Mary Ann Springs, Dissertation Proposal, Dr. William Allan Kritsonis, Dissertation Chair, PVAMU/Member of the Texas A&M University System

1. LIVING LEGACIES: A PHENOMENOLOGICAL STUDY OF FOUR AFRICAN
AMERICAN MALE EDUCATIONAL LEADERS AT A SOUTHWESTERN
HISTORICALLY BLACK COLLEGE AND UNIVERSITY
_________________________
A Dissertation Proposal
Submitted to the Whitlowe R. Green College of Education
Prairie View A&M University
In partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of
Doctor of Philosophy
_______________________
By
Mary Ann Springs
_______________________
August 2010
Prairie View A&M University
_______________________
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2. Table of Contents
List of Tables
Data Collection Table .......................................................................................................v
Table 1: Data Collection ...................................................................................................v
Chapter I.............................................................................................................................1
Barriers to African American Male Leadership at Predominantly White Institutions
.............................................................................................................................................3
The History of African American Education...................................................................5
The Significance of HBCU's and African American Male Leadership.......................6
Research Questions............................................................................................................8
Purpose of the Study.........................................................................................................9
Significance of the Study...................................................................................................9
Delimitations of the Study...............................................................................................20
Limitations........................................................................................................................20
Definition of Terms..........................................................................................................21
Organization of the Study...............................................................................................22
Chapter II.........................................................................................................................23
Review of Literature........................................................................................................23
History of Black Education in the South.......................................................................23
The Rise and Significance of the HBCU........................................................................24
Critical Moments in African American History...........................................................26
Black Leaders and Politics.............................................................................................26
The Jim Crow Laws and Segregation............................................................................27
The Black Power and Civil Rights Movements.............................................................27
The Black Family and Community................................................................................28
African American Leadership and National Leaders..................................................28
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3. Leadership Styles of African American Men................................................................29
Frederick Douglass ........................................................................................................29
Henry Highland Garnet..................................................................................................30
Marcus Garvey...............................................................................................................31
Booker T. Washington...................................................................................................32
Malcolm X......................................................................................................................34
Dr. Martin Luther King Jr..............................................................................................35
Educational Leaders of African American HBCU's....................................................36
Black Faculty in Higher Education................................................................................36
African American Male Administrators in Higher Education....................................38
Leadership Demands at HBCU's...................................................................................41
The Significance of Mentorship for African American Males....................................42
Critical Race Theory.......................................................................................................43
Resilience Theory.............................................................................................................44
Risk Factors that threaten African American Male Youth.........................................46
Chapter III.......................................................................................................................49
Methodology.....................................................................................................................49
Purpose of the Study........................................................................................................49
Methodology ....................................................................................................................50
Research Design...............................................................................................................52
Actual Research Design...................................................................................................54
Subjects of the Study.......................................................................................................55
Data Collection Table......................................................................................................55
Table 1: Data Collection..................................................................................................57
Instruments......................................................................................................................57
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4. Validity of the Data..........................................................................................................61
Procedures.....................................................................................................................62
Data Analysis....................................................................................................................68
Summary .........................................................................................................................70
References.........................................................................................................................71
APPENDIX A: DEMOGRAPHIC INSTRUMENT.....................................................78
APPENDIX B: INTERVIEW QUESTIONS.................................................................82
APPENDIX C: INTERVIEW PROTOCOL.................................................................85
APPENDIX E: IRB APPROVAL FOR RESEARCH STUDY...................................91
RESEARCH STUDY.......................................................................................................92
APPENDIX F: CONSENT FORM................................................................................93
APPENDIX G: INFORMED CONSENT TO AUDIO TAPE INTERVIEW............97
APPENDIX H: REVISED INTERVIEW INSTRUMENT..........................................99
REVISED INTERVIEW INSTRUMENT...................................................................100
iv

5. List of Tables
Data Collection Table..........................................................................................................
Table 1: Data Collection......................................................................................................
v

7. Chapter I
African American males for centuries have had a history of fighting for basic
rights promised for all under the American Constitution: life, liberty, and the pursuit of
happiness. Since the African American's arrival to the shores of North America, he was
forced to deny the existence and practice of his culture in exchange for thinking, working,
and living like a slave until his death. This life of servitude was inescapable and,
inevitably passed down from generation to generation (Dubois, 2003).
Life for African Americans, especially African American males, has continued to look
dismal. According to DuBois (2003), the American society has stereotyped African
Americans as lazy, insolent, aggressive, and unintelligent compared to the dominant race.
While these views are often opinionated and over-rated, such speculation has caused a
negative view of African American males to permeate throughout society. This negative
aura has left African American males marginalized, criminalized, and dehumanized
(DuBois).
In the Children’s Aid Society (2006) summary report of statistics on the African
American Initiative, showed more than 29% of African American youth 15 years and
older were more likely to be incarcerated, compared to 4.4% White American boys.
Black males represented 49% of inmate population, while only 4% attended college, and
3% actually graduated. Less than one-half of African American males were employed
and 50% who attended metropolitan schools dropped-out. Homicide was the number one
killer among African American youth. In lieu of the research on the societal, political,
and educational displacement of African American males (Bashi, 1991; Dubois, 2003;
1

8. 2
Smith, 2004; & Woodson, 2005), it is not surprising that the statistics following this
group are alarming and assist in perpetuating the problem.
In the area of education, the Child Society Aid (2006) report showed that African
American males are over-represented in areas of suspension, discipline referrals, and
special education programs. Due to the heavy publicity of failure in these areas, African
American male representation in Gifted and Talented or Advanced Placement programs
is void in the literature. The African American male's failure in these areas has served as
a catalyst to other societal problems such as incarceration, homicide, drugs, gang
violence, and persistent drop-out rates in education (Child Society).
In Tillman’s (2004) study of African American males enrolled in community
colleges, many agreed that their educational experience was one in which they
experienced isolation, little support, and resources, which included an
underrepresentation of role-models and a lack of mentorship programs . College
environments which are non-supportive and fail to meet the needs of African American
males, may contribute to transferring or dropping- out of the program (Tillman). The low
performance and underrepresentation of African American males has become a growing
concern for Historically Black Colleges and Universities (HBCU) as well. Factors that
prevented African American males from attending college were the obligation of being
the provider for the family, the negative influence of pop culture, and the lack of
educated role models (Cuyjet, 2006).
While these problems hold true for African American male youth, African
American males at the collegiate and leadership levels in higher education face similar
race-related barriers (Fraizer, 2009). According to Jackson (2008), African American

9. 3
males lag behind White American males economically when considering that White
Americans earn more income than African American males and are more likely to
receive promotions. This malady is related to hiring selections for executive positions
where White American males are more likely to be selected over African American
males in leadership position. (Jackson).
Barriers to African American Male Leadership at Predominantly White Institutions
Smith, Turner, Kofi, and Richards (2004) assert that African American males in
leadership at Predominantly White Institutions (PWI) experience similar challenges. Risk
factors that impact these leaders include voicelessness, tokenism, isolation from one's
culture, and stress when being forced to adopt mainstream ideals that are inconsistent
with their values. In addition, African American faculty at Predominantly White
Institutions (PWI) experience little opportunities for tenure, promotions, and scholarship.
In some cases, exploration of studies regarding African Americans, such phenomenon, is
not considered scholarship worthy and is highly void in mainstream review of literature
(Smith, Turner, Kofi, & Richards). These negative factors speak to the relevance of
Historically Black Colleges and Universities (HBCU) in the development of African
American male leadership (King &Watts, 2004).
Relatively few studies purport the experiences of African American males who
have become successful in spite of barriers such as racism, discrimination, and inequality
(Daniel, 2006; Ellison, 2007; Fraizer, 2009). A study was found on African American
educational leadership at an HBCU, but all participants of the study were female (Green,
2009). Therefore, the purpose of this study will be to give voice to four African American
male educational leaders, by conducting a phenomenological research study that will

10. 4
examine the emergence of educational leadership as perceived, experienced, and
exercised by African American male administrators of a Historically Black College and
University (HBCU) in Southwest Texas.
The conceptual frameworks for this study will be based on Critical Race (CRT)
and Resilience theories. Critical Race Theory (CRT) seeks to counter traditional theories
and practices that marginalize people of color. Critical Race Theory attempts to give
voice to the oppressed through stories concerning experiences related to racial
discrimination and inequality that have served as contributing factors to their lack of life,
liberty, and pursuit of happiness (Creswell, 2007).
According to Delgado (1999) and Bell (1995), much of one's own reality is
socially constructed and that reliving the experience can be medicinal to the wounds
caused by oppression and racism. Through the understanding of how race and
discrimination negatively impact marginalized groups, oppressors are challenged to
reflect on their practices and behavior toward the oppressed.
Resilience Theory is the anti-thesis to Critical Race Theory. While CRT exposes
racial and discriminatory practices through lived experiences of the victim, Resilience
Theory seeks to identify factors that contributed to the rise and success of individuals
experiencing oppression (Zimmerman, Ramirez-Valles, & Maton, 1999).
These frameworks will seek to expose the participants fight against inequality
and/or discrimination through the lens of Critical Race Theory (CRT). Resilience may be
a contributing factor to overcoming barriers which led to the success of four African
American male educational leaders at a Southwestern Historical Black College and
University in Texas (Daniel, 2006; Fraizer, 2009).

