1. SECTION ONE
My name is Leong En-hui and I advocate Socialism as a political system.
As such, I value a society defined by collective ownershipof the goods and services that are
likewise enjoyed by all. Shared management over the production means and its subsequent
distribution and exchange illustrates and emphasizes the equality of all societal persons while
making their welfare, rather than blind capitalist pursuit, paramount[1]. While various
permutations of the political ideology have since manifested, differing primarily in economic
management and degree of government intervention, a major constant is that the privatization of
services is undesirable, due to its potential unsustainability and inherent discriminatory
undertones.
Class struggles are inevitabilities and hallmarks of capitalist economies, for the social
stratification resulting from disparities in earning power and authority births feelings of
alienation and discontent. The divide is further skewed such that economic benefits are the
entitlement of only a small societal segment with the majority perpetually exploited by the
former[2].
In Marxian perspectives, the capitalist model is fundamentally unsustainable due to invariably
falling profit rates. The reflexive compensation of wage and benefit reduction further propagates
the disgruntlement of the marginalized working class, and I thus support the latter’s acquisition
of class-consciousness and their deserved emancipation via non-violent socialist revolution.
The resultant establishment of cooperative or autonomous state enterprises allows egalitarian
distribution of services according to need.Equal representation and the simultaneous
nationalization of healthcare, education, and utilities creates a safety net reducing poverty while
ensuring that no individuals are left behind. It is therefore hoped that their stakes in shared
resources will confer upon the people a sense of both ownership and belonging, with an
increased happiness index being observed.
As such, pure socialism sees the extinction of capitalist relations, based on pure and primary
economic freedom[3].
In this ideology, rudimentary abolishment of class divisions is imperative. With reference to
Marx’s Communist Manifesto, confiscation of inheritance and centralization of credit is of
primacy, with the rich-poor divide narrowing through the introduction of necessary taxes.
Devoid of the slavery to exploitative work, the former proletariat is at liberty to pursue his own
interests, cultivating his talents without fear of potential imperialist oppression.
The eventual merger of social strata coupled with equitable labour liability and benefit then gives
rise to Communism, a stateless, classless society wherein a superabundance of material allows
for distribution “from each according to his ability, for each according to his need”. Communism,

2. while not a predestined inevitability, is an aspired destination, and in my imagined world, the
socialist society is but a transitory step prior to its establishment.
The values exclusive to the imagined society would include, but are not limited to, cooperation,
altruism, personal dignity, and solidarity at familial and federal levels[4]. Society is therefore
defined by the summation of its constituent individuals and their interactions, and it is hoped that
the restoration of equality will allow continued harmoniousness that may be sustained and
propagated for the generations to come.
(References: Socialism & the Class War, John Mill (Oxford Journal)
International Socialism Journal, Issue 133, Megan Trudell
Political Ideologies:An Introduction (3rd edition) Andrew Heywood (2003), Chapter 3:
Socialism, pg 84-100
Socialist Values and Culture, James Petras January 4, 2002)
SECTION TWO
Activity 1: The acquisition of class consciousness is integral to proletariat revolution. The former
can be expedited via awareness raising and education. Workers cannot improve their working
conditions if they perceive a flawless status quo. Various social media (newspapers, flash mobs,
campaigns, performances) can thus be harnessed for the widespread, rapid dissemination of
information and propaganda in which the proletariat is made aware of capitalism’s negativity and
any preferable alternatives[5]. Subtle advertising (subliminal or otherwise) may be incorporated to
boost confidence levels, taking into account that the proletariat has long been subjugated to
authority and potentially averse to challenging it, however entitled they may be. The proletariat
has to be informed and made to wholeheartedly believe that change is their right and reward both.
Activity 2: Drawing reference to the Communist Manifesto, primary agricultural industries
should be combined with secondary manufacturing ones, facilitating the transition between
production and processing. The corresponding divide between town and country should be
narrowed, with necessary urban redistribution, allowing for a more equitable population
distribution throughout the country, thus circumventing overcrowding in certain areas and brain
drains in others. To prepare the youth for the abolishment of class divisions, I propose an activity
inspired by Chairman Mao’s “Down to the Countryside” campaign where privileged youth were
sent to rural areas to experience and gain a newfound and heightened appreciation for the labour

