1. Reinforcing
Racial
Stereotypes
in
Media:
On-­‐Air
Announcing
Benson
1
Reinforcing
Racial
Stereotypes
in
Media:
Content
Analysis
of
Athlete
Descriptions
in
College
Basketball
and
College
Football
Announcing
William
Benson
University
of
Minnesota-­‐Morris
Dr.
Barbara
Burke,
Dr.
Peter
Koprince

2. Reinforcing
Racial
Stereotypes
in
Media:
On-­‐Air
Announcing
Benson
2
Reinforcing
Racial
Stereotypes
in
Media:
Content
Analysis
of
Athlete
Descriptions
in
College
Basketball
and
College
Football
Announcing
Topic
Rationale
The
issue
of
race
within
sports
media
often
finds
itself
in
the
crosshairs.
The
discourse
begins
with
a
literature
review
of
related
“racialized”
sports
commentary
and
audience
studies.
The
related
research
gets
to
the
root
of
two
very
polar
racial
stereotypes:
African-­‐American
athletes
have
innate
athletic
skill
and
Caucasian
athletes
are
more
intelligent
(Buffington
et
al.,
2008).
Although
disregarded
in
our
modern
ethics
of
society,
these
stereotypes
can
find
a
foothold
subliminally
in
today’s
sports
media
and
on-­‐air
commentary.
Having
media
within
any
platform
eliciting
stereotypes
is
dangerous
in
our
society
today.
Sports
are
now
interwoven
with
modern
culture;
many
controversies
receive
heightened
mediated
exposure
(Hartmann,
2007).
The
power
of
the
media
dictates
a
level
of
public
opinion,
and
can
be
dangerous
if
operating
as
an
unchecked
gatekeeper.
Focusing
in
on
the
sports
media
landscape,
the
potential
for
off-­‐the-­‐cuff
racialized
remarks
exists
primarily
in
live
sports
broadcasts
and
commentaries
(Calvert,
2012).
There
is
an
impromptu
nature
to
this
media
distribution,
and
time
constraints
increase
the
likelihood
that
undertones
of
a
hidden
agenda
emerge.
Communication
scholars
address
concerns
when
the
media
releases
supposedly
impartial
reporting
or
journalism,
but
contains
the
outlet’s
agenda
clearly
or
beneath
the
surface.
This
allows
communications
and
media
studies
to

3. Reinforcing
Racial
Stereotypes
in
Media:
On-­‐Air
Announcing
Benson
3
explore
the
intentions
of
the
messages
the
public
receives,
and
the
potential
for
unprofessional
publications
or
descriptions.
Scholars
within
the
communications
and
media
discipline
and
other
members
of
the
media
need
to
hold
reporting
to
a
higher
standard.
In
today’s
society,
it
is
more
than
just
a
message;
there
is
a
constant
process
of
analyzing
and
evaluating
the
underlying
motives
of
media
products.
Examining
this
field
of
research
and
discourse
enables
the
public
to
think
critically
about
the
messages
the
media
provides,
and
addresses
the
potential
effects
of
emerging
racism
in
modern
society.
Literature
Review:
Theoretical
Framework
&
Background
Sports
are
commonly
viewed
as
an
opportunity
for
equality
and
success
to
minorities;
however,
media
portrayals
of
these
athletes
continue
to
experience
problems.
Examining
men’s
sports
indicates
that
African-­‐American
and
Caucasian
athletes
are
often
presented
in
a
“”black
brawn
vs.
white
brains”
distinction
(Jackson,
1989).
The
literature
presents
African-­‐American
players
as
natural
athletes
with
superior
physical
skills
such
as
speed,
strength
and
jumping
ability,
where
Caucasian
players
are
commended
for
mental
ability
and
skills
such
as
hard
work
and
leadership
talents
(Jackson,
1989).
Hartmann
(2007)
pinpoints
racism
at
its
most
dangerous
in
examining
the
controversy
surrounding
the
comments
of
newly
appointed
ESPN
studio
commentator
Rush
Limbaugh
during
NFL
Countdown
on
former
Philadelphia
Eagles
quarterback
Donovan
McNabb
in
2003.
Limbaugh
stated
that
the
media
was
desirous
for
an
African-­‐American
quarterback
and
favored
McNabb
because
he
was