11. 5
Background of the Problem
The History of African American Education
African Americans, historically, have had a difficult journey navigating through
the social, political, economical, and educational systems of America. While these
systems were in place and controlled by the dominate culture during the Southern
Antebellum, such systems were not privileged to people held as slaves. As it pertains to
education, slaves were usually taught by the mistress or children of slave owners who
went to school, though such acts were prohibited by law (Slavery and the Civil War,
2009). At the sunset of slavery and the dawn of public education in the South, newly
freed slaves sought education as a means of access to these systems which they felt could
alter their lives and the lives of their families. (DuBois, 2003; Woodson, 2005; Woolfolk,
1986).
With the rise of institutions of higher education for Negroes, it was clear to the
African American community that education played a critical part in the entrance into
public education with their White counterparts. The dream was often challenged due to
the lack of funding, which produced heavy reliance of Black colleges, White
philanthropy, and missionaries who gained control of these state supported schools. It
wasn't until the Morrill Land Grant Act that states in the South actually began funding
public schools of Higher Education (Allen & Jewel, 2002; Woolfolk, 1986). With the
birth of freedom, came the emergence of African American leaders such as W. E. B.
DuBois and his contemporary, Booker T. Washington.
These two pivotal leaders debated on which form of education program was best
suited for the needs of its constituents. DuBois rallied in favor of the Liberal Arts, while

12. 6
Washington sought education for skills in industrialism. The debate was so sharp among
the two, that the African American community was split. One group supported the views
of DuBois, who openly attacked racism and believed in a Liberal Arts curriculum, in
contrast to Washington's group that took a more conservative approach to injustice (Allen
et al., 2002; Woolfolk, 1986). For many decades, a remnant of African American male
leaders began to surface as their right to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness were
challenged by the status quo. Although the efforts of DuBois and Washington were
noble, equity of education between Blacks and Whites was not reached. The nation's
leaders sought to equalize the playing field of education through the efforts of the
Freedman's Bureau (1865), desegregation through the Supreme Court's ruling of Brown
vs. the Board of Education (1954), and the rise of the Civil Rights Movement
(1955-1968), the nation's schools were still segregated (Allen et al., 2002; DuBois, 2003).
The Significance of HBCU's and African American Male Leadership
The desire for autonomy in decision-making and the need to raise leaders to
continue the mission of Historically Black Colleges and Universities (HBCU) remains a
critical issue. A growing body of research shows that African American males are
missing in action at the public post-secondary levels of education (Green, 2001; Jackson,
2001; Wiley, 2001).
According to Green (2001), the escalation of African American male drop-out
rates has become a major concern for policy-makers and the educational community
across the nation, yet the problem continues to persist. Factors for the decline in
graduation rates have not been specifically identified, but some factors may include
political, social, and cultural barriers. The implication is that if drop-out rates among

13. 7
African American males continue to decline, the critical presence of future leadership
among black men in public and higher education will continue to remain marginal
(DuBois, 2003; Eatman, 2000; Green, 2001).
African American male leadership is crucial to the African American community
with the rise of Black-on-Black crime, poor academic performance, the
overrepresentation of Black males in special education, and disproportionate numbers of
African American male incarceration in comparison to other races (Children’s Aid
Society, 2006; Ladson-Billings (1999). Without proper guidance programs and the
necessary mentors and coaches to help young African American males, this group may
lack the resilience to work hard and become productive citizens that will carry the legacy
of African American male leadership (Children’s Aid Society). The consistent decline of
African American male participation and contribution to the African American
community could lead to the absence of future leaders of HBCU's and public schools in
general (Jackson, 2001; Wiley, 2001; Woodson, 2005).
The researcher and a library research specialist used ProQuest, Sage Publications,
and EBSCO Host search engines to locate studies on African American male leadership
experiences at a Historically Black College and University in the Southwestern region of
the United States. After this exhaustive search, no dissertation study was found in the
research literature. Therefore, the researcher decided to conduct a phenomenological
study devoted to examining the emergence of African American male educational
leadership as perceived, experienced, and exercised by African American male
administrators of a Historically Black College and University (HBCU) in Southwest
Texas.

14. 8
Research Questions
The following research questions will guide the study. According to Marshall and
Rossman, as cited in Creswell (2007), the central question of a phenomenological study
should be explanatory in nature when little is known about a particular phenomenon and
descriptive when describing patterns related to the phenomenon. Therefore, the
researcher developed the following questions in order to capture these formats.
1. What critical moments in history have impacted the educational leadership
style(s) of four African-American male educational leaders from a Southwestern
Historically Black College and University?
2. Describe how leadership style(s) have evolved over the past three decades of four
African American male educational leaders from a Southwestern Historically
Black College and University.
3. Which leaders from the past have left an impression on four African-American
male educational leaders from a Southwestern Historically Black College and
University?
4. In the face of social, political, and racial adversities, what influenced the decisions
of four African American male educational leaders at a Southwestern Historically
Black College and University?
5. How do these four leaders describe and demonstrate their leadership style when
interacting with others?
6. How has the leadership of four senior African American male educational leaders
influenced policy and practice over the years and what changes were needed for
improvement?

15. 9
Purpose of the Study
The purpose of this study will be to give voice to four African American male
educational leaders, by conducting a phenomenological research study that will examine
the emergence of educational leadership as perceived, experienced and exercised by
African American male administrators of a Historically Black College and University
(HBCU) in Southwest Texas.
Significance of the Study
The constant decline of African-American male drop-out rates in public and
higher education, has posed a serious threat to the recruitment and retention of African
American male leadership (Cuyjet, 2006). With the internal and external pressure from
policy makers to diversify their student body, faculty, and staff, public institutions in
higher education are gradually acknowledging the persistent socioeconomically
disadvantage of African American males (Smith et al., 2004). Even in the attempt to
adequately diversify campuses, diversity initiatives have been futile, therefore
perpetuating marginalization of ethnic groups (Wiley, 2001).
A study on factors that contribute to the disparate representation of African
American men, confirms that African American male leaders lag behind their White
counterparts in the academic workforce, proving that hiring practices are more favorable
for White American males than African American males (Jackson, 2008). Absence of
Black leadership and Black mentors will not only impact public and post-secondary
schools, who educate African American males but will impact these young men by
decreasing their influence and visibility at the social, political, economical, and
educational levels (Stupak, 2008). Failure in these areas could ultimately affect the nation

16. 10
as a whole when considering true and timely reformation.
Designing a hermeneutical phenomenological study that will focus on the life
experiences of four senior African American male educational leaders at a Historically
Black College and University (HBCU) may serve as a tool to restore what "excellence in
action" looked like in the form of phenomenology. Data collection will include
interviews, documents, and artifacts designed to capture the essence of each participant.
The desired outcome will be four-fold: (1) to foster the meaningful paternal
relationships from senior educational leaders to succeeding generations; (2) to teach and
share leadership characteristics with young male youth of all backgrounds; (3) to
encourage African American males to complete graduation; and (4) to inspire and
motivate African American males aspiring leadership positions in public and higher
education.
The study will provide four African American male educational leaders the
opportunity to be heard with minimal interpretation from the researcher. This study will
not reflect the thoughts and opinions of the entire African American male educational
leadership population; neither will the narrative experiences of the participants be
germane to all African American male educational leaders but will provide voice to the
four participants of the study. In a broader sense, the study will add to the limited body of
research on African American male educational leadership in among Historically Black
Colleges and Universities (HBCU) in the Southwest region of the United States.
Assumptions
According to Moustakas, as cited by Creswell (2007), “the first step toward
"phenomenological reduction" in the analysis of the data is for the researcher to set aside

