1. Scott Wagner
McLean County Museum of History
Research Paper-Spring 2007
Milo Custer with the Kansas Kickapoo
Kickapoo History in and around McLean County
The estimated time frame upon which the Kickapoo Indians first entered and
established themselves in McLean County was around 1730. After coming here from
present-day southern Wisconsin, they constructed several villages and settlements sprawling
across central Illinois. The Kickapoo were known as a nomadic and largely hostile tribe that
used aggressive measures in political and diplomatic discourse with other tribes as well as
with whites. When the Revolutionary War infringed upon their territory, the Kickapoo chose
to take a stance of neutrality while playing the British and Americans off of each other in
order to receive favors. When the Americans won the war and began their westward
expansion, the Kickapoo tribe attempted various measures in order to maintain their land.
During the war of 1812, Kickapoos within McLean County were notorious for capturing
soldiers and using them for ransom. These tactics, as well as outright attacks on white
settlers, proved to have a negative effect and consequential resettlement measures were taken
by the American government.
In 1819, the influx of American settlers as well the factionalism that had split the tribe
into two smaller bands, the Vermillion and the Prairie, proved to be too much to overcome in
a series of small conflicts that ultimately resulted in the Kickapoo signing a treaty ceding all
lands east of the Mississippi. Even though this treaty was signed, many of the Kickapoo
refused to leave after nearly a century within this region. The various reactions to this
imposed treaty led some to move even further west into Missouri, Kansas, Oklahoma, and
eventually even into Mexico. Nonetheless, there were still those among the Kickapoo who
did not take an accomodationist stance initially, among them Chief Machina. He repeatedly
threatened the encroaching white settlers, more specifically in McLean County in 1822.
Ultimately though, he began to take a less antagonistic stance and finally moved northward
settling in Livingston County Illinois, and even later in northern Kansas. Once in northern
Kansas, Machina came under the influence of the band of Kannekuk, who was known as the
“Kickapoo Prophet”.
This band made their reservation in Kansas a permanent home that still exists to this
day. Under the influence of certain Christian principles, Kannekuk devised a rigid structure
of life for his people that included temperance and frequent whippings for deviant behavior.
These “Praying Kickapoo” did not believe in many of the principles of Christianity, but they
followed their leader faithfully. This was clearly different from the older, more traditionalist
nature of other Kickapoo bands. Many of the former inhabitants of McLean County during
the eighteenth and early nineteenth century migrated with the Prophet to Fort Leavenworth,
Kansas, and surrounding areas in 1833. These Native Americans were the subject of study
for Milo Custer, an early twentieth century historian in McLean County, who wanted to
capture a more vivid and detailed account of the former central Illinois tribe and their
descendants.
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2. Milo Custer biographical sketch
Milo Custer, born on January 21, 1879, was a member of the McLean County
Historical Society for many years before forming his own institution, the central Illinois
Historical Society. Many of his manuscripts were published in quarterly papers, and he also
received recognition for his compilation called “Pioneer Portraits”. He served as the
custodian for the McLean County Historical Society from 1909-1917. His ensuing society
was eventually incorporated in 1917, specializing in genealogical research. Milo Custer
passed away on March 13, 1952. During his tenure with the McLean County Historical
Society, he received funds to travel to Brown County Kansas in order to get a better account
of the Kickapoo Indian tribe that had settled there. This project was of much interest to
George Perrin Davis, one of the principal founders of the society. Davis, son of the
prominent Judge David Davis, was well known within central Illinois and McLean County.
As the current president of the society at the time, he helped boost funds for many projects,
including Custer’s. Before his death on January 12, 1917, Mr. Davis would receive from
Milo Custer many photographs and documented accounts of Kickapoo culture and life.
