1. Iqbal, Jinnah and India's Partition: An Intimate Relationship
Author(s): V. N. Datta
Reviewed work(s):
Source: Economic and Political Weekly, Vol. 37, No. 50 (Dec. 14-20, 2002), pp. 5033-5038
Published by: Economic and Political Weekly
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/4412964 .
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2. Iqbal, Jinnah and India's Partition
An Intimate Relationship
This paper brings olut soime dinlensionls of the crucial political relationship betweenz
MulhannliadIqbal anzdMohammad Ali Jinniah. Though this relatiotnship lhadfar-reaching
consequences in shaping the cotntours of the suibcointinenzt's taurbulenthistory, it las
not been adequately studied in partition histories.
V N DATTA
C M Naim has edited a comprehensive material on politics, especially on the
volume containing six scholarly articles on Hindu-Muslim question, and demonstrate
spate of scholarly literature has the Iqbal-Jinnah association.1 This is a his political evolution as a poet-philoso-
appeared on the poetry of valuable contribution to our understand- pher. Sheikh Mohammad Ashraf, a well
MuhammadIqbal(1878-1938) and ing of communalism, nationalism, Islamic known publisher from Lahore, published
the politics of Mohammad Ali Jinnah polity and Indian politics. But this work, partsof this correspondence with a preface
(1876-1948) in both India and Pakistan. a product of intellectual premeditations, by Jinnah in 1943.5 Iqbal's two letters in
Iqbal's political role has so farbeen mainly concentratingexclusively on the system of Urdu to Jinnah, dictated to Ghulam Rasul
studied as a starting point, a sort of con- ideas, does not analyse the concrete social Mehr, a distinguished Urdu writer, have
spicuous linkage, if not as a footnote, in and political reality relating to India's also been quoted by scholars. But, Jinnah's
the creation of a separate, independent, partition. replies to these letters are not available.
sovereign state of Pakistan.But little effort In Pakistanihistoriography,Iqbalis often Nor did Iqbal preserve Jinnah's correspon-
has been made to examine the political represented as the founding and spiritual dence - poets are untidy in such matters.
relationshipbetween Iqbal and Jinnahthat father of Pakistan. In many Indian writ- Scholars like Aley-Ahmed Suroor have
led to significant political developments ings, on the other hand, he is projected as questioned the authenticity of some of the
in the history of modern India. a firm and convinced Muslim nationalist, Iqbal-Jinnahcorrespondence.6 Assuming
This paper seeks to understandthe role while in other works he emerges as a that some of these letters have been tink-
of Iqbal and Jinnah in the Pakistan move- champion of Hindu-Muslim solidarity and ered with to justify the ideological foun-
ment, the nature of their relationship and freedom of India and a unique symbol of dations of the Pakistan movement, it will
commitment to a principle that ultimately India's composite culture, fostered and be fruitful to juxtapose them with chang-
became an aspiration, and a battle-cry for sustained throughout the centuries. Rafiq ing trends in Iqbal's poetry and other
Muslims in shaping the destiny of a sepa- Zakaria, S M H Burney and Khawaja writings. Doubtless, changes in Iqbal's
rate nation. By focusing upon the evolu- Ahmed Faruqi, in their studies, hesitate in political attitude can be discerned princi-
tion of Iqbal's ideology, as reflected in his saddling Iqbal with the parentage of pally via his poetry, while his lettersdeepen
poetry, letters and speeches, it is intended Pakistan.2 For Mohammad Mujeeb, Ali our understandingof his political ideology
to show the growth of separatist trends in Sardar Jafri, Jagan Nath Azad and and vision.
his thinking and ideas. By appropriating Khushwant Singh, the question whether Indeed, Iqbal was an outstanding Per-
his ideas and philosophy, in the changed Iqbal was a poet of Muslim separatism is sian-Urdu poet. His reading was exten-
historical circumstances of the 1930s, irrelevant - their principal interest lies in sive, his mind fertile and vigorous, and his
Jinnah forged an intimate intellectual and his poetry, and in his outstanding creative style, rising at times to solemn eloquence,
political-philosophical vision. This paper journey. For them, he was essentially a reflected boundless creative energy and
brings out some dimensions of this highly poet parexcellence, not a cultural-political audacity of spirit. His sense of the lan-
crucial political relationship, a relation- ideologue of the Pakistan movement. guage was original and unparalleled. Yet,
ship that has not been adequately studied In understanding lqbal's political ideo- we cannot disengage Iqbal's poetry from
in partitionhistories. Yet, this relationship logy, the difficulty lies in the natureof the his political ambitions and aspirations.
had far-reachingconsequences in shaping source-material. His presidential address Scholarly writings do not often engage
the contours of the subcontinent's turbu- delivered at the All India Muslim League with the politics of lqbal's poetry. This
lent history. The British imperial autho- session at Allahabad on December 29, essay is a modest attempt to fill this gap.