4. Reinforcing
Racial
Stereotypes
in
Media:
On-­‐Air
Announcing
Benson
4
black
(Hartmann,
2007).
After
the
comments,
rather
than
confront
the
racist
remark,
the
rest
of
the
NFL
Countdown
crew,
including
Chris
Berman,
Cris
Carter,
and
Tom
Jackson,
sat
idly
by.
It
took
several
days
until
McNabb
stated
that
it
is
sad
when
race
gets
brought
into
sports
that
the
media
truly
went
after
Limbaugh,
and
was
forced
to
resign.
This
demonstrates
how
racial
discourse
in
modern
media
can
slide
through
into
public
messages
if
left
unchecked.
Hartmann
states
the
focus
on
the
media
responses
demonstrates,
“How
deeply
engrained
and
largely
unrealized
the
discourses
and
ideologies
that
perpetuate
White
cultural
power
and
social
privilege
are
in
the
American
sporting
establishment
and
its
attendant
media”
(Hartmann,
2007).
Race
is
not
the
only
controversial
attribute
discussed
in
sports
commentaries
throughout
scholarly
discourse.
The
media’s
ability
to
frame
a
particular
athlete’s
attributes
that
allow
success
warrants
further
exploration.
For
example,
research
analysis
was
conducted
of
NBC’s
coverage
of
the
2012
London
Olympic
Summer
Games
to
examine
differences
between
attributions
of
success,
failure,
and
personality
or
physicality
within
male
gymnasts
and
other
male
Olympic
competitors
(MacArthur,
Angelini,
Billings,
&
March,
2014).
The
relationship
of
broadcaster
dialogues
and
the
divergence
between
male
gymnasts
and
other
male
athletic
counterparts
in
other
sports
indicates
the
gradual
accumulation
of
framing
in
broadcasts
that
can
lead
to
shaping
perceived
social
realities.
The
media
may
not

5. Reinforcing
Racial
Stereotypes
in
Media:
On-­‐Air
Announcing
Benson
5
be
able
to
tell
people
what
to
think,
but
are
successful
in
telling
people
what
to
think
about
(MacArthur
et
al.,
2014).
Other
avenues
of
research
explore
other
cultures’
media,
such
as
the
racial
discourse
of
Brazilian
sports
media
in
the
World
Cups.
Metaphors
are
part
of
the
daily
language
used
by
the
Brazilian
sports
media
(Silva
et
al.,
2012).
This
research
looks
to
find
potential
negative
representations
spread
with
subtle
language
in
the
Brazilian
sports
media
when
addressing
colored
soccer
players
through
the
use
of
metaphors
(Silva
et
al.,
2012).
This
highlights
the
levels
of
acceptability
within
different
cultures
and
media.
Racial
discrimination
today
does
not
solely
find
dwelling
in
on-­‐air
sports
broadcasts.
Print
media
still
holds
influence
in
the
public
despite
the
advances
of
television
and
the
Internet.
Focusing
on
the
understudied
medium,
Calvert
(2014)
wanted
to
discern
how
African-­‐American
and
Caucasian
athletes
are
portrayed
and
whether
stereotypes
in
other
media
platforms
transfer
to
newspaper.
Calvert
examined
racial
rhetoric
within
the
sports
section
of
the
USA
Today
newspaper
over
a
12-­‐day
period,
with
findings
having
an
indication
that
the
newspaper
displayed
athletes
more
objectively
in
relation
to
personal
performance
and
statistics
(Calvert,
2014).
One
trend
that
existed
was
that
African-­‐American
athletes
are
more
often
depicted
than
Caucasian
athletes
as
getting
in
trouble
based
on
the
data
(Calvert,
2014).
The
results
were
logical
based
on
the
nature
of
the
newspaper
compared
to
other
forms
of
news
media.
Broadcasting
is
quick,
in
the
moment
dialogue,
allowing