Milo Custer’s visits to Kansas Kickapoo Reservation
Custer first arrived in Horton, Kansas, on October 2, 1906, where he received
accommodations at the Kickapoo school. His first excursion was to a local Kickapoo school,
where his initial reaction was one of shock as to the clothes worn by many of the school
children as well as the faculty. The possible assumptions he may have possessed about
traditional Indian wear were quickly dissipated. The gradual assimilation process that had
been taking place among many Native American tribes had strongly influenced the
Kickapoo. Mr. Custer was quick to note the Americanization of their clothes. Most of the
men wore pants and shirts in addition to large black hats. The women predominately wore
American-style dresses. The only distinct exception among them was the native scarves that
some displayed around their necks. In terms of their activities, they were often divided up by
concrete, traditional gender roles. The boys participated in typical masculine work that
included farming, hunting, outside sporting activities, and school work. The subject
curriculum included courses such as reading, spelling, penmanship, history, grammar,
physiology, geography, and drawing. The girls performed domestic chores such as cooking,
sewing, and cleaning. In addition to seeing a traditional Kickapoo School, Custer was able to
visit with the daughter of the famous Chief Machina. Nubya, who at the time was eighty-
eight years old, wore a traditional calico dress, moccasins, and a black kerchief. She was
able to give insight into the Church of Kannekuk, which her father had converted to. With
this background information, Custer was able to get a better understanding of what he needed
to know when he visited the old church.
In his description, Custer noted that the church was very small and simplistic. It only
had one room and was situated upon a hill. He was told that it was built by the
Pottawattamie, which was the tribe that provided the successor to Kannekuk. An interesting
fact that Custer picked up from John Masquequa, who was his guide, was the notation of
bark that had been peeled off from the exterior of the church. Masquequa reasoned that more
than likely it had been used in child “correctional” tactics. After many years of using this
type of practice, Masquequa said that many parents began to complain and it was
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3. subsequently stopped. Custer himself speculated on this issue, thinking that it may have been
used in the well-known ceremonies that sometimes involved flagellation as a ritual. Before
leaving the site for the day, Custer was shown a small burial ground located around the
church. Within this area, a mound grave was seen that seemed genuinely Kickapoo from
Custer’s perspective.
On October 3, Custer interviewed Mahkuk, better known as “Old Jesse”. Custer
engaged in a tense conversation with Mahkuk over the sanctity of some of the Kickapoo
traditions and relics. Mahkuk questioned Custer on why he wanted copies and translations of
Kannekuk’s written doctrines. Custer reassured the traditionalist Mahkuk that he did not
want to sell them for profit, but use them purely for historical purposes. Mahkuk then
explained to Custer that these artifacts of Kickapoo culture had never been translated into
English, and he worried that it might affect the “spirit” of the prophet. Also, Mahkuk desired
that Custer give back the “prayer stick”, which was a principal part of Kannekuk’s
ceremonies, to the Kickapoo. Given to Custer by a preacher, Mahkuk offered to give
translations of Kannekuk doctrines if Custer would return the “prayer stick”. Custer refused,
and then decided to offer money in return for the doctrines, which was emphatically denied
by Mahkuk. After this somewhat hostile exchange, “Old Jesse” and Mr. Custer got back to
discussing the heritage of the “Praying Kickapoo”, more specifically Kannekuk. Mahkuk
noted that Kannekuk had four wives during his life span and even claimed to have predicted
his coming popularity in the early 1800’s. One of the main goals of Kannekuk was to have
his people return to Illinois, where he felt they truly belonged. Shifting to the family of
Kannekuk, Mahkuk mentioned that all of Nubya’s children were dead. After his interview
with Mahkuk, Custer went and met one of the grandchildren of Kannekuk, Commodore, very
briefly. Towards the end of the day, Custer was allowed to visit the Presbyterian Mission,
established in 1860, in order to get a better understanding of how it operated. He was told
that the Kickapoo had four seasonal dances upon which they danced for a few days in the
“Dance Ring”, or “Dance Ground”. The church was divided into two groups: the church
Indians and the dance Indians. It was also reiterated once again how devout Machina was to
this particular church and how he attended all the prayer meetings.
On October 4, Custer decided to hire a professional photographer within the area. He
decided on Ernest L. Hoppe, born September 5, 1851, a native of Germany who had
immigrated to the United States and received his citizenship in 1882. Hoppe was fifty-five
years old, married, and had one son, Ernest Jr., at the time Custer hired him. He had
developed a reputation as a solid photographer. In his journal, Custer described Hoppe as a
jovial, quick, and nervous gentleman. When interviewing and discussing the work they
would be doing together, Custer noted that Hoppe’s opinions on Indians were quote “typical”
of his race: semi-serious and semi-comic. Hoppe made his home in Horton. In addition to
hiring Hoppe, Custer also employed the services of a native Kickapoo man named Arthur
Whitewater as translator and part-time writer for Custer. Arthur Whitewater was considered
by many, including Custer, to be a very progressive and honorable Indian who was
knowledgeable about the background of the tribe.
