the
government, eleven have been filled by slaveholders, one by a " northern man
with southern principles," and only two by northern men. The present in-
cumbent is a slaveholder, sworn fully to do his utmost to uphold, and even
extend the abomination.
During the twenty years, ending in 1832,. there were six presidential elec-
tions. In these, the south cast 608 electoral votes, but only 41 of them for
northern candidates. During the twenty years, ending in 1835, there were
five presidential elections, in which the south cast 515 electoral votes, only
11 of which were for northern candidates.
By holding the Presidency, slavery controls the cabinet, the diplomacy, the
army, and the navy of the country. The power that controls the Presidency
controls the nation.
THE VICE^PRESIDENCY AND SENATE.
The President exercises much of his power by and with the Senate. The
Senate is equally divided between the free and slave states. The Vice-Presi-
dent of the United States is ex-officio President of the Senate. As such, he
has the casting vote in all questions before that body. For the last twenty
years, with one exception, he has been a Slaveholder.
THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES,
The speaker of the House has the appointment of all committees, and of
course exerts an immense influence in this, as well as other ways, in the
legislation of the country. Since 1809, with two short exceptions, the speak-
ers have always been slaveholders'.
THE ARMY AND NAVY.
The free states generally have furnished the seamen and the soldiers; the
men to do the fighting and endure the hard knocks : but slavery has taken rare
to furnish southern men for officers. Northern men could not be trusted to look
after southern interests (which has of late been the principal employment of
the army and navyj so well as southern men can be. So the slave states sup-
ply all the generals and commodores, the colonels and captains, the lieu-
tenants and midshipmen. So the south, without commerce to protect, are
always anxious to increase the navy, as
-
it furnishes comfortable berths for so
many of her idle and helpless sons. For this reason, also, it is sometimes
found almost impossible to man our ships of war, because free sailors cannot
endure the treatment they receive from officers who have been accustomed to
command slaves-. .•*.
Of 1054 naval officers, New England has only 172.
Of the 68 commanders, New England has only 11
Of the 328 lieutenants, New England has only 59.
Of the 562 midshipmen, New England has only S2.
And New England owns nearly half the tonnage of the country !
DOTH NOT NATURE TEACH?
The Rev. C. C. Jones, who has made some noise within the last few years
in respect to the religious instruction of the slaves at the South, has a section
in his Catechism prepared for the " oral instruction," on the " duties of ser-
vants," in which is the following passage :
" Q. Is it right for the servant to rwn away, or is it right to harbor a runa-
way %
"A. No.
" Q. What did the apostle Paul to Onesimus, who was a runaway ? Did
he harbor him, or send him back to his master ?
"A. He sent him back to his master with a letter.
—
Philemon, vs. 1-25."
In his last (the 10th) annual report, respecting the efforts of himself and
'
otheis in this work, Mr. Jones informs us how the negroes appreciate this j
part of his instructions. He says :

24. "Allow me to relate a fact, which occurred the spring of this year, illus-
trative of the character and knowledge of the negroes at this time. I was
preaching to a large congregation on the Epistle to Philemon >• and when I
insisted upon fidelity and obedience as Christian virtues in servants, and upon
the authority of Paul, condemned the practice of running aioay, one half of
my audience deliberately rose up and walked off with themselves, and those
that remained looked anything but satisfied, either with the preacher or his
doctrine. After dismission, there was no small stir among them : some sol-
emnly declared '
that there was no such an epistle in the Bible ;'
others
'that it was not the gospel ;'
others, ' that I preached to please the masters |
others, ' that they did not care if they ever heard me preach again.' V
The negroes were evidently the better informed of the two. Nature is a
better expounder of the Bible, as well as of common honesty, than a slave-
holder. This is not the first time that Satan has found it convenient to
quote scripture to serve his purpose. And as Christ said, when the thing
was tried upon him, " Get behind me, Satan," so we do not wonder that na-
ture Itself should, in the present case, cry out upon such religion as a lie,
and turn from it with instinctive and indignant loathing.
THE PRESBYTERIAN CHURCH.
