Dr. Mack T. Hines, III

NATIONAL FORUM OF EDUCATIONAL ADMINISTRATION AND SUPERVISION JOURNAL
VOLUME 26, NUMBER 3, 2009-2010

HAVING THEIR SAY:
BLACK WOMEN’S LIVED EXPERIENCES
IN PREDOMINANTLY WHITE
DOCTORAL PROGRAMS OF
EDUCATIONAL LEADERSHIP

Mack T. Hines III
Sam Houston State University

ABSTRACT

This phenomenological study investigated six African American women’s lived
experiences in predominantly White doctoral programs of educational leadership. Using
a phenomenological research design, I interviewed the African American women
regarding their lived experiences as doctoral students in White doctoral programs of
educational leadership. I used Giorgi’s (1985) methods of phenomenological analysis to
analyze the outcomes from the interviews.
The findings showed that being an African American woman in a
predominantly White doctoral program of educational leadership consists of dealing
with the White experience and thriving on the Black experience. Dealing with the white
experience consisted of support and assistance from white professors, discrimination
from white professors, the white privilege/entitlement attitude of white students, and
proving white students wrong through success and achievement. thriving on the black
experience was defined by mentoring from black professors and bonding with black
students.
Based on these findings, one implication is for university policy makers to
develop strategies to reduce African American women’s feelings of dealing with White
faculty and students. The most prominent implication is for African American women to
continually share their feelings about matriculating predominantly White doctoral
programs of educational leadership. These testimonies could be used to address any
marginalized aspects of African American women’s doctoral experiences in these
programs. Equally significant, more African American women may be able to thrive on
instead of deal with their interactions with Caucasian American faculty and doctoral
students.

Introduction
90

91 NATIONAL FORUM OF EDUCATIONAL ADMINISTRATION AND SUPERVISION JOURNAL_________

S ince the granting of the first Ph.D degree in 1861, the doctoral
degree has remained the prized possession of American higher
education (Gonzalez, Firuerora, Marin, & Moreno, 2001).
However, a wide gap exists between the number of African American
and Caucasian American doctoral degree holders (Perry, 1998). In
addition, a history of limited representation reflects the enrollment of
African American doctoral students, especially female students.

African American women are underrepresented in doctoral
programs. Specifically, African American women constitute only
1.7% of the doctoral students and recipients in this country
(Manigault, 1999). In spite of these statistics, more African American
women are achieving their doctorate degrees. Consequently, a few
studies have investigated their doctoral program experiences (hooks,
1989, 1990, 1994; Moses, 1989; Noble, 1993). Research has also
focused on African American women’s doctoral experiences in
predominantly White universities (Alfred, 2001; Ellis, 2001;
Manigault, 1999). However, the latter investigations are inconclusive
because of mainly providing only statistical interpretations of their
doctoral experiences. Because of the traditional marginalization of
African American female experiences in higher education, research
needs to provide a personal perspective of these women’s experiences
in graduate education. Drawing upon this notion, this
phenomenological study explores African American women’s lived
experiences in predominantly White doctoral programs of educational
leadership.

The research question for this study was:

1. What are African American women’s lived experiences in
predominantly White doctoral programs of educational leadership?

Significance of Study

Mack T. Hines III 92

The significance of this research is threefold. First, African
American women are twice as likely to enroll in doctoral programs of
educational leadership as doctoral programs from other disciplines
(Barnett, 2003). Like most doctoral programs, many of the educational
leadership programs are housed in predominantly White colleges and
universities. Yet, no research has determined if these program’s
faculty members discuss the program experiences of African
American women. Therefore, this research provides university faculty
with unique insight into their lived experiences in their doctoral
programs of educational leadership.

Similarly, as more African American women enter
predominantly White doctoral programs of educational leadership,
they can use this and similar research as baseline data for completing
their course of study. In particular, they can develop ways to respond
to potential doctoral level issues that may relate to their race and
gender. Finally, this study empowers African American women to
provide a first-person perspective on their experiences in
predominantly White doctoral programs of educational leadership.
Carter, Pearson, and Shavlik (1998) stated, “Historically, Black
women and their voices have been one of the most isolated,
understudied, and demoralized segments of the academic community”
(p.98). Hooks (1989) and Wilkerson (1987) argued that this
marginalization is indicative of the traditional lumping of African
American women with African American men. As a result, researchers
shortchange the richness that emanates from separate reviews of Black
women’s doctoral experiences.

Thus, by encouraging African American women to tell their
stories, their voices become a meaningful part of the doctoral
communities of educational leadership. Overall, the benefits of this
study are the potential for better integrating African American women
into predominantly White doctoral programs of educational leadership.

Theoretical Framework


This study is grounded in the Black Feminist Theory and
Critical Race Theory. The Black Feminist Theory purports that race
and gender have been used to discriminate against African American
women (Hill-Collins, 1996). Crenshaw (1996) specified that African
American women reflect the intersection of racial and gendered
oppression. That is, they have been marginalized in terms of the
boundaries of Black and male and White and female. As such, they
have had to battle the racism that plagues Black men and sexism that
derails White women.