17. 11
all preconceived ideas or experiences in order to best understand the experiences of the
participants” (p. 235). The researcher will therefore share her experiences with risk and
protective factors that have framed her interpretation of leadership.
While growing-up in Bellville, Texas, a small town with a population of less than
ten thousand residents, in 1968, I learned to appreciate my father as the leader of our
family. His outstanding work ethic served as a model that helped me cope with
discrimination, inequality, and a negative self-concept that I would have to overcome in
order to take my place in society and serve humanity. I am the second product of the
union of a 14 year old black female, Dorothy Gilmore and a 17 year old black male,
Howard Palmer. Considered adolescents themselves, as compared to the age of marriage
of the present, little did the two realize how much stability their decision to stay together
would add cohesion to our family.
My father's life set the stage for my quest for strong leadership as a guide in
overcoming pre-existing barriers I would face and continue to face in the "game of life"
in America. As the second oldest of seven children, I think I loved my father the most
because he was my hero, the person I looked to for strength within the fragile world of
my imagination. My father became my first point of reference as I began to frame my
definition of leadership.
He often shared stories and experiences of how hard life was for African
Americans during his adolescent years. He told me about his job as a young share-
cropper picking a hundred pounds of cotton a day to help provide money for food for the
family. While he had an eighth grade education and my mother a third, the owners of the
crop fields made it clear (to the principals of the colored school) that education was

18. 12
secondary to the planting and picking of cotton. Black students spent half the school year
in the cotton fields.
Daddy's family prided themselves on strong work ethics. A few years later, when
his father decided to desert his wife and eight children, my dad and his siblings became
the bread winners for the family. Dad told me of many occasions in which a "good"
family name caused White people to help them buy food when they only had bread to
live by. The separation of my dad's mother and father hurt him as a child, so he vowed
that if he ever had a family, he would not repeat the decision his father made.
It was in the cotton patch where my dad met my mother. The two formed a union
and started their family. My parents had no home of their own, so they resided with my
mother's mother and step-father. My mother had her first child, Shirley, at age 13, and I
was born a year and a half later. Due to my mother's step-father's attempt to sexually
molest Shirley, my parents were kicked-out of the house and forced to find shelter in an
old abandoned car until they could find a place to live.
Although his education was limited, dad found odd jobs by utilizing his ability to
work hard to support his young family. One day a rich White cattle owner by the name of
Calvert Mewis (whom my dad worked for on a few occasions), saw my dad walking on
the road and asked him where he was going. My dad told him that he and his family had
no place to stay and were hungry. Mr. Mewis had empathy for his situation and made a
deal that if my dad would faithfully serve him, he would provide land, a home, and food
for the rest of his life. With the desire to show his appreciation, dad became the "John
Henry" of cattle wrestling for Mr. C.A. Mewis' Livestock business.
Dad spoke of how at the young age of 18, he would throw 200 to 300 pound

19. 13
cows and bulls with his bare hands. While his strong inner-drive and undaunted work
ethic won the favor of Mr. Mewis, it created animosity among the sons of Mr. Mewis and
his other hired hands. Mr. Mewis often referred to my dad as his "Black" son. There
wasn't a need that my dad had that Mr. Mewis did not meet. Because of his strong
determination, unwavering courage, and moral code of ethics, my dad emerged as an
outstanding African American male leader in my eyes. The lack of black-owned gas
stations, convenience stores, and blacks in public offices at the time, left me few
examples of African American male leadership.
As the years passed, my mom had five more children where she remained a stay-
at-home mom until our teenage years. It was during middle school at Bellville where I
began to see the deadly blow of the lack of empowerment of African Americans at the
social, political, and economical levels. There was an understood divide that existed
between the Black and White residents of Bellville. This divide was apparent in the types
of housing available to Blacks, which were mostly the "Projects." Other homes owned by
Blacks looked like run-down shacks, compared to the nice brick houses that many of my
non-black peers resided.
In lieu of embedded racism, the social structure of the town was fragmented with
Whites and Blacks perpetuating the values of their respective race. Economically, I saw
more blacks working for Whites or White-owned businesses than working for
themselves. Occasionally, my mother would clean houses for White women, which I
detested. I attempted to show my disdain by referring to her type of work as "slavery."
Observing my parents constant subjection and dependence on White people served as my
motivation to pursue a singing career in Country/Western music.

20. 14
Blacks and Whites were divided educationally. Black families that lacked the
home structure and educational tools to help their children with academics were prone to
teacher referrals that placed Black children in special education programs, services in
which I received. None of the Palmer children (including myself) have attended Bellville
schools without being retained. Almost 95% of my siblings' children that attend schools
in Bellville have been retained, and 100% of boys in our family who attended these
schools were retained and placed in special education. This stigmatism placed upon my
family by Bellville I.S.D. still exists today.
While I attended Bellville High, Advanced Placement courses were
predominately white, with one or two black students. The staff was predominately white
with two African American female teachers, one who taught special education and the
other taught Spanish. Absent was the presence of any black male leaders at Bellville High
School during my years as a student. These programs only reinforced the thought that
gradually developed in my mind… that White people were better than Black people. I
wanted the life that Whites had, so I began to talk like them, sing like them, and even
attempted to date them. I became so obsessed in trying to date White guys that Black
boys began to call me "White boy lover." Consequently, White guys were afraid to date
Black girls because of the prejudice and racism that engulfed the town.
Politically, as I recollect, no Blacks held a political position in Bellville. I didn't
see Blacks gathering at voting booths or being solicited to vote for a particular political
party. My parents never exercised their right to vote because voting wasn't an important
factor for them at the time. Mom and dad didn't consider themselves intellects; they were
laborers and didn't feel the need to voice their political views. We spent the majority of

21. 15
our lives working for Mr. Mewis by hauling-hay, picking pecans, raking leaves, and
manicuring their lawns. Because I lacked the awareness of the power of voting and the
price that the Black community paid to acquire it, I didn't practice voting until I became a
student at Prairie View A&M University. Needless to say, while my family learned the
value of hard work, which was modeled by my father, I began to desire mentors and role-
models who could lead me beyond the dismal life that I saw un-educated African
Americans become victims.
I was determined not to fall prey to the poverty and hopelessness that permeated
throughout the African American community. The only solace I could find was my
relationship with Christ. When I obeyed the Gospel at 17 years of age, the word of God
became my hope of a better life for me and my family. As a means of escape from my
family's present condition, I followed the advice of the African-American special
education teacher who not only encouraged me to go to college but drove me there. My
high school guidance counselor, on the other hand, pushed me toward a trade school
rather than college. I admit that I harbored distrust and hatred toward Whites who
mistreated Blacks while living in Bellville. It was at this point in my life that I knew that
only a relationship with God could free me from this pessimistic attitude I had developed.
Through prayer, attending church, and working-out my soul's salvation, my greatest
leader, Jesus took control of my life. Although the painful memories were still there, I
was able to forgive and move-on with my life.
When I stepped on Prairie View's campus, I had never seen so many African
Americans at one time. It was intimidating because I only remembered negative stories
and images about African American people and how they were prone to violence,

22. 16
especially among each other. Upon my enrollment in the Fall of 1987, I saw young
people just like me striving for the only equalizer for the Black community - education.
My high school G.P.A. was a 2.7. I had no intentions of going to college, therefore, I took
my grade point average for granted.
I had no knowledge of the SAT or ACT College entrance exams. In order to
complete the admissions process, I had to take the THEA and based upon my scores in
math, I had to take two remediation classes. I didn't care what amount of courses I needed
to take; I was on my way to becoming a student at Prairie View A & M University and
that's what mattered to me. The faculty at Prairie View took me under their wings and
helped me navigate through the financial aid process. I was the first and only member of
my immediate family who went to college and graduated with a BA and Masters degree.
As I took the educational route, I was happy to be free from the influence of the
dominant culture. At Prairie View, I saw African American males dressed in fine suits,
neatly groomed hair, articulating eloquent speech, and taking charge as leaders. Seeing
Black men in this light really excited me because I rarely saw such examples in my
hometown, and definitely not in such abundance.
In 1989, I entered and won the Miss Prairie View A & M University Scholarship
Pageant. This event allowed me to represent Prairie View on national television at The
Miss Texas Pageant in Fort Worth, Texas. My reign as Miss Prairie View A & M
University afforded me the opportunity to demonstrate my ability to lead and serve the
school community. My new role as one of the campus leaders meant that the critical eye
of society would be upon me. This thought raised a level of self-awareness of the leader I
was attempting to become.