This body, in 1787, recommended it to all their people to use the most pru-
dent measures, consistent with the interests of the state of civil society in
the countries where they live, to procure eventually the final abolition of
slavery in America.
They re-afiirmed the same judgment in 1703. „
In 1794, the General Assembly adopted certain "scripture proofs and
notes" to the Confession of Faith. Note b. appended to a question of the
larger Catechism upon the eighth commandment, was as follows
:
" I, Tim. i., 10. The law is made for man-stealers. This crime, among the
Jews, exposed the perpetrators of it to capital punishment ; Ex. xxi., 16; and !
the apostle here classes them with sinners of the first rank. The word he I
uses, in its original import, comprehends all who are concerned in bringing j
any of the human race into slavery, or in retaining them in it. Hominwn
fures, qui servos vel liberos abdtbcunt, retinent, vendimt, vel emimt. Stealers of men
are all those who bring off slaves or freemen, and keep, sell, or buy them. 'To
steal a freeman,' says Grotius, 'is the highest kind of theft. In other instan-
ces, we only steal human property; but when we steal, or retain men in
slavery, we seize those who, in common with ourselves, are constituted,
by the original grant, lords of the earth.' Gen. i.
}
28. Vide Poll synopsin in
loc.
"
This remained as the judgment of the Church for some twenty years.
About the end of that period, a worthy abolitionist, who still lives, was
preaching in Virginia. In good set terms, and true Christian fidelity, he as-
sailed slaveholding, and insisted that slaveholders were men-stealers. Some
of his Presbyterian and ministerial brethren were greatly annoyed, and sought
to discipline him as a disorganizer. But to their surprise, he quoted not the
Bible only, but their own Confession against them, and they were, for the time,
obliged to stay proceedings. At once, however, they and their slaveholding
accomplices set themselves to getting the obnoxious note out of the Confes-
sion. They effected this, by characteristic maneuvering, in 1816. A minority
resisted and protested, and brought the subject up again the following year.
It was evident something must be done to cover the servile iniquity; and the
next year, the famous Declaration of 1818 was made. It served its purpose
admirably. Since that, slavery has nestled quietly and increased nicely in
the bosom of the Church, until, in 1845, the Old School Presbyterian church,
the lineal descendant in this thing of the Presbyterian church that was, has
even gone back from the ground of 1818, and now allows and justifies slavery
on principle and as a Bible institution.

25. OCCASIONS FOR ANTI-SLAVERY ACTIVITY.
Millions -of the human family may, in this republic be reckoned up, men, wo-:
men, and children, who are described in the solemn language of law, as goods
and chattels—who are bought and sold as articles of merchandise—who are
subject to all the incidents of property, and exposed to all the insults and in-
juries of which human nature is capable. The prerogatives they are inaliena-
bly entitled to wield, and the privileges they are entitled to enjoy, they are
forced every day, and everywhere, to be trodden down by violence guided by
fraud arid by fraud armed with violence. In this condition they have been
held age after age, the tillers of an unblest soil, which refuses to be fertilized
by their unrequited sweat and their unavenged blood. Whatever may be the
measure of their wrongs and wretchedness, the privilege ef seeking redress by
urging their complaints and their petitions on the law-making power, is most
jealously and obstinately withheld. They are expected to hold their tongues
under the heaviest inflictions. The laws they are under, while they threaten
them with multiplied and frightful penalties, afford them no protection. They
may be scourged, ravished, murdered, with impunity. And the professed
ministers ef mercy, among whom his lot is cast, task their ingenuity and
their strength to prove that the condition of the slave is natural and healthful,
accordant with the laws of nature and the will of Heaven, or preserve silence
amidst the outrages perpetrated upon their fellow-men, and fellow- Christians.
The most distinguished statesmen declare, that however wicked, when first
introduced, slavery has been practised in this country till it has become
" sanctioned and sanctified." They exert themselves, therefore, to render it
as permanent as any other human relation or institution. To all the suffer-
ings of the slave, they are for adding the sting of despair.
American Slavery Founded in a Lie.
Such is American slavery, not accidentally, as a matter of course, but of
necessity from its natural and inherent tendencies. The wickedness and
misery it involves, must be great beyond description or conception.