The Critical Race Theory denotes that racism and White
privilege/superiority are normal, pervasive aspects of society (Delgado
& Stefancic, 2001). Both factors create inequitable educational and
political systems. Accordingly, the main implication of critical race
theory is to confront these systems of racial oppression. African
Americans are urged to address these systems by acknowledging
micro-aggressions, developing counter stories, and creating safe
spaces.

Micro-aggressions are subtle forms of racism to disparage
minorities (Delgado & Stefancic, 2001). An example of a micro-
aggression is “You are not like other Blacks.” Counter stories are
minority testimonies that challenge myths about African American
culture (Howard-Hamilton, 1997). These stories specifically counter
beliefs that portray African Americans as being inferior to White
people. Safe spaces are venues for expressing counter stories (Delgado
& Stefancic). Examples of safe spaces are books, forums, and music.
These venues reflect the strong African American tradition of
storytelling. Through storytelling, African Americans develop their
voices for expressing their own lived experiences.

Both the Black Feminist Theory and Critical Race Theory
relate to factors that are indicative of African American women’s lived
experiences. In due regard, they provide a conceptual framework for
understanding African American women’s lived experiences in


predominantly White doctoral programs of educational leadership.
Overall, as a safe space, this research presents African American
women with another venue for expressing their personal graduate
education experiences.

Literature Review

In the late 1980s, Howard-Vital (1989) asked, “Why is there
such a small amount of research that addresses Black women in
graduate school?” (p.46). In response, much research has chronicled
Black women’s overall graduate education experiences (hooks, 1989,
1990, 1994; Noble, 1993) and doctoral education experiences (Alfred,
2001; Clark, 1999; Ellis, 2001; Manigault, 1999). The latter research
inquiries have focused on determinants and barriers of African
American women’s experiences in predominantly White doctoral
programs from various disciplines.

First, many African American women receive internal and
external support to complete their doctoral degree programs
(Manigault, 1999; Hill, 2005). Internal factors include but are not
limited to faith, determination, resilience, and persistence. In addition
to family, departmental support has also played a pivotal role in
motivating African American women to achieve their doctoral
degrees. Departmental support is developed through academic
advising, quasi-apprentice relationships, academic mentoring
relationships, and career mentoring relationships. Several researchers
have denoted that African American women do not usually receive
this level of support in predominantly White doctoral programs (Ellis,
2001; Essed, 1993; hooks, 1994; Landry, 2003). They further
indicated that many African American female doctoral students
receive advising and mentoring from African Americans in other
departments or outside of the campus. Along those same lines, many
of African American women’s doctoral experiences are defined by
relationships with other African American doctoral students.


One of the most significant barriers for African American
female doctoral candidates is a lack of support from professors in their
departments (Essed, 1990; hooks, 1994; Moses, 1992; Phillip-Evans,
1999; Willie, Grady, & Hope, 1991; King, 2004). Given the few
minority faculty members on college campuses (Trower, 2002), many
African American doctoral students are forced to form mentoring
relationships with White professors. In many instances, this
relationship has been more harmful than helpful to African American
women (Grady, 1995; Williams, 2002). Evidence to this effect can be
seen in the high rates of isolation among African American female
doctoral students. Overall, if their major advisors fail to encourage or
advise them, they may become discouraged about their doctoral
experiences.

Essed (1990) and St. Jean and Feagin (1998) have argued that
African American women are more likely to experience racism and
sexism than any other group of doctoral students. They are often
viewed as “tokens” admitted to doctoral programs to add diversity to
their departments (Essed; St. Jean & Feagin). In addition, they are
stereotyped and stigmatized by White doctoral students (Essed; St.
Jean & Feagin).

Empirical Literature

Two significant studies have examined African American
women’s in doctoral programs. Manigualt (1999) explored 86 African
American women’s doctoral experiences in k-12 educational
leadership programs in Southeastern Atlantic states. The women, who
received their degrees between 1992 and 1997, attributed their success
to faith in God and perseverance. They also experienced feelings of
isolation, racism, and lack of mentoring.


Ellis (1997) compared African American women’s doctoral
experiences with the doctoral experiences of Black men and White
men and women at a predominantly White university. The women and
other students rated their satisfaction with the doctoral programs of
their respective disciplines. The findings overwhelmingly showed that
race was more influential of African American women’s doctoral
experiences than the other group’s experiences. Unlike the other
students, the African American women did not form meaningful
relationships with White faculty. Because of significant cultural
differences, the women struggled to with forming meaningful
relationships with their White peers. They were also more likely to
experience racial tension with White students and faculty than Black
male doctoral students.

The commonalty of these studies is African American
women’s marginalized experiences in these doctoral programs. Unlike
Manigualt’s (1999) research, my study is not limited to one section of
this country. In addition, my study examines African American
women who only graduated from predominantly White doctoral
programs of educational leadership. My study extends Ellis’ (1997)
research by describing these experiences on several predominantly
White universities. Unlike Manigault’s and Ellis’ research, my study
provides a phenomenological analysis of the women’s experiences in
predominantly White doctoral programs. Therefore, readers will
receive an insightful description of how these women make meaning
of graduate experiences in predominantly White graduate settings.