Whitewater introduced Custer to a man named Pasconett who would be aiding him
with pertinent information on many of the customs and traditions of the places he would be
visiting that day. One particular custom caught the attention of Custer right away. After
coming upon an ancient artifact that appeared to be an arrowhead, Pasconett informed Custer
that early Kickapoos made arrowheads out of flint and then used them for ornaments or
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4. necklaces. In addition to this former custom, Pasconett described the tradition of making
young Kickapoo males fast without food or water for four days. If this boy dreamed about
finding arrowheads during this time of deprivation, then it was a sign that he would become a
great warrior. When discussing the changing landscape of prayer rituals, Pasconett affirmed
that the once flourishing church of Kannekuk was dwindling in membership. Only three
extended families claimed to be members, as many had aligned themselves with the dancing
band. Custer reaffirmed this notion in his journal when noting the astonishing popularity of
what he perceived to be a “backwards” and “primitive” activity.
Before making a speech to the children of a Kickapoo school on their history in
Illinois, Custer inquired as to whether they understand or would be able to respond in
English. Whitewater and Pasconett informed him that even though many of the children
could speak their native Kickapoo, they chose not to, and there were only four who could not
speak English at all. Custer attributed this to the desired separation of the youth from their
ancestry, which had resisted assimilation to a certain extent. Within this speech, Custer said
that “civilization has brought much to the Indian, but he is still an Indian”. This mentality
was typical of Custer, who was not very fond of many of the rituals or customs of the Kansas
Kickapoo. After this, Custer and his companions visited Atchison County, where Pasconett
directed him to the burial site of Chief Machina, which was marked with a pole.
During the following week, Custer was introduced to many Kickapoo traditions,
customs, and interpretations of history. He was surprised to learn that Chief Machina and
Mahkuk always dressed like the “white man” and that this was not just adopted recently.
What Custer perceived to be another contradiction and misinterpretation of oral history was
the assurance of an older Kickapoo woman that Machina always considered himself a friend
of the white man. In terms of religious factionalism within the tribe, Custer was able to
identify a clear and visible divide within practices. This suspicion was further exacerbated
by John Masquequa, who was a prominent preacher within the community. Masquequa,
giving a different sermon every Sunday, preached in much the same manner that Kannekuk
did.
On October 8, George Masquequa, a relative of John Masquequa, told Custer that
many of the young male Kickapoo did not participate in the annual dances out of any
undying loyalty to the dancing tradition, but as a means to meet women. This notion,
accompanied with his pre-conceived negative opinion of the dances, convinced him of the
“savage nature” that still resonated within a largely assimilated and honorable people. Also,
Custer made specific note of what he deemed to be the “incessantly obnoxious” habit of
tobacco chewing among the Kickapoo that was associated with these dances. This practice
was taken very seriously by the Kickapoo, who spent much time carving and carefully
painting the stems, usually either blue or red. Both men and women participated in either
smoking or chewing tobacco. Custer interpreted the pipes as evoking a feeling of anger
amongst the tribe, possibly as a result of constant intrusion and removal. Overall, Custer
despised the dancing rituals of the Kickapoo. Since he was not allowed to do any extensive
research on their implications and significance other than interpret them from observations,
he shunned the idea that they were in any way civilized. For this reason, he gave more credit
to the church Indians, but still considered them a backwards organization hindered by ancient
rituals.