It is founded on a lie, gross, impudent, and malignant in the highest degree.
The slave is not, as it affirms, a chattel. He is essentially and constitutionally
something else infinitely superior. He is a man. He bears even in his chains,
he evidently bears the Divine Image ; and cannot, therefore, by any process be
reduced to "an article of merchandise." To describe him as " an article of
merchandise," especially in the language of the law, is to utter the most atro-
cious falsehood. In this lie slavery has its basis.
American slavery is, in its very nature, a complicated and comprehensive
system ofstealing, breaking up wherever it prevails the very foundation on which
rests the right of property. Armed with the active faculty and endowed with
the light of reason, every man is entitled, is'bound, to promote his own im-
provement and welfare. He is authorized—he is required to assert his own
personality. He is an I myself. In this myself] the institution of property
has its foundation. The natural results of an activity, springing from Imy-
•self, must of course belong to Imyself. But all this slavery denies. It seizes
on I myself and reduces personality to property. Thus the I mysdf vanishes,
and leaves behind nothing but a chattel. If this transaction be at all valid,
there can be no essential difference between a man and a thing, between the I
myself in any case and a chattel; and the right of property has perished. No-
thing remains to which this right can be attached—by which it can be asserted.
Thus, in stealing a man—and every slave is a stolen man—slavery swallows
up everything to which property in any case and under any form can belong.
And nothing but fraud and violence can anywhere or any how keep up even
the show of the relation of owner and property. No one, whether slave or
slaveholder, can justify himself in claiming, as his own, anything whatever.
Such is the bankruptcy to which slavery reduces every one within the sphere
ofits influence. That must be stealing with a witness which breaks up and
bears away the only basis on which property can be held.

26. American Slavery is a System of Murder,
American slavery is a system of murder. Everything distinctively human in
its victims, it destroys the moment it seizes on them. It denies that they
are men—pronounces them chattels. This it does in the strongest terms, in
the most solemn manner, and for the gravest purposes. The laws which are
forced upon them, enact that their humanity
—
the man in them—is extinct.
Whatever in the form they bear, may remain
—
the man, according to slavery,
has perished. Accordingly, if a slave is killed, however wantonly and delibe-
rately, his death is regarded as the death of a chattel. Damages m.sy be de-
manded; but, why should the destruction of an article of merchandize be
treated as murder ? This was committed, once for all, when he was reduced
to slavery. And any one who studies the code of slavery, and the history of
the judicial processes which it may have occasioned, must see that so the
matter is there disposed of;^-and yet, when the atrocities' which so often
result in the destruction of slaves are described, one and another among us,
affecting surprise, pronounce such stories incredible. Incredible ! What,
that when reduced to a chattel, man should be treated accordingly. Why, all
the particular atrocities which are described in the history of slavery, are no-
thing more or less than the natural and necessary fruits of the chattel princi-
ple, wherever and however applied to the human family.
Their theology, and ethics, and political; economy—their existence in all its
forms and phases,, many of our countrymen have been trying to adjust to the
monstrous falsehood, that no essential" difference separates personality from
property. Why make large eyes and loud exclamations, when the natural re-
sults are forced upon us f— when we find ourselves in the spheres of theology,
and ethics, and political economy, hemmed in on every hand by grisly spec-
tres, squeaking and gibbering all sorts of absurdities in our ears?—when we
hear that slavery is the corner-stone of freedom, 1 —that sin persisted in grows
into holiness ? —and that in God's world, we are driven for counsel and pro-
tection to the bosom of the devil ? Such nonsense and blasphemy are the
natural product of the all-comprehensive lie, which as a peopler w-e have made
and cherished.
When the right of property is assailed and subverted, as it must be where-
ver slavery prevails, what within the sphere of commercial activity can be
expected? Confusion and misery, of course. Will contracts be fulfilled and
debts paid ?—will mutual confidence be cherished and honored ? If so, it
must be in despite of the doctrines and arrangements which are designed to
keep slavery in countenance. What occasion for surprise, then, that slavery
from time to time swallows up uncounted millions, which an ill advised credit
system recklessly throws into its wide-open insatiable jaws ? And when
slavery has filled its multiplied brothels and slaughter-houses with human
victims, what stupidity, to wonder that debauchery and cruelty of all sorts,
and in every degree, should be practised there!