23. 17
As previously mentioned, my strategy for overcoming social and economical
oppression was to become the first Black female "Charley Pride" in Country/Western
music. This was going to be my ticket out of poverty and feelings of inferiority. So I
began writing songs and recording in studios with Mr. Fredrick V. Roberts, who later
became my manager. While pursuing my career and education, I served the university
and various campus organizations with performances for the next three years and still
today. Mr. Roberts and I experienced racism in the music industry whether in local
country music and nationally-televised competitions.
In 1990, my leadership opportunities were further advanced when I represented
Prairie View A&M University as Miss Collegiate African American among twenty five
Historically Black Colleges and Universities (HBCU). Danny Glover introduced my
Country & Western performance who later invited me to perform for a celebrity gala,
where he offered me moral support. Danny Glover became a giant in my eyes on an
occasion in which he stepped-in to handle some miscommunication with my hotel
reservations. I was impressed at how expediently the situation was corrected; it was great
witnessing black leadership in action. That experience made me proud to see an African
American man stand with boldness and power in the midst of a predominately white
society. This encounter served as the catalyst of my paradigm shift regarding African
American male leadership.
These two pivotal moments of my history with Prairie View A & M University
took me out of a small town which practiced discrimination and racism, to a larger
platform which instituted similar acts as well. I eventually became discouraged in
pursuing the music industry and focused my attention toward educating young minds in

24. 18
the public education system and temporarily suspended my dreams of stardom.
During my educational pursuit at the Doctoral level at Prairie View, I often
wondered what obstacles or racial barriers generations before me had to endure. If only I
had a mentor who utilized certain strategies in overcoming discrimination, perhaps I
would have stood my ground in the pursuit of my career goal. Providentially re-directed
from my goal as a Country/Western star, I chose to enter the teaching profession. While
working my way toward certification, I fell in love with the idea of cultivating young
minds and making a difference in the lives of children. By this time, my husband and I
started a network marketing business with about 100 business associates. Although we
didn't earn much money, we invested thousands of dollars into leadership conferences,
books, audio-tapes, and CD's on attitude, skills with people, and the art of leadership. As
a teacher, I was able to take the success principles from great authors such as Napoleon
Hill, Dale Carnegie, Les Giblin, Dennis Kimbro, Robert Schuller, Mason Weaver, John
Maxwell, and Frederick K. Price and transform my students from having a "negative"
self-concept to having a positive self-concept.
We rubbed shoulders with multi-millionaires who practiced the dynamics of
leadership within a network of thousands of people. The majority of the men who held
the highest level of leadership were white males and only few were African Americans.
In fact, the majority of African American representations at leadership conferences were
members of the African American major leader's organizations.
My up-line leaders were predominately African American; the experience of
learning how to train and develop leaders was invaluable. As I observed these men, I
sensed their sincere desire to pass the torch of leadership to our generation. They were

25. 19
not afraid to talk about their challenges and triumphs that allowed them to accomplish
their goals as leaders of mega organizations.
Although our marketing business gradually dissolved, 10 years of leadership
experience helped me to form a concept of what servant leadership was about. After my
business ownership experience, I began to focus more on education. I have worked at
three different school districts and have become quite disturbed in the lack of African
American male teacher and leader representation. As I sat in data disaggregation
meetings with the superintendent of schools, it was clear that African American male
population performed the lowest among all groups on state mandated tests. I felt like a
failure as a teacher leader in 4th grade because they were the students who filled the in-
school suspension room daily. I knew that our African American boys were in trouble.
The Superintendent of Hempstead Independent School District became the first
black superintendent in 2007. He challenged the district to change the direction of this
volatile population. I accepted this challenge by desiring to conduct a research study on
men who have experienced the challenges of living as an African American male in the
United States of America. I knew that I needed to find men who were experts in
leadership, who had overcome even greater barriers than generations to follow could
imagine. This quest led me back to my educational home, Prairie View A & M
University, where I could now study the lives of men who understood what leadership
was all about. My intention was to conduct a study that would reveal factors that made
these men resilient and perhaps utilize this information to "restore" African American
male leadership.
I knew such models existed at Prairie View A&M because I had known and

26. 20
watched great leaders give back to the University with years of service and contribution.
The challenge of obtaining this information would be accessibility, so, I wanted to
conduct a study that would chronicle the lives of these men and their contributions to
African American male leadership.
Delimitations of the Study
For the purpose of this study, the researcher chose the following criterion for
participant selection: This study will look at four African American male administrators,
therefore eliminating the experiences and contributions of African American female
administrators. The participants of the study all serve as educational leaders at a
Southwestern Historically Black College and University (HBCU).
In addition, the participants of the study are currently serving as a professor or
administrator at the university chosen for the study. The participants of the study have
served the HBCU for 30 or more years in the College of Education. Based on the
criterion, four African American male educational leaders emerged as participants for the
study.
Limitations
The study may include the following limitations: First, the participant's narrative
expressions may be limited to the researcher's ability to use strong and descriptive
language in order to accurately report the experience. Second, since the study and
experiences are specific to the participants in question, the reproduction of this study for
a larger population with different demographic and racial make-up could change the
outcome. Third, since participants will be sharing experiences from the past, their
expressions may be limited to their capacity to recollect information. Fourth, the study

27. 21
will depend upon the honest responses of the participants while sharing their experiences.
Fifth, since the four participants are actively serving as leaders or as teachers, their
availability may be limited when scheduling interviews. Sixth, overt observations of the
participants may threaten their true leadership behavior when operating under a difficult
situation.
Definition of Terms
Table 10.2, as displayed in Creswell (2008), distinguishes between qualitative and
quantitative research. Quantitative research definition of key terms is listed as a critical
component of the format, whereas with qualitative research, key terms derive as the study
progresses. A general definition of key terms will be used until further terms develop
throughout the study.
For the purpose of the study, the following terms will be used:
• African American-An American of African and especially black African descent
(www.merriam-webster.com).
• Educational Leadership- the office or position of a leader (www.merriam-
webster.com ). An operational definition (Creswell, 2008; Fraenkel & Wallen, 2006)
would include the effective use of human and financial resources by an educational
administrator, through a spirit of teamwork, toward the mission of the school.
• Historically Black College and University - any college or university that was
established prior to 1964, whose principal mission was, and is, the education of Black
Americans (Higher Education Act of 1965).
• Predominately White Institution (PWI) - any college or university that was
established prior to 1964, whose school management and enrollment were majority

28. 22
White.
Organization of the Study
Chapter one detailed the problem, need, and significance of the study; defined
Critical Race and Resilience theories; and provided a summary of the chapters. Chapter
two will provide a review of related literature. Chapter three will describe the
methodology and rationale of the study. The researcher will provide analysis of the data,
the researcher's role, and a summary. Chapter four will present the analysis of the data.
Chapter five will culminate with the summary, conclusions, and recommendations for
further research.

29. Chapter II
Review of Literature
In order to understand the phenomenon of African American male leadership, it is
important to understand their history as a people. The aftermath of slavery, racism, and
inequality has left a negative impact on the plight of African American males at the
educational, social, and political levels (Woodson, 2005). It is important to note that these
risk factors have significantly decreased the pool of African American males as future
leaders in society (Eatman, 2000; Green, 2001; Wiley, 2001). Racism and inequality has
had a major impact on African Americans and continues to affect many aspects of their
lives.
The literature review will begin with the history of Black education in the South.
The rise and significance of HBCU's will lead to the establishment of African American
male leaders at the national level. Leadership styles of African American men will be
discussed in addition to their barriers in higher education. This chapter will also discuss
the significance of mentorship for future generations of African American males and
discuss Critical and Resilience theories. The literature will end with risk factors that
potentially threaten African American males.
History of Black Education in the South
Unlike Predominately White Institutions (PWI) in the Northern region of
America, Historically Black Colleges and Universities grew-out of the aftermath of the
Civil War from 1860-1865 (Allen et al., 2002). The dawn of slavery gave rise to the birth
of education for African Americans, who since their arrival to southern plantations were
denied access to education. From freedman's perspective, education held the keys to
23