rity, the Congress, the Muslim League, and 1930, and the account of his participation
communal forces were the major players at the Round Table Conferences in 1931 II
in the vivisection of the country. Yet, it and 1932 are well documented and well
is importantto explore the origin and nature known.3 But his correspondence with In the early part of his life, until Iqbal
of the ideological shift towards Muslim Mohammad Ali Jinnah, between May 23, went to Cambridge in 1905, his poetry
separatism through the personalities of 1936 and November 10, 1937, comprising was imbued with a burning passion for
these two remarkable men of the 20th eight letters, poses certain problems.4 Indian nationalism and its heterogeneous
century. Iqbal's letters contain vital source- culture. Unlike his contemporaries, his
Economic and Political Weekly December 14, 2002 5033

3. identificationwith Indianculture,religions up the message of the Bhagavada-Gita: high moral tone, and carried a clear com-
and history was quite spontaneous, intense Shakti bhi Shanti bhi Bhagton key geetmunitarianmessage. Therein, perhaps lay
and broad.His poems expressed his eclec- main hai his originality. Iqbal did not emulate the
tic outlook, his respect for Hindu gods and Dhartikey basiyanki muktipreetmainhai.lyrical charm of Mir Taqi Mir or Ghalib'a
Sikh religious leaders and his profound Powerandpeacearethe songs of a devoteeacute sense of exalted humanism.16
feelings for the rivers, the hills and land- Love is the ultimate for humankind.10 Instead, he acknowledged his intellectual
scape of India. By drawing upon Hindu, debt to Altaf Husan Hali, the poet of
Muslim and Sikh traditions and symbols, In the same poem, Iqbal declared his
'Islamic Renaissance' for inspiring him
unstinted commitments to his homeland to
Iqbal, in these years, emerges as a leading compose poetry for the moral re-
Indian poet. His Tarcahalh-e-Hind 1904
of and its cultural symbols:
generation of the 'fallen Muslim com-
(the Song of India that he recited at the ka
Khak-e-vatan mujhko harzaradevtahai munity':
Young Men's IndianAssociation in Lahore For me every particleof my country is a Main kishawarshair ka Nabi ho gaya
at the request of Hardayal) extolled the deity.' Nazil hai meyre lab pai kalam-e-Hali
glories of his Hindustan: One of his poems, Aftab, was a loose I am a model for composing poetry
se
Sarey-e-jahan acchaHindustan Hamara
rendering of the GayatriMantra,for which But I echo Hali's voice.17
Ham Bulbelain hay uski woh gulstan a Muslim cleric preparedafatva (religious In particular, his poems Shikva (the
hamara
edict) against him Complaint), composed in 191 1, andJavab-
Mazhab nahin sikhata apas main bayr
rakhna Aftab Ham Ko Zaya-e-shawordey I-Shikva(Answer to the Complaint)n 1912,
Hindi hain hum watan hey Hindustan Chashm-e-Khirad tajjalisey noordey were clearly inspired by Hali's Musaddas.
apni
hamara O Sun, stimulateour mentalfaculties with Akbar Allahabadi, who had exhorted
Yunan-o-misrRoma sab mit gaya jahan Muslims to lead a pure life and to prepare
your glorious light
sey Give us wisdom by your divine light.12 themselves to protect their cultural iden-
Baki rahahai ub tak namo nishanhamara also influenced him greatly.
Kuch bat hai key hasti mitti nahin hamraiAfter his return from Europe, in 1908, tity,
Islamic principles of dynamic righteous-
Barsoon raha hai dushman dor-e-jahan Iqbal was a changed man. He acquired a ness and social action were not mere
new world view. He began to reflect on poetic
hamara. or comtemplative images for Iqbal. They
religious issues in the wake of the Euro- became a medium of
Our country is the greatest in the world. integrating and
pean aggression against the Muslim coun-
We are her nightingales,and she our gar- consolidating Muslims as a strong Pan-
dener tries, including Turkey and Persia. To face Islamic
the western challenge, he, like his contem- community inspired by the highest
Religion doesn't peach rift ideals of truth, love and justice. He ex-
We are Indians,and our country is Indiaporaries Maulana Azad, the Ali brothers. pressed the finest values of Islam in his
Greece, Rome and Egypt are no more Mohammed and Shaukat and Hasrat
Yet we continue to flourish powerful poetic rhetoric of inspiring
Mohani, advocated 'Pan-Islamism as the Muslims to consolidate themselves as a
Somethingwithin us makes our existence political goal of the Islamic world'. He
worthy of note community.