It is most obvious and certain,- that unless slavery be exposed and abolished,
the nation is undone. The very foundations of society under any healthful
form must be broken up. Bankrupt in character, the nation must be bank-
rupt in everything. Hence the occasion for Anti- Slavery Activity..
The Bible Argument,
But is not the Bible in favor of slavery ? —Slavery is founded in a- monstrous
falsehood —breaks up the distinction between personality and property—aims
a deadly blow at the heart of human nature, murdering the man in the man,
destroying everything distinctively human in humanity—throws loose reins
on the neck of passion—encourages and justifies all kinds of wrong and out-
rage—withholds the restraints of law from those who are eager to inflict, and
the protection of law from those who are liable to< suffer the deepest injuries
—
and dooms millions of the children of our common Father—of the redeemed
of our common Saviour, to gross ignorance, revolting vices, and heart-rend-
ing wretchedness. These things are essentially characteristic of Ameriean
slavery—they enter into its very being—they are its natural and necessary

27. remorse for the ruin and wretchedness they had brought upon the country;
laughing at their own safety and security."
And when the banks went, the General Assembly's funds and all its golden
dreams of more than 6 per cent, interest went with them. These funds, be
it remembered, constituted a large portion of the funds of the Church. Is it
any wonder that the trustees and leaders of such a Church bave ever been
ready to step forward as the apologists, patrons and defenders ©f slavery ?.
One would think such losses might cure them of this subserviency ; but the
doings of the last (Old School) Assembly show them to be thorough spaniels.
HOW SLAVERY MURDERS ON°SYSTEM AND BY WHOLESALE.
Slaveholders and their friends maintain that the slave is vastly better off
than the free man of color. Of course the proportion of slaves who die
should be less. But by an examination of the census for 1830, comparing the
ages of slaves with the free people of color and supposing the ratio of deaths in
each to be the same, it appears that between the ages of ten and twenty-four
there should be 665,875 slaves ; whereas there are but 620,827, showing a
deficiency of 45,048; between twenty-four and thirty-six, the working age,
there should be 439,389 slaves—there are but 370,330, making a deficiency of
69,058; between thirty-six and fifty-five, when decay begins to affect the
slave, there should be 340,161—there are only 229,782, making a waste of
110,379; over fifty-five years of age, there ought to be 186,797—there are but
83,736, raising the loss to 103,061. The total deficiency, therefore, arising
from this waste of life is 327,547 human beings prematurely worn out and
killed on the cotton and sugar plantations of the South in the ten years pre-
ceding 1830
!
By a similar estimate we have the following result from the census of 1840/
Between the ages of ten and twenty-four, there ought to be 829,698 slaves ;
there are but 781,206—deficiency 47,492, Between twenty-four and thirty-six,
there should be 568,107; there are but 475,160 —deficiency 92,947. From
thirty-six to fifty-five, the proper number is 444,376, actual number 284,465
—
deficiency 159,911. The total deficiency is 444,357. It also appears from
the census of 1840, that the increase of the slave population in the previous
ten years was less than 25 per cent.—a large portion of which diminished
increase must be set down to a greater loss of life. Altogether, by preventing
the proper increase and by hastening to a premature death, slavery undoubtedly
murdered from one-fourth to half a million of human beings in the ten years
ending in 1840
!
HOW SLAVERY HEATHENIZES WHAT IT DOES NOT KILL.
" Who would credit it, that in these years of revival and benevolent effort,
in this Christian Republic, there are over two millions of human beings, in
the condition of heathen, and in some respects, in a worse condition? * *
From long continued and close observation, we believe that their (the colored
population's) moral and religious condition is such, as that they may justly
be considered the heathen of this Christian country, and will bear comparison
with heathen in any country in the world."
—
Synod of S. C. and Ga. in 1834.