Methodology

Research Design


A phenomenological approach was chosen to investigate the
lived experiences of being an African American woman in a
predominantly White doctoral program of educational leadership.
Phenomenology is useful when searching for a development of
knowledge to broaden the understanding of lived experiences. In short,
the aim of using phenomenology was to transform lived experiences
into textual expression of its essence (Moustakas, 1994).
Participants
Using Patton’s (1990) purposive sampling procedures, I
conducted the study on four African American women with doctor of
education (Ed.D) degrees in educational leadership from
predominantly White Universities. To protect their identity, I assigned
them with the following pseudonyms: Linda, Leslie, Lena, and Louise.
At their request, I also withheld the names of their institutions. Table 1
provides a holistic overview of each participant.

Table 1—Demographic Profiles of Participants

Name Age Location Year Years in Current
of Doctorate Education Position
University Degree
Earned
Linda 40 Maryland 2003 17 Principal
Leslie 36 Louisiana 2004 12 Assistant
Professor
Lena 39 Florida 2000 09 Educational
Consultant
Louise 52 California 1998 25 Superintendent

Data Collection and Interview Process


I used Van Kaam’s (1966) descriptive approach to collect data
from the participants. Following this approach, I e-mailed the following
protocol to the participants:

Please describe what it was like to be an African American
woman in a predominantly White Doctoral Program of
Educational Leadership. Be sure that your response is
inclusive of capture the essence of your experience in the
program. In responding to each question, use words and
expressions in a way that lets readers know exactly what the
experience was like for you. In addition, please do not stop
writing until you feel that the description truly captures the
essence of your experience.

After receiving the protocols from the participants, I read the
descriptions two times. During the second reading, I inserted follow-
up questions into the protocols. The follow-up questions were used to
clarify, expand, and enrich the participants’ interpretations of their
lived experiences. Because of the differences in participants’
experiences, the follow-up questions varied for each protocol. But all
of the follow-up questions were inclusive of data gathering inquiries
such as: “What was that experience like?”; “Tell me more about that.”;
“Describe your experience at this point”; “What were you feeling
here?”; “What, if any, meaning did this hold for you?” and “Can you
tell me again when that happened?”

Afterwards, I used a modified version of Seidman’s (2006)
interview process to conduct phone interview with the participants. I
began each interview by reading the written protocol to the
participants. Upon reaching the follow-up questions, I paused and
posed the questions to the participants. I also allowed the teachers to
interrupt me to share any additional thoughts to clarify previously
discussed information. After conducting and transcribing the
interviews, I resent the protocols to the teachers. I then called and
asked the women to offer any additional perspectives on the
transcribed interviews.


Data Analysis

I followed Giorgi’s (1989) model to analyze the data. First, I
bracketed my assumptions about African American women’s
experiences in predominantly White programs of educational
leadership. This process would allow me to objectively analyze a
subjective experience. Afterwards, I read and reread the transcripts to
get a sense of the whole experience. I then divided the interview data
into natural meaning units. Natural meaning units are descriptions of
raw data that describe the actual experience. I then transformed the
natural meaning units into central themes. I then transformed the
themes into abstract discipline-driven categories. I then used
imaginative variation to identify the essential nature of the category’s
relevance to the lived experience. Specifically, I asked, “What, if any,
aspect of this category describes the essence of the African American
woman’s lived experiences in a predominantly White doctoral
program of educational leadership?” In addition, I asked “Is every
theme of this category needed to convey the essence of the African
American woman’s lived experiences in predominantly White doctoral
program of educational leadership?” I discarded any theme that did
describe the essence of the participants’ lived experiences.

I then transformed the categories into redescribed statements
and then situated structure description for each participant. The
situated structural descriptions described the actual experience for
each woman. These descriptions are comprised of the central themes
of the categories. I then transformed the similar themes from each
interview data into the essence of the lived experience of being an
African American woman in a predominantly White program of
educational leadership. Essences are abstract concepts that capture the
interrelation of common categories. For example, one of the essences
of this study is “Dealing with the White Experience.” This essence is
made of the following thematic categories: Assistance from White
Professors, Discrimination from White Professors, and Feeling the
White Privilege/Entitlement Factor of White Students. After
completing this step, I then developed a general structural description


of being an African American woman in a predominantly White
Doctoral program of Educational Leadership. This description is a
consist statement that describes the interrelation of all the essences of
the research findings.

Trustworthiness

Following Lincoln and Guba’s (1985) recommendations, I
used three methods to establish the trustworthiness of data. The
methods were credibility, transferability, and dependability. I
established credibility through peer debriefing and member checks. I
achieved transferability by presenting rich, thick descriptions of the
participants and their lived experiences. Strauss & Corbin (1998)
posited that the reviewers will use these descriptions to determine
experiences are indicative of the participants or biased researcher
interpretation. I achieved dependability by creating an audit trail of
raw data, data reduction methods, and synthesis products. According
to Strauss and Corbin, conformability is achieved when reviewers
determine that the findings are reflective of participants’ experiences
instead of biased researcher interpretation.