In the next few days, Custer was told some more customs and stories that served only
to reinforce his previous notions that the Kickapoo were, by in large, a tribe still coming to
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5. terms with their past while trying to adapt to the future. One such legacy, told to him on
October 9, put him in a state of disbelief. He was reportedly told that some tribe members
still possessed scalps of white victims which their ancestors had killed. They were seen as
symbolic trophies to many of the elderly tribesman. The next day, while traveling with John
Masquequa, Custer was told that the tribe believed in four spirits residing in the north, south,
east, and west. Also, the “shadow” of Kannekuk was clearly visible in terms of the tribe’s
outerwear. Reportedly, Kannekuk forced his people to make and wear certain types of
beadwork and directed them to dress in the garments of civilization. In addition to
documenting these first-hand accounts, Milo Custer was starting to receive the photographic
work done by Ernest Hoppe. Hoppe used his own personal studio to develop his photos
while also traveling to the homes of many Kickapoo in order to produce the pictures. On
October 10, he was paid eight dollars and fifty cents by Mr. Custer for a well constructed
photographic collection.
After a twelve day visit to the reservation in 1906, Milo Custer would return for a
brief amount of time in 1909. He noticed that none of the faculty that was in service three
years earlier were still there on his second visit. Custer discussed the nature of the school
services in Horton at this time. A leader, followed by two men, would come in and give a
speech in English and then promptly leave. According to Custer, the speech contained a
religious tone, but whether or not they were followers of Kannekuk was unknown to him.
Shortly after his return to McLean County in 1906, Custer began to correspond with a fellow
scholar who lived in Oak Hill, Kansas. George Remsburg had helped him with some
accommodations and supplemental information during the trip, but was unable to meet up
with Custer during his twelve day visit. In their exchange of letters, Custer often complained
of the limitations imposed on him during his visit to the reservation by the conservative
Kickapoo. He said that if he was only able to research and write freely about the tribe, they
would both benefit tremendously. Unfortunately many of the elderly tribesmen, especially
his guide John Masquequa, while open with some general information, were extremely
resistant with much of the background and explanatory information. Custer reiterated many
times over to Remsburg that the emphasis on superstition and abnormal beliefs inhibited his
ability to obtain valuable materials from the Kickapoo.
Nonetheless, Custer pointed out that overall his historical society was very pleased
with the results of his research. During the trip, he was able to discover pertinent information
relating to the letters of one of Kannekuk’s grandsons. He was given a prayer stick in
addition to finally being able to reach an agreement that allowed him to obtain a copied
English translation of the doctrines from the Church of Kannekuk. The photographic work
done by Ernest Hoppe was very insightful and helped supplement Custer’s writings with
visual context. Within their correspondence, Custer indicated that he wanted Remsburg to
visit Bloomington in order to get a better exchange of information relating to the Kickapoo.
He believed that this would have helped him in the development of future publications
documenting his discoveries.
Milo Custer works and publications related to Kansas Kickapoo
The publications relating to the visits made by Custer and his general Kickapoo
studies are numerous. In terms of the latter, the McLean County Historical Society published
such works from Custer as “Indian Land Cessions”, which was completed in Heyworth,
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6. Illinois in June of 1906 and subsequently given to the Illinois State Historical Society.
“Kickapoo Vocabulary”, an informational guide obtained from Brown County, Kansas, was
also done in 1906 by Custer and printed in Bloomington, Illinois in 1916. In 1914, “Local
Indian Traditions” was published and in January of 1909 “La Ferines Defeat”, which covered
Kannekuk and Old Machina, was finished. These works helped to contextualize the more
specific, personal notes pertaining to Custer’s visits. The notebook kept by Custer in October
of 1906 and 1909 as well as the post-visit correspondence letters between him and George
Remsburg gave invaluable insight into their personal interpretations of the Kansas Kickapoo.
In addition, the internal communication among the McLean County Historical Society served
as quality supplemental information. The McLean County Historical Minutes which
included Custer and his financial backer, George Perrin Davis, assisted in my research as
well. Obituaries of Milo Custer and George Perrin Davis from the local newspapers (Daily
Pantagraph, Daily Bulletin) on microfilm helped with biographical information on two key
components of this event. Furthermore, I utilized copies of government documents
discussing the Kickapoo between the Department of the Interior and the Commissioner on
Indian Affairs in September of 1909 by Custer which was beneficial. All of these sources
contributed to my efforts of trying to contextualize the key element surviving Custer’s trip,
the historically important photos.