30. 24
political, economical, and social mobility. Violation of the laws to read and write resulted
in negative and sometimes fatal consequences (Slavery and the Civil War, 2009).
No matter how challenging the slave master made the acquisition of education,
slaves found creative ways to possess the coveted ability to read and one day, write.
Before, and certainly after the Civil War, slaves in the South demonstrated their bold
desire for education by setting-up their own churches and informal schools. Many slaves
were educated through the telling of stories, singing of songs, and gospel messages by
religious leaders in the community (Slavery and the Civil War, 2009).
The Rise and Significance of the HBCU
According to Woolfolk (1986), the fall of slavery led to the establishment of
schools for young newly freed slaves. In less than a decade, over 100 schools for people
of color were established. The majority were day schools, while some serviced students
at night. These schools were heavily underfunded and lacked adequate facilities for
teaching, but nevertheless, African American male leaders (with the help of state
government, philanthropists, and white religious groups) demonstrated resilience in
managing to keep school doors open for business in the Black community (Allen et al.,
2002). It was within the walls of Historically Black Colleges and Universities (HBCU)
that African Americans found a degree of solace. HBCU's focused on preparing young
African Americans for education and a successful transition into society.
In 1878, the first public Historically Black College and University was established
in Southwest Texas. Alta Vista Normal College for Negroes became the first Black
public school for freed slaves. The school was built upon the ruins of a slave plantation
owned by Jared and Helen Kirby in Waller County in 1876. Many public schools of

31. 25
Higher Education in the South became training grounds for teachers who served in the
field teaching uneducated former slaves (Woolfolk, 1986).
According to Bennett and Yu Xie (2003), Historically Black Colleges and
Universities were an answer to the racial reprise that African Americans were inferior to
Whites; therefore, Blacks were excluded from Public White Institutions. Although Black
schools were considered inferior in terms of building and financial support, school
leaders were diligent in keeping the doors open to the Black community (Jackson, 2007;
Woolfolk, 1986). The Black community valued education and believed it served as a path
to overcoming political, economical, and social inequality.
HBCU's were responsible for the rise of national leaders such as W. E. B. Dubois,
Booker T. Washington, and Dr. Martin Luther King. In Benett and Yu Xie's (2003) study
on the role of HBCU's in education, collective data showed that HBCU's accounted for a
significant number of college degrees awarded to African American students than other
institutions. The research further asserts that African American students preferred
HBCU's over PWI's because Black universities had a more nurturing environment, which
made them to feel connected to the university. Students also felt the faculty and staff
were more supportive at HBCU's by providing academic and financial assistance
(Bennett & Yu Xie).
Black Colleges and Universities have historically served as institutions that have
recruited, nurtured, and retained African American students and leaders. Bennett and Xie
(2003) argue that HBCU's have greater success in nurturing students through race pride,
the value of African American history, and social interactions among the school
community. Historically Black Colleges and Universities (HBCU) have made

32. 26
contributions to American Education by producing a large professional workforce and
advocates for the cause of racial equity for minorities (Bennett & Xie, 2003).
Critical Moments in African American History
Black Leaders and Politics
In the late 1800's, the poor economical plight of Blacks in the South did not
victimize all. There were remnants of Blacks who rose to power and leadership in spite of
laws that worked against them. According to DuBois (2003), leadership had to come
from Blacks themselves because they felt their white counterparts did not have their best
interest in mind. During the 50's, emerging Black leaders needed the power of the ballot
in order to make political changes for their race.
DuBois (2003) further purported that the Black vote became a threat to the North
and South, therefore, the ignorant, as well as many of the established Blacks, were
deterred from exercising their right to vote. In the final analysis, Blacks viewed politics
as a vice for personal gain by those who participated. As a result of non-participation in
politics, Blacks became victims of dehumanization with no protection under the law.
From 1876 to 1965, the Jim Crow Laws were mandated as local and state laws
across the United States. These laws were designed to create artificial separation between
Blacks and Whites, especially in the South. Blacks were disadvantaged at the political,
economical, educational, and social levels. Civil rights and civil liberties were also
denied to Blacks. In the Brown vs. Board of Education in 1954, the U.S. Supreme Court
ruled segregation unconstitutional and the Jim Crow laws were dismantled by the Civil
Rights Act of 1964 and the Voting Rights Act of 1965 (DuBois, 2003; Harper, 2008;
Woodson, 2005).

33. 27
The Jim Crow Laws and Segregation
The Jim Crow Laws were designed to reinforce political, economical, and social
suppression among African Americans (Woodson, 2005). In the face of challenges and
adversity experienced by African Americans, some have developed the mental fortitude
to rise above temporary setbacks. DuBois (2003) and Woodson (2005) articulated that
while segregation was prevalent throughout the South, soldiers of the United States Army
(through World War 1) were segregated as well. African American males played
supportive roles in the army, but most did not see combat.
The Black Power and Civil Rights Movements
The Black Power Movement of the 1960's and the Civil Rights Movement
became two critical moments in African American history and leadership. In the fight for
an end to racism and the quest for equality, the Black Power Movement took a militant
approach to assuage the problem of African Americans living in America. Their political
ideology involved race pride, political and cultural institutions, and Black interests. The
movement sought to separate African Americans from the mainstream and build a self-
sufficient race (Herton, 1996).
The Civil Rights movement has had a long history in the United States. The
movement, though mostly fought through non-violence, opened the door to social and
legal acceptance for African Americans. It also exposed the existence and price of racism
in American history. The Civil Rights Movement refers to the political struggles and the
need for reformation for African Americans between 1945 and 1970. The movement's
purpose was to end discrimination experienced by disadvantaged groups in America. The
key players in the movement were the Black church and its focal leader, Dr. Martin
Luther King Jr. Although the movement caused the death of Dr. King, it provided

34. 28
marginalized groups access to civil rights (“Biographical Profiles”, 2010).
The Black Family and Community
During slavery, it was not uncommon for slaves to be separated from family
members. As slavery ended, many longed to reunite and find displaced members of their
families. According to DuBois (2003), the separation of male slaves from their
households left single mothers the burden of leadership in a paternalistic society. African
American family and community considered strong family bonds, great respect for
elders, and the acceptance of others as a major part of their value system. The family
structure gradually deteriorated due to poverty and the lack of education.
Segregation became a social tool that brought the African American community
together. The African American community has been pivotal in the development of the
African American culture (Woodson, 2005). Although African American communities
suffer with poor housing, inadequate schools, and less law enforcement protection, the
Black church was its nucleus. DuBois (2003) confirmed that the religious growth of
millions of male slaves contributed to the rise of the Baptist and Methodist faiths. It
appears that the nature of the African American struggle has set Black churches as a
cornerstone of spirituality for African Americans who experience racism and inequality.
African American Leadership and National Leaders
Strong and effective leadership is imperative to any organization that desires to
remain competitive in a global society. Research cannot deny that disparities among
racial groups exist. Berry (2001) asserts that organizational and societal factors such as
income, education, and occupation, health, and environment impact the quality of life for
an individual. The researcher further argues that leaders who are democratic, nurturing,

35. 29
and culturally sensitive create a climate that is conducive for racial diversity in leadership
(Berry, 2001). Strategies in helping people of color climb to leadership positions include
professional development in cultural competence, flexible scheduling, and support groups
that address diversity issues and structured mentoring programs (Preachlin, 2008).
If these strategies previously mentioned were available during the plight of
African Americans, perhaps their destiny would have been different. In spite of fierce
opposition, there were those of the African American community who would rise from
the ashes. Although the United States has had a history of racial discrimination and
inequality, these barriers did not silence the voice of pivotal African American leaders.
Through a militant and a persistent faith, Black leaders began to rise and define
leadership styles that served as guides in how the African community would respond to
social injustices in mainstream society (Dubois, 2003; Woodson, 2005).
Leadership Styles of African American Men
During the Antebellum, Civil War, Reconstruction, and Civil Rights Eras, African
American male leaders took different approaches as to how they would respond to the
harsh treatment of the American society. Some leaders chose the militant or non-violence
approach, while others promoted nationalism.
Frederick Douglass
In Biographical Profiles (2010), Fredrick Douglass was an activist, who spoke-
out against racism and discrimination. Douglass was born around 1817 and was
acclaimed as the first African American leader in United States History. Frederick
Douglas was raised by a single mother around 1817; he never knew his father. Through
his literary work, he characterized his life as a slave, as one filled with hard work, family