Results

General Structural Description

The phenomenon of being an African American woman in a
predominantly White doctoral program of educational leadership is
defined by dealing with the White experience and thriving on the
Black experience. Dealing with the White experience consists of
experiences with White Professors and White students. The African
American women reported either positive or negative experiences in
working with Caucasian American professors. They reported only
feelings of negative experiences in dealing with White students.

On the other hand, the African American women indicated that
they only had positive experiences with Black Professors and students.


They defined these experiences in terms of mentoring. They formed
meaningful relationships with other African American students.
Overall, the women indicated they experienced growth and
development with White professors and students and Black professors
and students. As a result, they would relive these experiences.

Essence 1: Dealing with the White Experience

The essence of dealing with the White experience consists of
positive and negative experiences with White professors. This
experience also consists of negative views of White students. Four
interrelated themes reflect the essence of experiences: Support and
Assistance from White Professors, Discrimination from White
Professors, The White Privilege/Entitlement Attitude of White
Students, and Proving White Students Wrong Through Success and
Achievement.

Support and Assistance from White Professors

Two women indicated that they received support and
assistance from White professors. The professors mostly assisted them
with matters related to academia. For example, Leslie wrote and talked
about her White professors’ roles in developing her writing skills.
“I am proud to say that I had a wealth of support in the Educational
Leadership program at ABCD University, and a few of the supporters
were White professors. For example, as an ambitious African
American woman, I strongly believed that the dissertation process
could be accomplished within a short amount of time. However, I
realized that the dissertation is a mechanism that is used to refine the
research and writing skills of doctoral graduates. During this process, I
learned that I needed to develop my writing skills. Through working
with Dr. Avian (Pseudonym-White Professor) and Dr. Kavaian
(Pseudonym-White Professor), I gained a wealth of knowledge about
dissertation writing and developed my writing skills. This experience
has helped me to publish a few articles about my dissertation.”


Similarly, Lena discussed a White professor’s role as the advisor of
her dissertation. Although the professor didn’t serve as a mentor, the
professor continually assisted her with developing a good dissertation.
“I remember when I did my dissertation proposal. I had a lot of
corrections. My dissertation Chair (White Professor) was extremely
helpful. She gave me all of her time because she sincerely wanted me
to be successful.”

Lena also wrote:
“When I had questions about things such as APA style and table
formatting, she would also take time to help me. She also showed me
how to organize my chapters.”

Discrimination from White Professors

Linda and Louise specifically spoke about experiences of
discrimination with their White professors. Linda framed
discrimination in the context of two terms: Educational Hazing and
Unprofessionalism. Linda indicated that because of these experiences,
she is “Still recovering after obtaining my Ed.D five years ago.”
“I entered the doctoral program cognizant of the challenges and
barriers that could and would occur (rigor in curriculum and
instruction). But I was not prepared for the unprofessionalism that was
displayed in discriminating practices by majority of the White
teaching staff. The good old boy-and girl-policy of White favoritism
permeated the hallways of the institution.”

When probed for further discussion, Linda explained:
“Educational discrimination and hazing was prevalent in my cohort,
especially in the grading of assignments that were so subjective with
White students and so objective with Black students. One example that
I can remember very vividly is the dissertation. For White students,
the dissertation process was like just write it up and you will graduate.
But that was not the deal for Black students. For me, my doctoral
committee members, mostly the White members, just kept asking for
changes in the research document. They would then keep changing


their mind. Redo this. Redo that. Retype this. Retype that. I can
honestly say that because of the White committee members, there was
uncertainty in if I would graduate, as completing the dissertation
loomed over my head daily. I had to constantly remind myself of my
personal goal and not to abandon the program.”

Similarly, Louise indicated that White professors were extremely
discriminatory towards her and other African American students.
From a cohort perspective, she wrote:
“It was like the White professors took pleasure in teaching White
students while subtly taunting Black students. They called on White
students way more than Black students. I also noticed that they would
spend more time talking to Whites than Blacks before and after class
sessions.”

From a personal perspective, she stated:
“I remember when I was working on my dissertation. I had a
committee of one Asian American professor, two Black professors,
and two White professors. During my proposal defense, one of the
White professors kept asking crazy questions about my paper. He also
kept trying to convince me that I was working on a useless topic.
Because of his rank and tenure, no one challenged him. And then after
I defended and worked began to work on the dissertation, he would
call me into his office and tell me about two of other Black females
who failed the dissertation defense. He did this from the time I
defended my proposal until the time I defended my dissertation. But
when I talked with White students whose committee he was on, they
said he was extremely helpful to them.”