3. of the underprivileged. Assignments to manufacturing and agricultural industries can be
integrated into standard school curricula, possibly on a summer internship basis.
Activity 3: Graduated abolition of property in land, confiscation of private property, and
establishing a universal rental system. Property, while argued to provide necessary shelter, can
widen the rich-poor divide, with social classes associated and stigmatized by the kind of property
they inhabit. People exhibit propensities for associating with those in their social strata while
alienating the lesser endowed, making equality a farce. Furthermore, properties can be used as
gambits in economic dealings, where their removal is threatened or their mortgaging made
necessary. I propose the construction of public housing synchronous with the repossession and
demolition of private property, with certain existing ones being converted for the former purpose.
Accommodation assignment will be random independent of all extenuating factors except in
special cases (e.g. disabilities)
Activity 4: Internal check and balances are imperative. Socialist states are those in which
equality and human rights are paramount, spared from unequal power distribution. However,
Chinese and Russian examples demonstrate that authority can often be seized by a particularly
influential party that subsequently replaces the dictatorship it sought to eradicate. The inherent
danger of personality cults forming (as with Mao and Lenin) likewise prompts the formation of a
vigilante party in which good governance is key. Legislation and necessary red tape must exist to
facilitate the distribution of resources. Strict criteria and action plans must be set and adhered to.
Restrictions on how long each member can serve are required, for the state and vigilante group
both. No related individuals can hold positions within parties at any given time.
References:
5. Proletariat into a Class: The Process of Class Formation from Karl Kautsky’s The Class
Struggle to Recent ControversiesPolitics of Society 7, no. 4 (1977): pp. 343-401
SECTION 3
My ideology would potentially be largely contested by liberalism, characterized by the
establishment of an egalitarian, merliorist society in which equal rights to property, life, and
liberty are maintained and upheld as fundamental human entitlements. Opposing the archaic
view of divine right, it embodies a tolerant and non-organic society where individuals are treated
as such, with autonomy to carve their destinies as they deem fit[6] Blind respect by virtue of
blood or birth is discouraged with only meritocracy being proportional to the benefits dispensed,
and people are entitled to voicing their opinions without fear of oppression[7].
This freedom, however, is not unchecked. Liberal founding father John Locke has long promoted
the hypothetical social contract which explicitly states that people are by nature cannibalistic,
with propensities for disorder, and a corresponding set of laws should therefore be constructed to

4. circumvent anarchistic evolution. “Without law there is no freedom[8].”; as such, liberal societies
tend to boast constitutional governments elected by the people.
The degree of government intervention varies between liberal branches, with some promoting
the concept of negative freedom in which one has the right to engage in any activity desired,
even if it harms oneself. Others believe in positive freedom where the government plays a
significant role in helping individuals maximize and develop their talents.
Most liberals nurse an openness to progress[9], a respect for the individual (e.g. his right to
privatize), the need for informed consent, and free will. It therefore often boasts free competition
within a self-regulating market.
The principle of collective ownership may not resonate well with the liberal who believes that
property is a fundamental human right. Forceful removal of property, then, even if for the alleged
greater good, compromises on the ex-owner's entitlements, effectively devaluing him as a
member of society.
By way of simple extrapolation, the removal and subsequent redistribution of wealth means that
the will of the perpetrator is imposed upon the former possessor, with the latter being compelled
into the obedience that is discordant with liberalism, wherein no one should be subjugated to
another.
Furthermore, the progressive liberal may oppose the potentially stagnating social climate, citing
that the healthy competition between privately-owned companies leads to collective
advancement and overall societal progression. The alternative of widespread nationalization and
equal distribution of resources would mean a suppression of enterprise with little incentive to
work hard, fostering a spirit of dependence in which the people thrive on handouts by the state.
Conversely, socialists strongly oppose the Laissez Faire ideal characteristic of many liberal
economies. The existence of free markets allows for the flourishing of a privileged aristocracy
thriving on the surplus and unreciprocated labour of the marginalized working class. Considering
that the labour of the latter supports the entire economic system, they deem it only fair that the
working class likewise reap their fair share of spoils, lest eventual worker discontent culminates
in violent revolution that effectively destabilizes the economy.
Quoting Winston Churchill: Socialism needs to pull down wealth; liberalism seeks to raise up
poverty[10].
References:
6. The Liberalism of the Other- John Durham Peters (University of Iowa) International Journal of
Communication 2 (2008), Book Review 699-706