36. 30
detachment, and incredulous inhumanity. Despite the push to withhold education from
slaves, Frederick Douglass practically educated himself. His resilience not only spread
through his quest for education, but through his longing for freedom as well
(“Biographical Profiles”, 2010).
Upon several attempts to escape, he disguised himself as an American sailor, and
married a free African American woman from the South while in New York. Douglass
finally purchased his freedom and traveled to England to expose the cruelty of slavery
through speaking and writing. Douglass' political activism awarded him the title of the
unofficial spokesperson for the African American community. During the Civil War, he
was asked by President Lincoln to help recruit Black soldiers into the army. His courage
to speak-out against racism and discrimination against Black soldiers influenced the
decisions of Lincoln, who provided better treatment on their behalf. Douglass displayed a
charismatic and servant leadership style in that he was a powerful orator who spoke for
the rights of people of color, as well as women. Frederick Douglass continued to fight for
the rights of his people until his death in 1895 (“Biographical Profiles”, 2010).
Henry Highland Garnet
In direct opposition to Frederick Douglass' leadership style, was his
contemporary, Henry Highland Garnet. In Biographical Profiles (2010), Henry Garnet
was born in 1815-1882 to the Garnet family. Garnet's parents were slaves but eventually
escaped to Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania where they were later separated. Garnet, considered
an activist and great orator as well, advocated slave rebellion and emancipation through
militant abolitionism. He urged Blacks to take action against social injustice through
politics and claim their own destiny, even if it meant by force. Garnet's form of

37. 31
leadership style caused tension between him and Douglass, which developed into
political debates. Garnet also formed the idea of Black emigration out of America and
into Mexico, Liberia, and the West Indies. Although Garnet gained some political
influence in America, the movement lost momentum. He died and was buried in Liberia
(“Biographical Profiles”, 2010).
Marcus Garvey
According to Marcus Garvey Biography (2010), Garvey was born in 1887 in St.
Anna's Bay, Jamaica. His leadership style began as a result of the influence of African
nationalism, which contested that African Americans should establish their own states
and political power by leaving America in place of safer havens. Garvey's father had a
tremendous influence on him. Upon leaving the printing business in Jamaica, Garvey
came to America. The racial tension that Garvey experienced inspired him to join the
fight by speaking openly against racism; his passion for equality ignited a spark in the
African American community. In 1914, he formed two organizations and a newspaper
that spread throughout the world regarding the injustices experienced by Blacks. Garvey
advocated for the Black Nationalism and the return back to Africa. He encouraged
African Americans to enterprise and build social and political clout (“Marcus Garvey
Biography”, 2010).
After a bad business deal, Garvey was imprisoned then shipped back to Jamaica.
Garvey had a strong spiritual connection with God. He was married twice and fathered
two sons. His legacy included various Black symbols, a forerunner of liberation and
nationalism among African American youth (“Marcus Garvey Biography”, 2010).
The two most influential African American male educational leaders of the late

38. 32
19th and early 20th Centuries were Booker T. Washington and W. E. B. DuBois.
According to the Biographical Profiles (2010), both men graduated from HBCU's and
were highly respected among the African American community. Washington's influence
afforded him the job as the principal of Tuskegee Institute while W. E. B. DuBois'
scholarship on the lived experiences of African Americans in the United States gained
national attention.
Booker T. Washington
Booker T. Washington was raised by a single mother. His father was a slave
owner of a nearby plantation. While growing-up, Washington desired education so much
that he worked as a janitor for room and board. After receiving his degree, he began
teaching at Hampton University (“Biographical Profiles”, 2010).
DuBois (2003) described Washington's leadership style as the politics of
accommodation, which suggested that African Americans should not rush to demand
their rights fresh out of slavery, but should demonstrate their usefulness to White
America through strong work ethics. While Washington publicly endorsed White
supremacy, he secretly funded activities which spoke against it. Washington's charisma
was so convincing that White Northerners and Southerners named him the official
spokesperson for the Black community (“Biographical Profiles”, 2010). This title opened
political opportunities and power for Washington among White political meetings. His
subservient behavior, however, was ridiculed by W. E .B. DuBois. These two prolific
leaders were polar opposites on how to address inequality and which curriculum would
best serve the African American community. According to Woolfolk (1986), DuBois
favored a Liberal Arts curriculum for the freedman, while Washington advocated a

39. 33
curriculum which would train students for industrialism Woodson, 2005).
In the Biographical Profiles (2010), Booker T. Washington advocated that
African Americans could acquire constitutional rights by their own efforts through
industry rather than politics. Washington refrained from creating friction and unrest
among the African American community, which earned him the name "The Great
Accommodator." According to DuBois (2003) and Kritsonis (2002), the hardships of
lynching, segregation, and the Jim Crow Laws, compelled Washington to secretly help
finance activists fight against equality. Washington's legacy includes educational
programs for rural extension work and the development of the National Negro Business
League. In 1901, Booker T. Washington received an Honorary Doctorate degree from
Harvard University.
William Edward Burghardt DuBois
In Biographical Profiles (2010), William Edward Burghardt DuBois lived from
1868 to 1963 and was deemed the most important Black intellect of the 20th Century.
DuBois earned his B.A. degree at Fisk University in Nashville, Tennessee and became
the first Black to receive a Ph.D. at Harvard University. DuBois was very controversial in
the injustices and unequal treatment of African Americans. He advocated for African
Americans and spoke-out against racism and inequality through intellect and liberal
education. His life was a mixture of scholarship, protest activity, and polemics. All
efforts channeled toward gaining equal treatment for Blacks in mainstream America and
presenting evidence to refute myths about racial inferiority. He shared in the
establishment of the National Advancement Association for Colored People (NAACP) in
1906 (“Biographical Profiles”, 2010; DuBois, 2003; Kritsonis, 2002; Woodson, 2005).

40. 34
According to Biographical Profiles (2010), DuBois demonstrated his agitation
toward whites through his harsh criticism of their practices against Blacks. Racial
protests following World War 1 focused on anti-lynching legislation, spear-headed by
DuBois and the NAACP. DuBois began moving toward a Nationalist approach, in which
African Americans could position themselves to alter their political, schools, economical,
and social outlook. DuBois became a member of the Socialist party from 1910-1912. His
legacy includes several books that reflected his disappointment with the American system
which seemed to work against people of color, while working toward the advantage of
the majority race. Despite the inequality of the system, DuBois used his keen intellect and
literary skill to rally the African American community to fight for rights (“Biographical
Profiles”, 2010; DuBois, 2003; Kritsonis, 2002).
Malcolm X
In the Biographical Profiles (2010), Malcolm X was a civil rights leader and a
major spokesman for Black Nationalism during his time. Malcolm was born in 1925.
Malcolm's father followed the leadership style of Marcus Garvey. Because of the families
desire to challenge racism and discrimination, Malcolm's father was murdered, therefore
leaving Malcolm's mother to raise eight children. She later became mentally ill and the
children were divided among family members. Most of Malcolm's adolescence was
unstable.
In the Biographical Profiles (2010), Malcolm eventually dropped-out of school
by the age of 15 and moved into the workforce. Lacking a sense of direction and
mentoring, he turned to a life of crime, which confined him to ten years in prison.
Malcolm demonstrated resilience through a relationship with God and educated himself

41. 35
through the American dictionary. His family supported him while in prison and exposed
him to the works of the Nation of Islam and the prophet Elijah Mohammad, the leader of
the Black Muslims. The Muslim doctrine taught hate and demonization of White
Americans. After serving his prison sentence, Malcolm married and fathered six
daughters. He eventually became a follower and new spokesman for the Nation of Islam.
His leadership style was militant and called for equality through violence, if necessary.
Due to unrest within the organization, Malcolm left the Nation of Islam and
organized two organizations of his own. He later traveled to Mecca, Africa, and Europe,
where he experienced a transformation. He returned to America and leaned more toward
the view of Dr. Martin Luther King and worked with White and Black organizations that
shared the same cause. Malcolm X continued to fight for civil rights and equality until his
assassination in 1965 (“Biographical Profiles”, 2010).
Dr. Martin Luther King Jr.
Dr. Martin Luther King's view of how to address racism and inequality was in
contrast to Malcolm X. Although King resented racism and the mistreatment of Blacks,
he chose to fight injustices through a non-violence strategy. Born in 1929, King was
raised in a stable family environment, unlike Malcolm X. King attended public schools
and earned a Doctorate degree in Theology from Boston University in 1955. King later
became a minister and married Coretta Scott, who bore him five children. In 1954, King
carried the legacy of W. E. B. DuBois, when he became an active member, and later
national spokesman for the NAACP. Boycotts against segregation went before the U.S.
Supreme Court which ruled that segregated busing was unconstitutional. King became an
overnight success and eminent leader of the Civil Rights Movement (“Biographical