The White Privilege/Entitlement Attitude of White Students

All of the women spoke of how their White colleagues
expressed a sense of entitlement and privilege about the doctoral
program. They women believed that this entitlement caused the White
students to demonstrate elitist attitudes. Leslie, Linda, Louise, and
Lena indicated that the entitlement was a major part of the doctoral


experience. For example, Lena indicated that the entitlement
influenced the scheduling of a class. She explained:

“One summer we were sitting with our professor deciding on what
night we wanted to come to class. The African American students
looked at each other and the professor as to say, ‘Whenever you say
class is.’ Our White counterparts began telling the professors about
their vacations they had already scheduled, etc. As a result, we ended
up having class on line and the same people I sat in the room with on
the first night that I thought was on board, showed out.”

Leslie described an incident of experiencing White Entitlement during
a classroom discussion. She stated:
“In one of the sessions of my multiculturalism class, we were
discussing race, class, and student achievement. True to form, the
White students talked about the White children like they were
supposed to have the highest test scores in their subjects. They also
indicated that the Black students were expected to perform poorly in
school. Two of them even had the nerve to say that the expectations
for Black students were poor in college and graduate students.”

Linda and Louise spoke about the entitlement in terms being admitted
to the doctoral program.
Linda indicated:
“I found that my “Anglo” cohorts had a sense of entitlement about the
program. Philosophically, they thought that the professors were there
to serve them. I remember several conversations where I expressed the
importance of insuring that I/we exceeded the professor’s expectations
and was told by the White students ‘Without us, they wouldn’t have a
job. So they needed to exceed our expectations.’”

Along those same lines, Louise wrote:
“Most of the White students that I came into contact with were straight
up elitist. They also spoke about how class discussions should focus
on what they were experiencing. They would turn around and shut
down when the topic was on issues related to Black students. They


never could really see the true meaning of multiculturalism, and give
little respect to the diversity that was in our cohort.”

Proving White Privilege Wrong Through Success

The women reported that an underlying premise of the White
privilege was the questioning of African American students’
admittance into the program. As a result, the women were driven to
prove that they belonged in the doctoral program. They specifically
spoke of the need to establish their belongingness through success and
achievement.

Leslie and Linda focused on establishing their belongingness through
academic achievement. Leslie stated:
“From the time I entered the program until the time I graduated from
the program, I just felt that I needed to show White students that I
belonged here. I think that this motivation came from them always
making it seem as though I added diversity instead of leadership and
talent to the program. So I just removed this thought from the
discussion by making sure that I always made excellent grades. I also
spoke up in class on the issues. Lastly, I always dressed in a manner to
let them know that I was a serious sista (Black Woman) who would be
taken seriously. By the middle of the program, I saw where the White
students began to respect me based on the content of my character and
not tolerate me because of the color of my skin.

Linda stated:
“Just listening to some of the White students, It was so clear that they
thought they were better than me and other Black students. So I just
proved them wrong by letting my pen and pencil do the talking. I was
always recognized for my work and writing skills. I also received a
dissertation award from a prestigious Educational organization. These
experiences forced White students to recognize that I had just as much
talent and skills as them.”


Louise indicated that because of the White privilege/entitlement
factor, she was motivated to quickly and independently complete the
program. She said:
“It was important to me to complete the process as quickly as possible.
I did not want to develop long term relationships with my cohort
members and so I remained focused on the goal of achieving the
doctorate. I tried very hard to engage myself in activities that did not
require group work and sought assistance outside my cohort members-
from people of all ethnic groups. It was important to me to prove that I
was not a member of the cohort for diversity’s sake only. As a result, I
managed to complete the entire process in 2 years.”

Lena achieved the same goal through confronting racial issues with
her White counterparts. Consider the following example:
“I think this is perhaps the biggest struggle for any African American
in a predominantly White program, the pressure to always have to go
above and beyond their White counterparts. I definitely felt this in
dealing my White Colleagues. I constantly felt like I had to stand up
for myself and my African American counterparts and prove that we
did belong in the programs. So I proved myself by making them
respect me. For example, the white students were very comfortable
with saying things about race on the blackboard, but not in the
classroom. Of course being the outspoken person that I am, the next
time we had class together, I addressed it. The room was silent and
once again, my professors took notice.”

She also said:
“Another instance was that when I did not understand something in
class, I constantly raised my hand and by doing so, I somewhat forced
my professors to provide me with the education for which I was
paying. By doing this, my professors took notice of me as well did my
colleagues.”

Of all the women, Lena spoke of these experiences in terms of specific
rules for navigating predominantly White doctoral programs. She said:


“The question always comes up about being an African American
woman in a predominantly White program and my response is also to
follow some rules and hopefully you will be okay: Make them take
notice of you in a positive way before they take notice of you in a
negative way. In other words, always be on top of your game. Always
be prepared. Do not turn in late work and do not turn in incomplete or
“sloppy” work. Always ask questions and present yourself well. These
are rules that African America females, as well as other African
American doctoral students, must follow to be successful in
predominantly White doctoral programs and universities.
Unfortunately, one our African American colleagues, an African
American female, was dismissed from the program after the second
semester. She did not follow the rules.”