5. 7. Political Ideologies:An Introduction (3rd edition)Andrew Heywood (2003), Chapter 1:
Liberalism ,pg 10-24
8.LiberalismAgainst the Nation: A False Hypothesis of Historical AnalysisSergiuMiscoiuJournal
for the Study of Religions and Ideologies, Vol 4, No 12 (2005)
9. `Liberalism and World Politics', Doyle, Michael , 1986. American Political Science Review
80(4): 1151-1164.
10. Winston Churchill on Liberalism, Daily Kos (2012)
SECTION 4
Outside of radically capitalist branches, liberals boast a deontological society where an
individual’s welfare is of ethical primacy. Socialists agree that individuals should be valued,
protected, and aided wherever possible. We agree that the interests of the people should be kept
at heart, even if the means to the end are antagonistic. While liberals may resent active
government intervention, the concept of positive freedom can be incorporated, wherein the
government actively creates conducive environments for individuals to attain self-sufficiency
and self-realization[11].
It is unlikely that socialists will ever consider property a fundamental human right, seeing that
one is not born with it and that public accommodation likewise provides a perfectly adequate
shelter. It is also unlikely that liberals will welcome a heavy income tax for fear that taxation will
become a significant financial burden that leads into the poverty it sought to abolish. Both parties
will also resent changes that disrupt all that they have been accustomed to.
However, I am cautiously optimistic about a co-existence of both societies, even if not outright
coalition. At their hearts, both political ideologies are humanist, with universalist elements
promoting the unity of human beings as a single species, personal and cultural discrepancies
notwithstanding[12][13].
Perhaps we can reach a compromise in the area of privatization. While I am adamant that utilities
and transport should be nationalized due to them forming the necessary infrastructure upon
which all other economic activities are built, flexibility can be exercised in education. While
government-funded public schools will form the majority with education being a free entitlement
that is both compulsory and guaranteed, I welcome the introduction of private schools, namely in
niche areas of e.g. private schools for the arts/sports/music where curricula focuses on particular
specialized doctrines as opposed to the conventional school syllabus.

6. Considering that a minority of the population will be enrolled in such institutions, the private
schools are unlikely to pose a significant usurping threat to the government schools while still
producing specialized labour and allowing individuals to develop their personal talents. Also,
standard school curricula could be integrated into that of the private schools with mandatory
annual examinations being implemented throughout the country to maintain overall educational
standards. This also provides a necessary safety net should the student fall short in his chosen
discipline; he will still be able to enter the mainstream workforce, given the prior compulsory
training. Singapore’s model of privately-funded niche schools proves a desirable model to
emulate.
Should long-term stability prevail, perhaps steps can be taken toward the formation of a centrist
society which is defined by social liberalism. The individual’s freedom and welfare are balanced
with the good of the encompassing community. If liberals are granted greater autonomy in the
area of marketing and international free trade, they are beholden to distributing a fraction of that
wealth to the community. However, social liberalism tends to operate on a small scale, and as
such, is a desirability rather than an actual destination.
References:
11. `Conflict and Cohesion', 1976 Stein, Arthur A., Journal of Conflict Resolution 20(1): 143-
172.
12. `The Clash of Civilizations?' (1993) Huntington, Samuel P, Foreign Affairs 72(3): 22-49.
13. The Clash of Civilizations and the Remaking of World Order (1996) Huntington, Samuel
P. ,New York: Simon & Schuster.