Milo Custer photographs taken by Ernest L. Hoppe
On their trip, Milo Custer and Ernest Hoppe complemented their respective
perceptions of Kickapoo culture in their own fields. After receiving the photos from Hoppe,
Custer would give context to them and their ethnographic portrayal. In the first set of
portraits, Custer gave photographic background information on various family and friends.
Mkopahmah, also known as the Bear Chief, is shown standing in a statuesque-like pose in
full garment wear. Another picture shows the daughter of Machina, Nubya, with two other
Kickapoo women named Kawkeasaukqua and Keepoak. They are wearing American style
dresses, but Nubya is wearing a traditional bandana accompanying her walking stick. They
are pitted against a domestic background consisting of decorated pots and pans. Along the
same lines, another Kickapoo man named James Allen is shown wearing American cowboy
type clothes and hat. To his right is his wife, a Sac, who is displaying a long dress that
contains various patterns and designs. In another set of photos an elderly Kickapoo women
named Kachassa is portrayed in a calico dress and large shawl. According to Custer, she was
the daughter of Kaamakum, who was born in Illinois and died in Kansas. Centered in
another photo by Hoppe was one of the great granddaughter’s of Machina, Kaukeasauqua.
She is in the company of her husband, Weeweenas, and her son, Neepahua. Much like the
majority of traditional Kickapoo women, Kaukeasauqua is exhibiting a scarf type of
outerwear around her neck. In probably the most interesting photograph in this set, three
Kickapoo men are shown and two are staging a tussle over a pencil and a notebook. Jack
Masquat (Nenawa), Willie Whitewater, and Nenasek, or Little Simon, are wearing overcoats
and suits. Willie Whitewater, who is pointing to the photographic action, is also wearing a
hat. As an interesting quirk, a train conductor’s hat is placed in the forefront of the action
without any detailed description as to its symbolic meaning.
Continuing through the portrait collection, Hoppe photographed the family and
friends of an important figure in Custer’s visit, John Masquequa. In one photo, the sister of
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7. Masquequa is pictured with her husband Deck Rhodd and their family. In another photo,
John Masquequa is pictured alongside is wife. They are pitted against a background of a
nature painting. He is again shown amongst his old friends in another photograph, some of
whom are Pottawattamie. Unlike many of the other shots taken by Hoppe, the men are
carrying more pleasant facial features. Also, they are all wearing hats, pant suits, and
western-style boots. In the conclusion of this set, Hoppe takes a self-portrait of himself so as
to give a face to the person who is taking the images. He is sitting in an armchair evoking a
gentlemen-like pose. In contrast to the photos he took of others, he situated himself in an
angled manner when facing the camera. The distinguished nature of his personal photo
separates itself from the way he staged his Native American pictures.
In the next photographic set, Hoppe shot a picture of a Kickapoo man named John
Tainan and alongside his wife. In the next picture two Kickapoo women, Ahstch and
Kachassa, surround Ahstch’s granddaughter. The child is wearing the same style clothing as
the elderly women and one of them is thought to be one of the grandchildren of Machina
according to the backside caption, but it is not known for sure. Another picture is connected
to the well known and most revered figure in Kansas Kickapoo history, Kannekuk. Two of
Kannekuk’s grandsons, Waroatek, and Ortuhkee, are pictured sitting side by side wearing
hats, American style pants, and suspenders. Also, one of their wives is next to them with two
children clinging to her. It appears that they are positioned in front of their log cabin house.
In what I consider to be the most pertinent picture of this set, four young and influential
Kickapoo males are located around a table in what appears to be a discussion. A couple of
these men have been previously mentioned before. Little Simon and interpreter and part-
time scribe for Custer, Arthur Whitewater, are gazing up at Mitchell Peewamo. Also staring
up at Peewamo is Emmett Masquequa, son of John Masquequa. They are surrounded by
what appears to be various writing devices such as notebooks, pencils, and supplemental
literature. From this vantage point, it appears that what Hoppe and Custer are trying to
portray are the up and coming leaders of the Kansas Kickapoo. The round table atmosphere
of ideas and concepts displays a sense of intelligentsia in action. Also, there is an in-photo
caption that gives the names of the pictured characters. This could symbolize a higher level
of importance in comparison to the other photographs taken.