42. 36
Profiles”, 2010). While his life was in constant danger, King's resilience, dependence on
God, and unwavering courage provided him with the strength to endure. According to the
Biographical Profiles (2010), Dr. King was assassinated in 1968. His legacy includes a
Nobel Peace Prize and schools and streets across the nations that bear his name. His life
and struggle are written in history books on how he became the greatest catalyst of
change for African Americans.
Educational Leaders of African American HBCU's
Black Faculty in Higher Education
According to a study by Allen (2000), in addition to the negative disposition of
African American male youth in public education, African American faculty are
underrepresented across the board among most U.S. colleges and universities. Allen’s
data confirmed that African American faculty was systematically and significantly
disadvantaged in measures such as opportunity structure, resources, appointed positions,
and advancement opportunities.
Wiley (2001) purports that African Americans are systematically and
significantly disadvantaged, which could lead to potential meltdown in the recruitment
and retention of African American faculty and future leaders. This presents a problem
when considering the influx of African American males and females attending
mainstream universities and community colleges (Allen, 2000; Jackson, 2001).
Allen (2000) and King and Watts (2004) further purport that the
underrepresentation of African American faculty at the Post Secondary level is a
persistent problem in the American education system. Allen's study showed that African
Americans represented 4 % of the professorate and associate professorates in the system,

43. 37
while their white counterparts represented 87% of tenured professors. African Americans
comprised a larger scale of instructors at 7% while white instructors represented 82% of
the faculty pool. Allen, King, and Watt’s research on the underrepresentation of African
American faculty and leadership positions point to contributing factors such as racism,
inequality, and discrimination in higher education.
Jackson (2008) confirms that previous studies have suggested that African
American males lag behind their White peers in the academic workforce. The study
found that human capital and merit-based performance were favorable for White males
but unfavorable for African American males. The findings suggest the need for further
investigation of hiring practices of public institutions in higher education.
At the professorate level, African American faculties are sometimes treated with
less respect than their White counterparts and are expected to perform with minimal
support from the respective university (Hobson, 2004). With the increased pressure for
mainstream colleges and universities to diversify its staff ethnically and racially, these
institutions still fall behind in hiring faculty of color. In an article on hiring practices and
conditions for hiring, Predominately White Institution's (PWI) hiring practices for faculty
of color were based on job descriptions stating the need of a candidate of color, special
hiring, and the utilization of racial groups to recruit and hire candidates of color. The
argument further exposed White institutional leaders and department chairs' belief in the
idea of the "narrow" pipeline. This notion implies the high demand and the lack of
potential candidates justify the marginality of African Americans (Smith et al, 2004).

44. 38
African American Male Administrators in Higher Education
The representation of African American male educational leaders at HBCU's is
critical to the development of future leadership because their numbers are few, especially
at PWI's (Predominately White Institutions). The presence of African American male
leadership can have a significant impact on young African American males who enter
college without such examples (Jackson, 2001).
A growing body of research shows that African American male leadership is
severely underrepresented compared to the population of educational leadership across
the nation (Guillory, 2001; Jackson, 2001; Wiley, 2001). Although African American
males who attain their advanced degrees have ascended to leadership positions, they are
still operating in a climate that subtly implies Blacks are inferior to Whites. Factors that
contributed to African American males' dissatisfaction in working at Predominately
White Institutions included tokenism, isolation, lack of support, and voicelessness
(Jansen, 2005).
A History of Prairie View A & M Educational Leaders as Administrators
Scholarly literature on African American males and the myriad of problems they
face is evident, however, the inception of HBCU's have provided the opportunity to place
African American males in positions of leadership. The Freedman's Bureau paved the
road for public education for African American youth. It was the one singleness of effort
by the government to ameliorate racial tension in the nation. With the help of White
philanthropy, government support, and financial savings of the Black community,
African Americans gained access to education. Their education began through the

45. 39
formation of state supported colleges which focused on educating young black youth in
preparation for the transition from slavery to freedom (DuBois, 2003).
Prairie View A&M University, the oldest state supported HBCU in Texas, was
established on August 14, 1876 under the state legislature in response to the neglect and
deprivation of education for Black youth. Representative William H. Holland, considered
the Father of Prairie View, helped establish the legislative body that would create Alta
Vista College for Colored Youth. The school was placed under the control of the Texas
A&M Board of Directors and the Texas A&M president from the school's inception to
1948. The school was managed by the first African American male leaders who were
called "principals" at the time. Principals of the school were appointed by the Texas
A&M president and Texas A&M School Board (Jackson, 2007; Woolfolk, 1986).
The first cohort was comprised of eight students and after the following year of
closing down, the school re-opened its doors to fifteen men and women. In the same year,
the school's name was changed to Prairie View Normal College on October 6, 1879. The
inclusion of females made Prairie View the first co-education school of higher education
in Texas (Jackson, 2007; Woolfolk, 1986).
The first principal of Alta Vista College for Colored Youth was Mr. L.W. Minor
from Mississippi. His administration was followed by two brothers, E.H. Anderson and
L.C. Anderson. L.C. Anderson demonstrated educational leadership by using his political
influence and spirit of advocacy toward Black education. His affiliation with the State
Colored Teachers Association of Texas helped establish the Prairie View National
Alumni Association. Professor Edward L. Blackshear succeeded the Anderson's and was
noted for introducing the college's first curriculum, the construction of new buildings for

46. 40
the campus, and an interscholastic athletics program in 1901. Although Prairie View
underwent many challenges such as lack of funding and inadequate facilities, the strong
leadership of additional leaders such as Dr. Osborne and W.R. Banks (student and
personal mentee of Dr. DuBois) kept the school open for service to the community. W.R.
Banks was instrumental in the fight for educational equality and social justice for African
Americans in Texas (Jackson, 2007; Woolfolk, 1986).
Professor Banks instituted many of the ideals of Dr. DuBois and established
educational conferences that were research-based, since Prairie View contributed to a
large number of African American teachers in Texas. This new concept of incorporating
research and teaching elevated these men and women of the faculty of Prairie as
community leaders. Dr. E.B. Evans succeeded Professor Banks and became the last
principal and first president of Prairie View. Dr. Jessie Drew became the universities
second president, who was replaced by Dr. Alvin I. Thomas as the third president of
Prairie View A&M University. In addition to overseeing an extensive building program
and the first Naval Reserve Officer Training Program at an historical black public
institution, Dr. Thomas advocated for the Texas constitutional amendment in recognizing
Prairie View A & M University as one of the three first class institutions (which included
the University of Texas and Texas A&M). Dr. Thomas also coined the popular lexicon
"Prairie View Produces Productive People" (Jackson, 2007).
Succeeding Dr. A.I. Thomas was Prairie View's fourth president, Dr. Percy A.
Pierre. Dr. Pierre brought new ideas such as decentralization of administration in contrast
to the school's previous leader's centralized administrative style. Dr. Pierre established
good public relations within and outside the university. His administration fell into

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financial mismanagement placing Prairie View under possible conservatorship. President
Pierre was succeed by General Julius Becton, a three-star general and the first Prairie
View A&M graduate to serve as president of the university. Acting as the fifth president
of Prairie View A&M, General Becton's leadership put the university back in good
financial standing. The Becton's were actively involved in the school and local and
surrounding communities (Jackson, 2007).
In 1994, Charles A. Hines became the sixth president of Prairie View A&M
University. President Hines improved the university's facilities construction program, and
was later replaced by Mr. Willie Tempton. Mr. Tempton served as interim president until
the administration of Dr. George C. Wright, the seventh and current president of Prairie
View A&M University (Jackson, 2007).
Dr. Wright graduated with a Master of Arts degree at the University of Kentucky
and a doctorate at Duke University. He has held many leadership positions such as Vice-
President of Academics and Provost at the University of Texas Arlington. Dr. Wright has
served as an educator and publisher of several books. He is an active leader in his
community (“Promoting Scholarship from within the Black Diaspora”, 2010).
Leadership Demands at HBCU's
While African American male leaders experience their set of challenges at
Predominately White Institutions, obstacles at HBCU's are somewhat different. HBCU's
are confronted with the responsibility of recruiting African American students in order to
increase and maintain enrollment. Competent leadership is critical in the recruitment and
retaining of quality students who make a significant contribution to society. Educational
leaders of HBCU's must be savvy in the recruitment of strong African American leaders