Essence 2: Thriving on The Black Experience

The essence of dealing thriving on the Black experience
consists of positive experiences with Black professors and Black
Students. Specifically, the students discussed their experiences in
working with Black professors and students to negotiate White
doctoral programs of Educational Leadership.

Two interrelated themes reflect the essence of experiences: Mentoring
from Black Professors and Bonding with Black Students.

Mentoring from Black Professors

Mentoring from Black Professors is one of the well-described
themes of this research. According to the women, Black professors
used some form of mentoring to assist them with navigating their
doctoral programs. For Leslie and LENA, Black professors played
significant roles in mentoring them through the dissertation process.

Leslie explained:
“I was extremely thankful for having a Black professor on my doctoral
dissertation committee. The reason is that the professor always gave


me words of encouragement, especially when times were hard. This
professor would continuously show me how to prepare for a
dissertation defense. A few weeks before my defense, she even sat
with me and required me to conduct a mock dissertation defense.
Although I was extremely nervous, I was thankful for how she
critiqued my presentation. She also modeled ways to get main ideas
across to the committee. This experience really served me well, as the
committee unanimously approved of my defense.”

Linda indicated:
“My dissertation process was a living hell. But the one bright spot on
my committee was my Black committee member. She knew that the
White professors on my committee were giving me a hard time. At the
same time, she knew that if she confronted them, it would make it hard
for me. So she scheduled some time with me away from campus and
worked with and motivated me on how to complete the dissertation.”

Louise and Lena spoke of how Black professors mentored them
throughout the overall doctoral experience. Louise defined her
mentoring experiences through a Black professor’s encourage to
complete the program.

She explained:
“At so many points in the program, I was extremely disillusioned in
the program that I started to rethink my decision to enter the program.”

After further probing, she admitted:
“I was just so tired of the blatant dominance of the White power
structure that dominant every aspect of the doctoral experience. But
like a Godsend, Dr. A (Black Professor) just began to talk with me
about the importance of completing the program. She would pull me
into her office and say, ‘Look here, you are a young, gifted, and black
sista. And you must complete this program. Don’t you let the White
privilege and White discrimination derail you.’ We began to talk so
much that she became a mixture of a mentor, angel, and second mom
to me.”


Lena attributed her completion of the doctoral program to two
Black professors in her department. She indicated that one of the
professors provided her with a global, ethnic perspective on the need
for completing the program. The other professor showed her how to
navigate the political structure of her doctoral program.

She said:
“Professor X (Black Professor) was a very accomplished professor. I
mean he wrote numerous books on the Black experience and even
marched with Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. And he seemed to use these
experiences to mentor me through the program. I vividly remember
one instance of how he gave me a copy of Dr. Benjamin Mays’ speech
on “Low Aims.” He would then quote Dr. Mays and Say, ‘Not failure,
but low aim, is a sin.’ He would then tell me to aim high and get all
that you can get from the doctoral experience.”

In reference to the other professor, she stated:
“Dr. Y (Black Professor) was very savvy. She knew and taught me
how to deal with the political structure of a White doctoral program of
educational leadership. She would tell me-and other Black students
(Which were few and far in between) things like “Always do your best
in class,” and “Recognized that you are a representation of yourselves,
your families, and every Black professor in this department and at this
university. She would show us how to find resources or any thing
needed to stay abreast of the doctoral experience. As a result, I would
always go to her for advice on dealing with any matter related to my
doctoral experience.”

Bonding with Black Students


With the exception of Louise, All of the women formed
meaningful relationships with other Black students. Leslie and Lena
formed these relationships at the beginning of the program. As she
progressed through the program, Linda formed relationships with
other Black Students. Overall, the relationships represented bonding
that helped them to complete the program. What follows is a
description of each woman’s experience.

Leslie said:
“At first, I was the only African American female and at 21, the
youngest member of my doctoral cohort. After the first semester
another African American female joined the cohort and we began out
journey of “African American Accountability.” This level of
accountability involved helping each other persist through the class
and the comprehensive exams.”

Lena said:
“On the first night of class, I was pleasantly surprised that I was not
the only African American student admitted. There were three other
females and two males. We immediately bonded. It was though we
knew we were going to need each other through this experience, and
we did. Unlike the White students, we did not know each other or
anyone else in the cohorts. So, initially we formed a group. However,
as we progressed through the program, we did change up our group
from time to time.”

LL said:
“The most positive aspect of the doctoral program for me was other
African American students. One on level, most of the teaching of
instruction was very effective, yet little was given to cultural diversity.
I got that from working with other African American student. Over
time, I found that African American students were like a bond or shall
I say an ethnic and psychological safety net for me. We would often
meet after class and dialogue on class other program related
experiences.”


Discussion

The findings from this study are comparable to research on
African American female doctoral students. Surprisingly, the women
of this study did not define their doctoral experiences in terms of the
Black Feminist Theory (Hill-Collins, 1996). Their experiences were
largely defined by the intersection of previous research and the Critical
Race theory (Delgado & Stefancic, 2001).