In the New Orleans Protestant of May 3d, 1845, there is a " report on the
religious instruction of colored persons, published by order of the N. O. Pres-
bytery." The report states that there are within the bounds of that presbytery,
at least 100,000 persons of color, nearly all of whom are slaves. The report
also says that " it is a lamentable fact, too evident to be denied, that by far
the greater part of them are famishing and perishing for want of the bread of life.
Of the 100,000 of this class of people, within our bounds, it may be safely
asserted that 75,000 never hear the doctrine of salvation through a crucified
Redeemer preached, and have none to tell them ' what they must do to be
saved.' And of the remaining 25,000, who occasionally hear the preaching of
the gospel, not more than 5,000 enjoy its regular and constant ministrations."
What a picture ! Ninety-five thousand out of a hundred thousand, within
the bounds of a single presbytery, as benighted, with few exceptions, as any
heathen on the face of the earth.

28. HOW ALL THIS STRIKES DISINTERESTED AND INTELLIGENT
CHRISTIANS ABROAD.
At the General Anti-Slavery Conference held in London, in 1843, the Rev.
Dr. Ritchie of Edinburgh, in discussing the resolutions recommending no
church-fellowship with slaveholders, said
:
" O that the Church would be faithful to her Head ! that her ministers
would remember, that He complains especially of the wounds wherewith he
is wounded in the house of his friends. If I do not misread my Bible, the
Church is the commissioned regenerator of the world. If then, the Church
be corrupt, whence are to issue the healing waters ? If the salt of the earth
have lost its savor, how is the putrid world to be recovered from its taint ? If
justice and mercy are exiled from the Church, what can I expect but that
they are
'
Sprung on the viewless winds to heaven again 3"
Alas! what reports must he bear back of Christianity, who has been sent to
learn her genius and influence from a slave-holding Church? My fancy hears
him, on his return, questioned by his brother idolator :
'
What are Christians V
'
Monsters ! They hold that their creed came from heaven, and is the word
of salvation; and they hold it a capital crime to teach this creed to man,
woman, or child, who has a dark face. They buy and sell men, women and
children, and offer the profits on the altar of their God ! They sell their own
wives, sons, and daughters, and to those who they know will work and flog
them to death ; and this they do without the temptation of hunger or poverty.
THE JUDGMENT OF THE WHOLE CONFERENCE.
The Rev. John Angell James introduced to the Conference a series of
resolutions on the subject of church-feilowship with slaveholders. These,
after being fully discussed and warmly supported by himself, Drs. Ritchie,
Morrison and others, were unanimously adopted, as follows :
1. That this Convention hereby declares to the world its deliberate and
solemn conviction that slavery, in whatever form or country it exists, is in-
trinsically opposed to all natural justice and genuine Christianity ;
that in
proportion as these exert their legitimate vigor and influence in society, it
must be destroyed ; and that while the Convention deeply deplores the sanc-
tion or support still given to it, either overtly or tacitly, by so many churches
and religious bodies, especially in the United States, it rejoice in the assurance
that so many others are bearing their public and decided testimony against it,
refusing to retain in their communion those who, after one admonition, per-
sist in the justification and practice of it.
2. That, encouraged by the progress of earnest sentiment and action on
this subject in the churches and religious bodies of America and other coun-
tries, this Convention repeats the testimony of the Convention of 1840—that
while it disclaims^he intention or desire of dictating to Christian Communi-
ties the terms of their fellowship, respectfully submits that it is their incum-
bent duty to separate from their communion all those persons who, after they
have been faithfully warned, in the spirit of the gospel, continue in the sin of
enslaving their fellow-creatures or holding them in slavery—a sin, by the
commission of which, with whatever mitigating circumstances it may be
attended in their own particular instance, they give the support of their
example to the whole system of compulsory servitude, and the unutterable
horrors of the slave trade.
3. That this Convention, while it passes no judgment on the particular
forms of action which different friends of the slave in different circumstances
may adopt, hereby expresses its cordial sympathy and high admiration of all
those who, in a Christian spirit and by Christian methods, are sincerely and
earnestly laboring to purify their respective religious connections from all
fellowship with and support of this heinous sin.
Such is the verdict of anti-slavery Christendom touching the criminality
of slavery and its utter inconsistency with a regular and approved standing
in the Christian Church.