6. Reinforcing
Racial
Stereotypes
in
Media:
On-­‐Air
Announcing
Benson
6
more
potential
racial
bias.
Magazines
are
less
formal,
and
tend
to
focus
more
on
personality
and
character
of
the
athletes
(Calvert,
2014).
Print
media’s
comprehensive
editorial
process
reduces
the
risk
of
perpetuating
prior
racial
stereotypes
in
discourse.
Nonetheless,
racially
charged
language
still
can
exist
in
print
media
without
consistent
analysis
of
the
perceptions
carried
in
journalism.
Denham
(et
al.,
2002)
looks
at
a
specific
case
study
of
the
2000
Men
and
Women’s
Final
Four
basketball
tournaments,
and
differential
accounts
of
race
in
broadcast
commentary.
Denham
presents
a
“comparative
content
analysis
of
announcer
commentary…
[and]
provided
an
appropriate
heuristic
for
the
study
of
race
descriptors”
Results
of
the
content
analysis
demonstrated,
“while
black
athletes
continue
to
be
praised
for
their
athleticism
and
physicality,
they
also
are
receiving
a
greater
number
of
comments
about
their
intelligence
and
ability
to
lead”
(Denham,
Billings,
Halone,
2002).
Billings
(2004)
conducted
a
content
analysis
to
examine
the
possibility
that
sportscasters
still
use
a
double
standard
when
commentating
on
athletes
with
different
ethnic
backgrounds.
He
based
research
off
of
a
Rada
(1996)
study,
with
results
indicating
if
the
player
was
Caucasian,
sportscasters
put
an
increased
focus
of
the
cerebral
attributes
of
the
player
(cognitive
qualities).
If
the
player
was
African-­‐American,
the
focus
was
on
body
size
and
strength
of
the
given
athlete
(Rada,
1996).
Billings
looked
at
162
hours
of
collegiate
and
professional
football
games,
focusing
on
the
descriptors
of
African-­‐American
and
Caucasian
quarterbacks.
The
results
indicated
no
differential
treatment
was
discovered
in

7. Reinforcing
Racial
Stereotypes
in
Media:
On-­‐Air
Announcing
Benson
7
terms
of
the
likelihood
an
African-­‐American
or
Caucasian
athlete
is
to
be
complemented
for
being
smarter.
Stereotypes
still
held
true
in
the
area
of
perceived
athletic
skill,
however
(Billings,
2004).
The
way
the
media
can
frame
a
story
to
make
one
aspect
more
noticeable,
while
ignoring
other
aspects
is
important
to
consider.
Mercurio
(et
al.,
2010)
provided
a
content
analysis
on
the
written
descriptions
of
NFL
quarterback
prospects
featured
on
the
“NFL
Draft”
section
of
the
Sports
Illustrated
website
SI.com
from
1998-­‐2007.
Results
confirmed
the
idea
that
the
media’s
portrayal
of
these
draft
prospects
can
lead
to
a
repetitive
pattern
of
social
learning
for
both
public
media
consumers
and
sports
journalists
who
continue
to
extend
the
stereotypes
in
their
coverage
(Mercurio,
Filak,
2010).
The
constant
framing
by
the
media
that
African-­‐American
and
Caucasian
quarterbacks
have
certain
traits
can
lead
to
cumulative
negative
perceptions,
in
which
the
public
comes
to
accept
as
reality.
Sports
broadcast
commentary
in
American
mass
media
is
often
taken
for
granted
today;
we
currently
hear
in-­‐game
analysis
from
announcers
as
just
a
byproduct
of
the
game
and
audience
appeal.
However,
Rada
(1997)
states
establishing
social
norms
in
this
particular
form
of
media
can
lead
the
way
for
stereotyping
to
fly
under
the
radar.
Sports
commentators
maintain
the
responsibility
of
“having
to
inform
and
entertain…
often
without
the
time
to
choose
words
carefully
may…
dredge
up
comments
based
on
subconscious
beliefs,
images,