Following this interesting portrait is a picture of a Pottawattamie woman named
Sosett and a Kickapoo named Mashawes sitting side by side in similar clothing. They are
wearing elongated dresses that are draped upon the floor, and they are carrying shawls in
their arms. They have a look of exhaustion and sternness on their faces. The next picture, it
contains a portrait within a portrait. Hoppe took a picture of man named Commadore Catt
Optukkee, grandson of Kannekuk. Dealing with the same figure, Commadore Catt is
pictured with his wife and son in 1906. Custer discovered that Commadore was in fact the
son of Kashassa, a figure mentioned earlier. An elderly woman who was the daughter of
Pashell is in the next photograph. Papoone is wearing traditional clothing and is pitted
against the background of her home in a rocking chair. In the next photograph, a relative of
John Masquequa named Susan Masquequa, and lady named Blanche Cadue, are shot by
Hoppe in 1906. In the final image of this set of the collection, Hoppe was able to capture a
Kickapoo woman named Womex, who was the wife of the prominent Kickapoo leader
Shaubanee. This picture portrays Womex with a grimace on her face and look of complete
seriousness.
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8. In the next collection of photographs, Hoppe switches from human portraits to the
imagery of buildings, landscapes, and significant historical sites. In the same framework,
Custer is able to give supplemental dates and facts to create context around Hoppe’s work.
In the first photograph, Custer describes the house of Andrew Magozee that Hoppe’s camera
captures as a traditional Indian pole-and-bark house. This house is on the Kickapoo
Reservation in Brown County and there a few people in the image. The wife of Magozee,
Ahtsch, who was mentioned in an earlier photo, is pictured. Also, there are a few of his
relatives standing in the background positioned alongside the house. The surrounding
objects include another house, a stack of logs, and a water basin. The house is enclosed
amongst many trees in what appears to be a heavily wooded area. The next image goes back
to the problem that Custer had in terms of being allowed to access certain information
relating to Kickapoo culture. In this case, the problem lies with the fact that his photographer
was not allowed to photograph the Kickapoo “Dance House” on the “Dance Ground”. For
this reason, he gathered as much information as he could about the building that was
permissible and used it to form an estimated sketch of the building and surrounding area.
The rudimentary drawing reveals the general parameters of the premises, but not in any
specific detail. In the third Kickapoo architectural picture, Hoppe took a picture of the
former house of Custer’s guide for the duration of the trip, John Masquequa. This house was
located seven miles west of Horton, and was much more modern than the house of Andrew
Magozee. It was not made out of bark and thatch but rather wood and other more sturdy
materials. In the photograph, three men are pictured standing on the porch of the house in
addition to three people apparently getting ready to leave on their horse-drawn carriage next
to the home. In the final picture of this set, Hoppe took a picture of an old church site that
may or may have not been that of a famous Kickapoo preacher named Keeame. Milo Custer
is seen standing next to the building in addition to a monument in the foreground that is
partially cut off in the picture. Additional information on this monument is unknown as well
as to whether it had any relative importance to the old church site.
In an alternate view of the church site, Hoppe portrayed it from the west in order to
capture old grave markers which were in proximity of the church. In the next picture, Hoppe
captured what was believed to be by Custer the house of Weewreenar. He is the husband of
Kawkeasaugua, who is thought to be a descendant of Nubya, and thus Machina. Due to the
lack of information and poor family record keeping, Custer was not able to come to a
definitive conclusion on this issue. In the picture, Weewreenar is standing upon the porch
with an elderly relative next to him. Also, once again, Custer put himself within the photo,
positioning himself off to the right of the Kickapoos. From this perspective, the picture
evokes a run down atmosphere and a people lacking sufficient materials and wealth for any
concerted effort towards progressive development. A Presbyterian Church on the Kickapoo
Reservation is pictured in the next photograph. In this photograph, a missionary named C.