For example, consider Linda’s summarization of her
experience: “I entered the doctoral program cognizant of the
challenges and barriers that could and would occur (rigor in
curriculum and instruction). But I was not prepared for the
unprofessionalism that was displayed in discriminating practices by
majority of the White teaching staff. The gold old boy-and girl-policy
of White favoritism permeated the hallways of the institution.”

This experience is consistent with Manigault’s (1999) and
Ellis’ (2001) indication of African American female doctoral students’
negative experiences with White faculty members. Their findings
showed that most of the women were not supported by White faculty
members in their departments. Consistent with previous research, the
women of this study sought meaningful mentoring and advising from
African American professors (Ellis, 2001; Essed, 1993; hooks, 1994;
Landry, 2003).

This research has also shown that the African American
professors are from other departments or outside of the university
(Ellis, 2001; Essed, 1993; hooks, 1994; Landry, 2003). My research,
however, showed that the females’ African American mentors worked
in their departments. This finding has significance, given the small
percentage of African American faculty members on university
campuses (Trower, 2002).

Based on the women’s descriptions of their mentors, the
African American mentoring made a significant difference in their


doctoral program experiences. In particular, some of the mentors
reminded the African American female doctoral students of the
importance of fulfilling African American ideals of academic
achievement. In this capacity, the mentoring provided the women with
the motivation and confidence to achieve their doctorate degrees.

Conversely, their motivation can not be defined in the context
of interacting with White students. In effect, all of the women reported
that they did not establish meaningful relationships with their White
peers. Instead, they observed their White peers exude White privilege
regarding their admittance to the program. Another significant finding
is the women’s descriptions of how they were treated by white
students. The women perceived that race influenced both the White
faculty’s and students’ respect for and views of them. This finding is
consistent with the critical race notion (Delgado & Stefancic, 2001)
and research on racially marginalized doctoral experiences of African
American women (Essed, 1990; St. Jean & Feagin, 1998).

As an example, Leslie indicated that many of her White peers
tried to define her program experiences as an indication of the need for
multicultural diversity. From a micro-aggression perspective, the
White students’ attempt to marginalize Leslie’s doctoral experience
reflects a subtle reminder of how they are not expected to be in the
doctoral program. She, as well as other African American doctoral
students, was not necessarily expected to have the academic astuteness
to matriculate a doctoral program of educational leadership.
Consequently, the White students subtly conveyed their beliefs in the
need for special provisions to facilitate African American students’
entry into doctoral programs. In response, many of the women from
this study used a counter story approach to prove that they belonged in
doctoral programs of educational leadership.

The outcomes of this research also suggest that the African
American women benefited from their relationships with other African
American doctoral students. As indicated in their comments, these
relationships developed into bonds that help the women to navigate


their doctoral experiences. This finding suggests that doctoral students
do have the potential to serve as a source of informal and formal
support for each other. With regard to the participants of this study, the
authenticity of the support is viewed through the lens of ethnicity.

In sum, the findings of this study can be defined in terms of
dealing with and thriving on. In this study, Dealing with described the
relationship between the African American female doctoral students
and White faculty members and White students. Most of the
participants sensed some level of injustice in dealing with White
faculty. They also observed unmarked and unchecked elitist behavior
through their dealings with White students.

Thriving on denoted their growth from relationships with
African American faculty members and African American students.
They thrived on the formal and informal mentoring relationships with
African American faculty. They also thrived on the academic and
social bonding with other African American doctoral students. Thus,
for African American women, race may be a factor when entering
predominantly White programs to complete doctoral programs of
educational leadership. Unlike theoretical underpinnings of Black
Feminist thought, the experiences of African American women’s entry
into these programs may not intersect across race and gender.

Implications

Due to the small sample size of this study, I am presenting the
findings of this study as implications for the participants’ universities.
I am presenting the findings as suggestions for other predominantly
White universities with doctoral programs in educational leadership.
First, university policy makers should develop ways for reducing
African American women’s feelings of dealing with White faculty and
students. The participants of this study were able to form meaningful
relationships with African American faculty in their departments.
However, most African American females may matriculate doctoral


programs of educational leadership that consists of few of virtually no
African American faculty. The reason is that most university
departments consist of a significantly higher number of White faculty
members than African American faculty members (Trower, 2002).
Notwithstanding, African American female doctoral students should
not be apprehensive about forming relationships with White faculty
members of doctoral programs in educational leadership.

With regards to doctoral programs in educational leadership,
administrators could facilitate this relationship by training faculty
members on how to effectively advise and mentor African American
women. They should be trained on how to develop an authentic
understanding of African American females’ concerns about their
doctoral coursework and dissertations. They should also be provided
with insight on the significance of offering advice, encouragement,
and support to these students. Another suggestion is to demonstrate
ways for involving African American women in research activities
that are not apart of typical class assignments or projects. Caucasian
American faculty members should be given tips for showing African
American females how to incorporate their doctoral work into their
employment experiences. Finally, Caucasian American faculty could
also show interest in African American females’ research interests.