8. Reinforcing
Racial
Stereotypes
in
Media:
On-­‐Air
Announcing
Benson
8
attitudes,
and
values”
(Rada,
1997).
Race
logic
is
evident
in
specific
case
studies
examinations
even
today,
questioning
funneled
perceptions
of
race
from
those
delivering
these
sport
mediated
broadcasts.
If
these
broadcasters
have
established
credibility
in
the
field,
listeners
are
generally
influenced
and
the
dialogue
holds
elements
of
persuasion
through
this
reputation.
Denham
(2002),
Billings
(2004),
and
Mercurio
(et
al.,
2010)
paved
the
way
for
the
continuation
of
this
type
of
research.
This
research
narrowed
its
scope
to
strictly
Division
I
college
basketball
and
college
football
athletes,
and
looked
directly
at
the
source
of
media
with
the
highest
potential
for
off-­‐the-­‐cuff
racialized
discourse:
in-­‐game
announcing.
I
expanded
the
research
pool
to
all
positions,
not
distinctly
quarterbacks
as
in
the
Mercurio
(et
al.
2010)
content
analysis.
I
also
examined
solely
the
two
most
predominant
races
(African-­‐American
and
Caucasian)
in
college
football
and
basketball
in
order
to
limit
the
number
of
variables.
Research
Questions
Previous
research
on
race
and
descriptions
made
by
the
media
provides
a
basis
for
this
study.
Using
current
examples
from
the
major
college
sports
world,
this
analysis
examines
on-­‐air
announcing
as
a
population
to
add
research
to
the
relationships
within
this
field
of
study.
After
reviewing
previous
relevant
discourse,
the
following
research
questions
were
formulated:

9. Reinforcing
Racial
Stereotypes
in
Media:
On-­‐Air
Announcing
Benson
9
RQ1:
When
discussing
athletes
in
on-­‐air
broadcast
commentary
in
terms
of
cerebral
and
physical
abilities,
how
are
Caucasian
athletes
portrayed?
RQ2:
When
discussing
athletes
in
on-­‐air
broadcast
commentary
in
terms
of
cerebral
and
physical
abilities,
how
are
African-­‐American
athletes
portrayed?
Theoretical
Connection
Although
this
communication
research
is
not
directly
based
off
of
a
theory,
there
is
relevant
theoretical
framework
surrounding
the
subject
matter
within
Dr.
George
Gerbner’s
cultivation
theory.
Gerbner’s
cultivation
theory
maintains
a
primary
proposition
stating
that
“the
more
time
people
spend
‘living’
in
the
television
world,
the
more
likely
they
are
to
believe
social
reality
portrayed
on
television”
(Cohen,
2000).
This
gradual
process
relates
to
framing
theory,
in
which
the
media
focuses
attention
on
certain
events
and
then
places
them
within
a
field
of
meaning.
Both
framing
and
cultivation
theories
suggest
how
something
is
presented
to
the
audience
influences
the
perception
of
the
message
(Davie,
2010).
However,
cultivation
theory
is
broader
and
applied
more
gradually
over
time.
The
theory
is
really
related
to
the
argument
about
the
importance
and
relevancy
of
this
field
of
research.
Solely,
cultivation
theory
does
not
go
to
explain
a
great
deal,
other
than
these
racialized
remarks
lead
to
cumulative
mediated
effects
that
are
carried
down
over
time.
These
effects
then
influence
the
announcers
subconsciously.
Cultivation
theory
provides
the
basis
of
the
notion
that
when
the