Bowers, her son, and Milo Custer are present. Because there was a need for more space in
this building compared to individual homes, the church appears to have multiple stories and
numerous windows. There is also a large plot of land surrounding the church. In the next
photograph, a very large Kickapoo Training Center is home to many children who are
positioned upon the railing entrance to the building. This photo was originally taken in 1904,
and the center is located west of Horton, Kansas. In the final photograph of this set, Hoppe
took a picture of one of the most important descendants in Kansas Kickapoo history. The
house of Nubya Eshnoqua is shown with Milo Custer, Keepoakua, and Kawkeasauqua also
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9. pictured. To many of the Kickapoo, Nubya, due to her birth in Illinois and family lineage,
represented a vivid connection with their past, and to most, their true home and heritage. In
order to try and keep the Kickapoo customs and culture alive, many schools were created
around the area in Horton, Kansas, to teach the traditional ways amongst a rapidly changing
outer world.
In the first school-related photograph, Hoppe obtained a picture from 1904 of about
twenty to twenty five young children sitting attentively in their chairs while their teacher
stood in the background. Their teacher, Mary E. Allison, was a middle-aged white woman
from Jeffersonville, Indiana. Also, there appears to be a substantial amount of white children
within the classroom. This could be a possible side effect of assimilation tendencies
occurring within the reservation. The young girls are all wearing full body aprons over their
clothes. The Kickapoo boys however have a bit of difference in their clothing depending on
their color. A number of the Kickapoo boys are wearing scarves tied in a bow around their
neck. None of the young white boys are displaying this trend. Whether there was a dictated
rationale behind this or if it was just pure coincidence is unknown from Custer’s work. In
another photograph which is also from 1904, Mrs. Allison’s class is pictured again outside
the school house. This looks like a prototypical class picture that may have been taken for a
yearbook. In the following picture, an anonymous Kickapoo school teacher is shown. The
man is white and appears in a gentlemanly pose. In one of the more notable and truly
representative pictures of the Kickapoo school, Hoppe captured the entire student body as
well as the faculty in an October 1906 photo. This was taken from a Presbyterian Mission
that included scholars, officers, teachers, and other educators. In addition, roughly forty kids
are pictured here outside of the schoolhouse. In the final Kickapoo school photograph, the
Kickapoo school band is portrayed. This picture is from 1905, before Custer’s visit, and
displays the mixed sex orientation of the musical group. The band was made up of
approximately fifteen members, and various instruments are displayed. This picture gives
great insight into one of the social activities that was offered by the school, and also which
children participated in them. There is a list of the students’ names in sequential order at the
bottom of the picture, but due to the fragile and faded nature of it, some of the names are not
legible. In the final two pictures of the collection, Hoppe photographed where Machina was
buried. It was also the site of the old Presbyterian Mission, and it is marked with a large pole
in tribute to the prominent Kickapoo chief.
In many of these of pictures and descriptions, a certain image of what the Kansas
Kickapoo were like is portrayed. Local Kickapoo people, buildings, schools, and historical
sites are captured and depicted by an outsider to the reservation. In addition, the small
captions that give a description of the pictures by Custer evoke a certain bias towards this
tribe. It is extremely important to get a well-rounded understanding of not only ethnographic
portrayal in these photos, but of Native Americans in general during this time. Only through
a complete understanding of the context and historical surroundings can one comprehend the
true nature of the Kickapoo and Native American photography.
Native American Ethnographic Historiography and the Kansas Kickapoo
Photography of Native Americans became extremely popular in the early twentieth
century after the collections of Edward Curtis became public. Between 1907 and 1930,
Curtis photographed various tribes around the country in their native settings. His collection,
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10. entitled The North American Indian, depicted what he deemed the “vanishing Indian”. Since
this time, his works have been considered the benchmark against which all other Native
American photography should be judged. Recently though, more specifically in the 1970s,
his collections came under scrutiny from other photographic scholars. As the field has
developed and become more refined, certain faults within Curtis’s work have been
discovered. Such tendencies as staging, photographic manipulation, and purporting the myth
of the “noble savage” appeared more prevalent than previously thought. To some of his most
fierce critics, Curtis’s pictures seemed to be justifying and promoting “social Darwinism”
and its explanation of why Indian culture is disappearing. Nonetheless, his works are still
revered and studied within the field. If nothing else, they display all the values as well as
vices of Native American ethnography. One of the most important factors when discussing
Native American portrayal in pictures is being able to understand how they related to the
white settlers of the time who shot and distributed the pictures.