48. 42
who are capacity builders for improved management that demonstrate the ability to
strategically plan. Educational leaders must possess the ability to effectively address
enrollment management and retention, funding, and be ethically sound in budget
management. In addition, administrators must grapple with providing support for
incoming students in the areas of financial aid and academic support when students are
deficient in these areas. The biggest challenges in recruiting African American male
leadership are putting-up with bureaucracy, raising private dollars, developing alumni
support, and marketing the institution (Stupak, 2008).
The Significance of Mentorship for African American Males
According to a study by Foster (2005), mentorship programs were strong
predictors of success for African American males in Public and Higher education. The
study featured the effect of mentoring programs on the success of African American
males in Predominately White Institutions. Foster's study (2005) also revealed that
African American male faculty experienced isolation and felt that the school's mentoring
program was not fulfilling its purpose in developing a strong mentor/mentee relationship
and extinguishing the issue of race. Based upon the findings, the need for further study on
the practice and roles of universities mentorship programs is needed.
Bashi (1991) asserts that mentoring first began as a tool used by corporate
executives to successfully navigate the journey up the corporate ladder. The research of
mentoring in business settings indicated that two-thirds of successful corporate
executives had a mentor. These same executives with mentors were more likely to earn
more and experience higher job satisfaction. The author further implies that mentoring
expanded into the academic settings in K-12 schools and college programs. It was ignited

49. 43
by the "I Have a Dream" (IHAD) program in 1981 where a multimillionaire, Eugene
Lang, promised to pay for the college education of a group of sixth graders (in an inner-
city school) if they graduated from high school. This program mentored the students in
addition to paying for their college tuition.
According to Bashi (1991), mentoring is incorporated into every aspect of the
academic journey: K-12 schools, colleges & universities, graduate and professional
schools. Many programs are incorporated to work with diverse students: gifted,
disadvantaged, at-risk, and underrepresented minorities. The effectiveness of mentoring
programs is unclear in the educational arena for at-risk or disadvantaged students.
Critical Race Theory
Critical Race Theory (CRT) grew out of the need for people of color to expose
discrimination and racism woven through the tapestry of the American society.
Historically, people of color have been overlooked in their struggle against racism,
prejudice, and discrimination for many centuries. Their cry for freedom and equality
hardly aroused empathy from the dominant culture. Bell (1995), a catalyst for Critical
Race Theory (CRT), argued that racism has been a constant deeply embedded within the
American culture, though subtle in recognition (Ladson-Billings, 1999).
Critical Race Theory indicates that relatively few individuals of the dominant race
have empathy for the marginal race, therefore, leaving African American males as targets
for racism. Injustices within these systems have created racial tension in the past and
present moments in time. (Ladson- Billings, 1999).
Critical Race Theory (CRT) challenges the status quo by weighing discrimination
and inequality by the dominant race against people of color who experienced such

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dehumanization because of their race. Critical Race attempts to give voice to people who
have suffered injustices within the dominant culture and seeks to eradicate discrimination
due to race. CRT aims to expose differences in sex, class, and equity that potentially
inhibit the potential of these groups (Lynn, Yosso, Soloranzo, & Parker, 2002).
Glenn (2003) argues that African American male leaders must help young African
American youth resist the nation's negative view of "Blackness" through stereotypes,
definitions, and social constructs. African American educational leaders can help young
African American males to off-set negative imaging by replacing negative models with
positive and purpose-driven initiatives (Glenn).
Resilience Theory
According to Van Breda (2001), Resilience Theory grew out of the need to move
away from deficit models of vulnerability and move toward more protective models of
strength. Researchers identify the characteristics of resilience as having the ability to
cope in the face of adversity. Resilience is compassionate, flexible, keeps one in touch
with life, and provides the ability to bounce back under pressure. Resilience theory is
rooted in studies of children who were resilient in spite of negative social environments
(Van Breda).
Resilience is the ability to remain competent in the face of adversity. Resilience is
described as possessing the ability to bend without breaking and if broken, having the
power to spring-back. Resilience involves the utilization of skills, abilities, knowledge,
and insight that develops over a period of time, as people struggle to surmount adversity
and meet challenges. It is an on-going kind of energy that is used upon current struggles
(Reivich & Shatte, 2002; Van Breda, 2001).

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Van Breda (2001) argues that protective factors such as personal, familial, social,
and institutional safeguards serve as the elixir by which resilience is produced. Without
such protection, people who have been victimized through discrimination and injustice
become even more alienated from the reality of the situation they have constructed within
their minds. In the mind of the victim, the essence of the experience and the certainty of
the experiences potential harm are real. Therefore, possessing a strong sense of self,
having a degree of social mobility and strong social networks that evolve around family,
can help minimize uncertainty that would otherwise limit the capacity to overcome
barriers. Resilience is activated by external factors that pose vulnerability upon the
individual (Van Breda).
Polk (1997) constructed a set of patterns that categorize individual resilience. The
dispositional pattern involves an individual's positive ego of self, which includes a
heightened confidence in one's ability to overcome obstacles. These individuals have
developed the ability to rise above stress through a sense of self-reliance in decision-
making. People who have a strong sense of self may possess good health and physical
attraction, which may add to their resilience.
Polk (1997) explains that relational pattern involves a person's relationships
within and outside of the broader community. For individuals who are victimized by
society, the development of relationships is critical to their degree of resilience. Trusting
relationships allows the person to feel safe and free from fear and anxiety. They are able
to find refuge among others who share or are sympathetic to their experiences. These
relationships can be intimate, as in the case of a loving and supportive spouse, or a close
friend or relative who acts as a mentor to the victim of a particular situation.

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Polk (1997) further describes resilience as the ability to thrive, mature, and
increase competence in the face of adversity by drawing upon external and internal
factors. Contextually, resilience relies on such factors and causes the individual to
become more apt to control their internal locus of control, rather than their environment.
Resilience is multi-dimensional and draws its strength upon internal and external stimuli.
In essence, resilience grows and develops through successful overcoming of
insurmountable obstacles. Therefore, the more triumphant experiences the individual
gains, the stronger the motivation to tap into the resilience state.
Resilience Theory aims to take in consideration the overcoming of racial and
environmental barriers that scholarly literature tends to overlook. Lack of attention is also
given to protective factors that are shared by the oppressed. Strong indicators of
resilience among African Americans have been cultural identity and racial socialization
(Van Breda, 2001).
Risk Factors that threaten African American Male Youth
As stated earlier, African American males have had a history of resisting
oppression, yet succeeding in-spite of the odds. Although some African American males
have been resilient in overcoming barriers to success, many have not. According to
Roderick’s (2003) study, the overrepresentation of African American males in the areas
of Special Education, discipline referrals, low performance on standardized tests, and
high drop-out rates have become a growing concern. The study revealed that African
American males declined academically and were viewed more negatively by their
teachers at the ninth grade than African American females.
The implication is that unless the nation's schools serve the African American

53. 47
male population with the intention of establishing trust and empathy, the fight to restore
young African American male's as contributors to the educational system will look
dismal. In addition to social and political factors that have served as barriers to success,
Noguera (2003) argues that related forces such as culture and the environment pose
serious problems for African American males as well.
In reviewing the literature, a growing body of research (Ladson-Billings, 1999;
Noguera, 2003; Roderick, 2003) has identified risk factors that negatively impact African
American males. Studies on the lived experiences of successful African American male
senior educational leaders at the oldest public HBCU in Southwest Texas were limited.
Since African American female leaders are more under-represented than African
American males, present literature focuses more on females in an attempt to increase
their representation of executive positions in higher education (Jackson, 2001).
The researcher seeks to add to the body of literature by providing voice to four
African American senior male educational leaders who have developed leadership
characteristics and qualities through adversities, yet they were successful in their
professions. The ascertainment of this information may help the researcher to extrapolate
strategies that could help young Black male youth overcome negative factors and choose
better alternatives in the attainment of their goals.
The study will be guided by the following theories. Critical Race Theory (CRT)
will be the lens through which the researcher will examine race-related experiences
described by the participants, to determine if the theory was consistent with the literature
and their stories. Resilience Theory will seek to describe what the participants had to
overcome and how they stayed the course in the attainment of their goals.

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Qualitative studies emerge over time as they unravel to capture the essence of a
phenomenon. Qualitative researchers suggest a flexible, open format in contrast to an
inflexible, structured quantitative approach to research (Creswell, 2008; Fraenkel &
Wallen, 2007; Moustakas, 1994). Therefore, the review of literature for this study will be
tentative until the perceptions and views of the participants have been reviewed.