10. Reinforcing
Racial
Stereotypes
in
Media:
On-­‐Air
Announcing
Benson
10
public
hears
announcers
discussing
players,
the
commentary
gradually
influences
the
audience
in
small
ways
over
time.
The
audience’s
innate
perception
gives
the
media
power
and
influence.
Methodology
After
viewing
the
related
research
literature,
I
conducted
a
content
analysis
of
on-­‐air
commentary
of
college
basketball
and
college
football
games
in
2014-­‐2015.
Twenty
collegiate
games
(ten
basketball
and
ten
football)
were
analyzed
for
the
study.
College
athletics
were
chosen
for
analysis
because
there
are
a
better
spread
of
African-­‐American
and
Caucasian
athletes
in
comparison
to
professional
basketball
and
football.
College
football
and
basketball
are
generally
the
only
two
college
sports
that
generate
significant
income
and
revenues
for
schools,
often
funding
the
entire
athletic
department.
Most
of
the
revenues
come
from
television
contracts
(Gaines,
2012).
In
the
college
sports
world,
funding
correlates
directly
with
influence.
The
games
were
selected
as
part
of
a
convenience
sample,
looking
at
competition
from
October
2014
to
March
2015.
Commentary
from
network-­‐
employed
individuals
was
the
only
on-­‐air
text
included
in
the
content
analysis.
For
the
purposes
of
the
study,
discourse
from
players,
coaches,
and
fans
were
not
included.
The
race
of
each
athlete
with
an
on-­‐air
player
description
was
determined
by
numerous
techniques,
including
a
simple
eye
test
and
conducting
Internet

11. Reinforcing
Racial
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Media:
On-­‐Air
Announcing
Benson
11
searches
and
research
of
demographic
information
on
the
players
when
inconclusive.
In
order
to
test
the
research
questions,
I
examined
each
player
description
for
any
word
or
phrase
that
illustrated
athleticism,
intelligence
or
effort
attributes.
This
study’s
variables
looked
specifically
at
the
differences
in
rhetoric
between
African-­‐American
and
Caucasian
athlete
descriptions.
Data
was
entered
into
the
coding
database
into
one
of
five
distinct
categories:
(a)
Positive
Physical
characteristics
(e.g.,
“he’s
got
a
huge
arm”
Bryce
Petty
–
Baylor
QB),
(b)
Positive
Mental
characteristics
(“shot
preparation
is
excellent”
Bryce
Alford
–
UCLA
PG),
(c)
Negative
Physical
characteristics
(“not
the
most
physical
dominant
pass
protector”
Jay
Ajayi
–
Boise
State
RB),
(d)
Negative
Mental
characteristics
(“makes
some
mistakes
in
his
reads
and
decision
making”
CJ
Brown
–
Maryland
QB),
and
(e)
Effort
characteristics,
including
determination,
toughness,
dedication,
and
intangibles
(“you
got
a
couple
junkyard
dog
types
on
the
floor”
Trey
McDonald
–
Ohio
State
C).
Neutral
commentary
or
descriptions
that
do
not
fit
the
categories
of
athleticism
or
intelligence
were
not
included
in
the
analysis.
Only
attributes
were
examined
for
this
study.
Statistics
and
demographic
information
were
excluded.