Administrators and faculty members could address African
American female doctoral students’ experiences with White students
by facilitating serious discussions about race. In particular, the
discussions should provide the women with the safe space to express
their views of differences between their and their White counterparts’
doctoral experiences. The women must be allowed and encouraged to
discuss the micro-aggressions that are apart of their doctoral
experiences. With regard to this study, the women should discuss their
feelings about being viewed as token representatives of their doctoral
program’s memberships. For African American women, these
discussions could represent the counter stories needed to help them
experience a sense of belongingness into their doctoral programs of
educational leadership. The reason is that they counter beliefs that


portray African American women as being academically inferior
doctoral students to White people.

To sustain the significance of this African American
empowerment, I suggest that administrators and faculty members
continuously consider the following questions:

What are White doctoral students’ perceptions of the academic
intellect of their African American female counterparts?

• How do these perceptions impact White doctoral students’
level of respect for and interaction with African American
female doctoral students?
• How do prior racial experiences shape African American
female doctoral students’ trust in and respect for White
doctoral students?
• Do African American female doctoral students and White
doctoral students really value each other’s potential to elevate
their doctoral experiences?

Based on the findings from this research, the main implication
is to allow African American females to tell their own stories about
their experiences in doctoral programs of educational leadership. By
following and extending the focus of this research, administrators and
faculty can develop a cultural awareness of the issues, feelings, and
thoughts that may be apart of African American women’s doctoral
experiences. They could then use their testimonies to eliminate micro-
aggressions that are used to marginalize African American women’s
doctoral experiences in educational leadership programs. Equally
significant, they could become more sensitive of and committed to the
need to develop authentic relationships with African American female
doctoral students. Overall, African American women may be able to
thrive on instead of deal with their interactions with Caucasian
American faculty and doctoral students.


Limitations

This study consists of several limitations. First, this study is
based solely on my personal interpretation of the data. Another
researcher may interpret the same results from a different perspective.
Second, another limitation is the small sample size of African
American women from four states. As such, these findings should not
be perceived as universal experiences of African American women in
predominantly White doctoral programs of educational leadership. In
addition, this study does not speak to the lived of experiences of
African American women in predominantly White doctoral programs
in other disciplines. Van Manen (1990) indicated that the
phenomenological research design supports the need for limited
generalizability of a study. According to him, “The tendency to
generalize may prevent us from developing understandings that remain
focused on the uniqueness of human experiences” (p.22). However,
because of connecting the data to the wider theoretical underpinnings
of African American experiences in American, I have positioned this
research to be somewhat relevant to other African American women.
The remaining limitations of this study are the cross sectional research
design and time between participants’ graduation and participation in
the interview process.

Future Research Recommendations

This study provides a conceptual framework for interpreting
African American women’s lived experiences in predominantly White
doctoral programs of educational leadership. Because of the
inconclusiveness of these outcomes, more research needs to explore
different African American experiences in predominantly White
doctoral programs. These studies hold the potential to progress our
understanding of their lived doctoral experiences. As such, I am
making the following recommendations for future research:


• Research needs to examine African American women’s lived
experiences as the only African American in predominantly
White doctoral programs of educational leadership.
• Research should focus on African American women’s lived
experiences in predominantly White doctoral programs of
other advanced disciplines (Curriculum and Instruction, Social
Work, Higher Education).
• Research should focus on African American women’s lived
experiences in predominantly White doctoral programs of
other advanced degrees (e.g. Ph.D, J.D, M.D, Th.D, Psy.D).
• A researcher should replicate this study by focusing on African
American women’s lived experiences in completing the
dissertation process in predominantly White programs of
educational leadership and other disciplines.
• A study that investigates the lived experiences of White
women and White students in predominantly Black doctoral
programs of educational leadership and other disciplines would
provide an interesting contrast to this study.

Conclusion

My primary goal for this study was to identify African
American women’s lived experiences in predominantly White doctoral
programs of educational leadership. By allowing the women to use
their voices, they were able to narrate a personal story on the
experience of being Black, female, and a doctoral student in a culture
that doesn’t reflect their cultural beliefs.

Surprisingly, I found that their narratives were more indicative
of the Critical Race Theory than the Black Feminist Theory. Although
race and gender made the women visible to their doctoral programs,
their race caused them to experience feelings of invisibility.
Notwithstanding, the women were able to achieve their doctoral
degrees in educational leadership. One reason is that they were able to


successfully navigate the “dealing with” aspects of the White privilege
structure of their doctoral programs. In addition, they were able to
appreciate the “thriving on” aspects of the Black empowerment
structure of their doctoral programs. These findings highlight the need
for policy makers to facilitate authentic and meaningful interactions
between African American women and predominantly White doctoral
programs’ Caucasian American professors and doctoral students.
Through careful analysis of micro-aggressions and counter stories,
these programs may be able to develop program experiences that are
inclusive and appreciative of the lived experiences of African
American female doctoral students.


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