As discussed by Michael Everman in his review of Robert Berkhofer Jr.’s book The
White Man’s Indian: Images of the American Indian from Columbus to the Present, whether
perceived as wild men or noble savages, Native Americans were defined in terms of their
satellite relationship to the white world. When discussing the context of the time, Everman
also noted that the trend of land transfer and assimilation into “civilized” society without a
doubt distorted the imagery created by a culture that felt an innate sense of superiority to
their territorial predecessors. Consequently, many early twentieth century photographers,
whose pictures we regard as objective truth, shaped their ethnographic findings to fit their
political and personal needs, and Hoppe’s work is no exception. Many of the pictures
previously discussed show obvious signs of staging and photographic manipulation. As a
young historian at a relatively new historical society, it is quite possible that Custer may have
directed Hoppe to take pictures that provided his superiors with pictures they wanted rather
than ones of true historical accuracy.
Another very important aspect of Indian ethnography is the concept of
contextualization and how it is achieved. Many times over within Hoppe’s work, his subjects
are seen in full, traditional Kickapoo clothing. Also, they are seen in unnatural poses that are
meant to evoke a certain aesthetic emotion shaping American images of this tribe and Indians
in general. As many critics have pointed out, these types of images are used to reinforce our
assumptions about the “we-they” relationship, and subsequently justify our continuing
intrusion. In terms of Hoppe’s pictures, it is noteworthy to point out that a substantial
amount of the architectural and landmark portraits show either decaying buildings or
memorials to the already vanished. As Louis S. Warren wrote in his journal review, most
Indian ethnography of the early twentieth century only helped give image to the on-going
historical tragedy that had beset them. In order to put these historical fallacies behind us and
capture the true essence of the Indian, a full reinterpretation is necessary of not only the
Kansas Kickapoo, but all Native Americans.
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11. Bibliography
Kickapoo
Callender, Charles, Richard K. Pope, and Susan M. Pope. “Kickapoo.” In Handbook of
North American Indians. Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian Institution Press, 1978.
Munson, Don. “The First Settlers.” Chap.1 in The Illustrated History of Mclean County.
Bloomington, IL: McLean County Historical Society, 1982.
Milo Custer
Custer, Milo. “Day Devoted To The Indians-By Historical Society.” Records of McLean
County Historical Society, periodical recorded staff correspondence-paper
presentation, Bloomington, IL, December 2, 1906.
Custer, Milo and George Remsburg. Kansas Kickapoo Collection Manuscript
Correspondence. McLean County Historical Society, Bloomington, IL.
Custer, Milo. Kickapoo Manuscripts (Box 8). McLean County Historical Society,
Bloomington, IL.
Custer, Milo. Photograph Collection-Subject: Kickapoo Indians (Kickapoo Box). McLean
County Historical Society, Bloomington, IL.
Custer, Milo. “The Old Number 7 or Hinshaw School (243).” Miscellaneous Manuscripts
(Box 6). McLean County Historical Society, Bloomington, IL.
Daily Bulletin, “George Perrin Davis Taken By Death at 1:30 O’Clock This Morning,” Jan,
12, 1917.
Daily Pantagraph, “Milo Custer, McLean County Historian, Dies,” March 13, 1952.
Photography
Everman, Michael. “The White Man’s Indian: Images of the American Indian from
Columbus to the Present.” The History Teacher 13 (Feb. 1980): 285-286.
Fleming, Paul Richardson, and Judith Lynn Luskey. Grand Endeavors of American Indian
Photography. Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian Institution Press, 1993.
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12. Jacknis, Ira. “New Questions for Old Images: Recent Contributions to the History of
Photography of Native Americans.” Current Anthropology 46 (June 2005): 1-4.
Lippard, Lucy R., ed. Partial Recall: Photographs of Native North Americans. New York:
The New Press, 1992.
Skidmore, Colleen. “Touring An Other’s Reality: Aboriginals, Immigrants, and
Autochromes.” Ethnologies 26 (2004): 145-164.
Warren, Louis S. “Vanishing Point: Images of Indians and Ideas of American History.”
Ethnohistory 46 (Spring 1999): 361-372.
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