12. Reinforcing
Racial
Stereotypes
in
Media:
On-­‐Air
Announcing
Benson
12
Each
comment
depicting
athleticism,
intelligence,
or
effort
was
recorded
in
the
coding,
along
with
the
name
and
race
of
the
given
athlete.
The
recorded
commentary
discourse
was
then
placed
into
one
of
the
five
provided
categories.
After
all
player
descriptions
were
completed
and
coded,
a
10%
random
check
of
the
coder’s
total
results
were
done
by
the
researcher
to
test
intercoder
reliability.
Two
fellow
coders
were
used
to
analyze
the
player
descriptor
in
the
data.
This
process
was
implemented
by
having
the
fellow
coders
conduct
analysis
on
one
of
the
coded
basketball
games
and
one
of
the
football
games
with
me.
The
chosen
games
for
the
10%
check
were
based
on
convenience
and
chosen
at
random.
The
coders
were
given
basic
training
on
the
methodology
in
order
to
be
familiar
with
the
positive
and
negative
descriptions
associated
with
athleticism
and
intelligence.
Subsequently,
the
intercoder
reliability
check’s
similarity
demonstrated
the
effectiveness
of
the
provided
coding
scheme.
After
all
of
the
coding
and
the
10%
random
check
of
the
total
results
were
completed,
the
statistical
results
were
charted
for
analysis.
Results
The
separate
college
basketball
and
college
football
coding
results
are
as
follows.
The
data
consists
of
138
total
player
descriptors
in
basketball
and
200
player
descriptors
in
football.
Under
African-­‐American
descriptors
in
basketball,
positive
physical
characteristics
were
by
far
the
most
prevalent
at
nearly
50%
of
all
attributes
(49.4%,
N=43).
In
African-­‐American
descriptors
in
football,
positive

13. Reinforcing
Racial
Stereotypes
in
Media:
On-­‐Air
Announcing
Benson
13
physical
attributes
were
also
the
most
common
(60%,
N=72).
For
Caucasian
attributes
in
both
basketball
and
football,
positive
mental
characteristics
were
the
most
frequent
(Basketball:
45.1%,
N=23
and
Football:
40%,
N=32).
For
negative
physical
attributes
in
both
sports,
results
indicated
little
difference
(Basketball:
3.4%-­‐5.9%
and
Football:
5.8%-­‐6.3%).
Negative
mental
characteristics
percentages
were
also
very
similar
in
the
results
for
both
sports
(Basketball:
8.0%-­‐9.8%
and
Football:
7.5%
for
each
race).
Finally,
after
examining
the
data
for
the
final
coding
category,
effort,
results
also
indicated
fairly
little
variance
in
regards
to
race
for
both
sports
(Basketball:
13.7%-­‐17.2%
and
Football:
10%-­‐21.3%).
The
statistical
tabulation
for
each
individual
sport
and
combined
results
are
provided
below.
Basketball:
(N=138)
Football:
(N=200)

14. Reinforcing
Racial
Stereotypes
in
Media:
On-­‐Air
Announcing
Benson
14
Combined
Results
(N=338)
Discussion
The
results
of
this
study
indicate
prior
racial
stereotypes
can
still
find
a
foothold
in
today’s
live
media
commentary.
The
data
shows
that
African-­‐American
athletes
in
college
football
and
basketball
are
referred
to
at
twice
the
rate
of
Caucasian
athletes
when
portraying
positive
physical
characteristics,
while
Caucasian
athletes
are
portrayed
at
twice
the
rate
of
African-­‐Americans
as
having
positive
mental
attributes.
It
is
easy
to
reveal
overt
and
blatant
forms
of
modern
racism,
but
these
findings
reveal
a
dangerous
trend,
with
repetitious
but
less
graphic
examples
of
discrimination
in
regards
to
physical
and
cerebral
abilities
of
African-­‐American
and
Caucasian
athletes.
I
believe
that
if
these
athletes
are
portrayed
under
these
categories
at
over
double
the
rate
as
the
other
ethnic
background,
this
extends
far
beyond
the
role
of
a
genetic
predisposition.
The
findings
presented
indicate
a
troublesome
pattern.

15. Reinforcing
Racial
Stereotypes
in
Media:
On-­‐Air
Announcing
Benson
15
The
similarities
in
the
rates
of
negative
physical
and
negative
mental
characteristic
descriptors
for
both
races
are
also
telling.
In
college
athletics,
commentary
strives
to
remain
objective,
with
far
less
of
an
emphasis
in
terms
of
negative
analysis
of
individual
players
than
the
professional
game.
These
are
college
students
and
unpaid
athletes,
and
despite
many
lucrative
athletic
scholarships
offered,
announcers
have
a
responsibility
not
to
individually
scrutinize
a
player.
These
findings
indicate
that
overall,
commentators
are
successful
in
this
objective.
The
findings
shows
very
low
amounts
of
negative
attributes,
ranging
from
eight
to
sixteen
coded
descriptors
in
the
combined
data.
The
effort
and
intangibles
coding
category
was
slightly
more
spread
out
than
the
negative
descriptors,
but
still
remained
within
about
5%
in
the
combined
data
for
each
race.
The
Caucasian
athletes
were
depicted
at
a
slightly
higher
percentage
rate,
which
possibly
could
signify
announcers
are
compensating
for
the
overwhelming
amount
of
positive
physical
descriptors
attributed
to
African-­‐American
players.
This
is
further
troublesome
when
looking
at
the
cultivation
theory’s
effect
on
the
audience
perceptions
of
these
messages.
This
constant
referral
by
the
commentators
of
African-­‐Americans
as
physical
talented
but
less
intelligent
in
comparison
to
Caucasians
teaches
the
public
to
look
for
these
aspects
in
the
course
of
a
game.
The
gradual
accumulation
of
these
messages
over
time
becomes
subconsciously
ingrained
in
the
audience’s
heads,
leading
to
racialized
thought
patterns.
On
the
other
side,
when
fans
witness
a
mistake
by
a
Caucasian
athlete,
for

16. Reinforcing
Racial
Stereotypes
in
Media:
On-­‐Air
Announcing
Benson
16
example,
the
audience
may
have
a
higher
likelihood
to
attribute
the
error
on
a
lack
of
physical
skill,
rather
than
lower
cognitive
abilities.
The
media
has
influence
in
dictating
the
transfer
of
these
old
racial
stereotypes.
Subliminally,
racism
then
finds
the
ability
to
grab
a
foothold
in
modern
society,
hidden
in
the
nooks
and
crannies
of
trends
in
live
athletic
commentary.
Despite
the
fact
that
the
findings
supported
the
aforementioned
research
questions,
there
are
indeed
limitations
to
this
research.
I
was
the
sole,
independent
coder
of
the
data,
resulting
in
a
reliance
on
my
personal
discretion
of
which
descriptors
counted,
and
which
category
best
fit
the
piece
of
commentary.
There
is
an
unequal
representation
of
different
races
in
NCAA
athletics;
for
example,
there
are
not
many
basketball
teams
with
a
precise
even
number
of
African-­‐American
and
Caucasian
players.
In
the
results,
the
percentages
are
relevant
and
telling,
but
it
is
important
to
note
there
were
a
greater
number
of
African-­‐Americans
in
the
coded
games
than
Caucasians.
Negative
player
descriptors
are
also
uncommon
in
college
sports,
leading
to
a
skew
leaning
towards
positive
attribute
descriptions.
Finally,
player
descriptors
can
fit
into
multiple
categories,
making
it
sometimes
difficult
to
determine
the
best
coding
fit.
This
field
of
research
offers
plenty
of
future
avenues
of
discourse.
Beyond
live
in
game
announcing,
exploring
multiple
media
platforms
adds
substance
to
the
field,
including
print,
magazine,
television
shows,
and
social
media.
Instead
of
examining
in
game
player
descriptors,
you
could
analyze
coaches’
dialogue
or
the

17. Reinforcing
Racial
Stereotypes
in
Media:
On-­‐Air
Announcing
Benson
17
media’s
descriptions
of
coaches
in
relation
to
their
respective
ethnic
background.
Different
sports
than
basketball
and
football,
different
races
than
Africa-­‐American
and
Caucasian,
or
different
competition
levels
than
college
sports
could
be
examined
and
studied.
Examining
potential
gender
differences
under
a
similar
coding
scheme
merits
further
exploration,
and
other
live
commentary
forms
could
be
researched,
such
as
radio
or
podcasts.

18. Reinforcing
Racial
Stereotypes
in
Media:
On-­‐Air
Announcing
Benson
18
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