began to regard himself as Islam's mes- Often in his poetry Iqbal anatomised his
Though unsmiling Fortune has been senger or Shair-I-Islam, and his poetry
our enemy.7 piteous spectacle of the Muslim commu-
became a vehicle of Islamic thought.13
its moral degeneration, its false idols,
Iqbal described 'Rama' as Imam-e-Hind It was in these years that Iqbal adopted nity,
(a religious leader of India) and its hypocrisy. In anguish, he cried in
the posture of a fervent preacher (nasih)
Namna,
Phir hai ram key wajud per Hindustan in his poetical compositions. His poetry Saqi
ko naz was to serve as a moral guide, a shaper Bhuji Ishq ki ag andher hai
Ahley nazarsamajteyhein usko Imam-I- of individual, and, by extension, a Musalman nahin ag ka dher hai
Hind The fire of life is dead
community's conduit. He warned:
India is proud of Rama It is not a Muslim, but a heap of dust18
Shair ra maqsoud agar adamgariast
The wise revere him as a spiritualguide. In 'Shikva' he argued with God for
Shairi ham wars-I-paygambri ast
Likewise, Iqbal considered Guru Nanak If the purposeof poetry is the fashioning favouring the non-Muslims
as Mard-e-Kamil or the perfect man.8 of men Rehmat-en hainteriagyarkeykashanon par
Taking pride in his brahmin ancestory, Poetry is likewise the heir of prophecy.14 Burggirtihaito bechareyMusulmanon par
he wrote:
Moreover: Kindnessis bestowed not on the Muslims
mara binger key Hindustandigar namey but on non-Muslims
bini Brahmazada ashnaye Rom-o-Tabriz Shair ander risht-e-millatchu dil While the Muslims continue to suffer19
ast Millat-e-bayshair-e-anmbar-e-gil
The poet is like the heartin the breastof Iqbal waxed lyrical over Muslim con-
Look at me, you will never find another quests and domination. There is an expres-
in India the community
who, like me, a Brahman's son, under- A people without a poet is a mere heap sion of aggressive communitarian nation-
of clay.15 alism in the following lines:
stands the secrets of the
Arabs and Persia.9 Cheen o Arab hamaraHindustanhamara
Ghalib never pontificated. His most Muslim hain ham watan hay sara jahan
In 'Naya Shivala' (The New temple), a serious thoughts were expressed irrever- hamara
harmonious blend of Shakti (power) and ently and rather spontaneously. After
Teygon key saya main ham pal karjavan
bhakti (workship), he eloquently summed 1908, Iqbal's poetry gradually acquired a hooye hain
5034 Economic and Political Weekly December 14, 2002

4. Khanjar halalkahaiquomi nashanhamara the foundation of nationality. In a satirical India Muslim League session took place,
Magrab vadyonmaingoonjiazanhamari
ki vein, in his poem on 'Husain Ahmad' he in Lahore in 1920, Iqbal did not take care
Thamtana thakisi say sail e rawanhamara wrote: to attend it even though the meeting was
Salar-e-karwanhai Mer-I-Hijaz apna held at the Gulab theatrejust opposite his
Us nam say baqi aram-I-jahanhamara Ajm Hanooz nadanadramuz-e-dinvarna
Zi Deoband Husain Ahmed eh chey residence.26
Iqbal ka taranaBang-I-darahai goya Never before had the communal ques-
Hota hai jada paima phir karvanhamara Bulajmiast
Sarood bar sar-e-mamberkey millat us tion assumed such dangerous dimensions
China and Arabia are ours, Hindustanis watan ast in the country as it did in the 1920s, after
ours Chey bai khabarus makama Mohanmmad Khilafat and non-cooperation move-
We have grown to mankind under the Arb ast ments (1919-22), an era of Hindu-Muslim
shadow of sword Ba Mustaffa barasan khesh ra key din fraternisation. Between 1923-26, there
The dagger like Crescent is our national hamaoost were as many as 72 communal riots against
symbol Agar bey oo narasiditamam buhalbi ast 16 in the course of 20 years from 1900.
The valleys of the West resonatedwith our
call to prayer Non-Arabiancountriesdo not know what The Hindu-Muslim problem, Mahatma
Nobodycouldstemtheswelling tideof our true faith is Gandhi announced in March 1925, was an
conquerors A strangeinterpretation truefaith from
of 'insoluble puzzle' and he would keep out
Mir-l-Hajaz(the Prophet)is our leader Husain Ahmad of Deoband! of it. He took to fast and saw no 'light'
His namegives us peaceandtranquillity.20 He declares that countries make nations to resolve the communal question.
How ignoranthe is of the message of the
Again, Iqbal's new sensibility is evident Despite a number of unity conferences,
Prophet, who is the true political parties were unable to cure the
in the following lines: Source of Religion.24
communal canker. The Nehru Report,
Main tuj ko batata hun taqdir-I-umam
Thus, according to Iqbal, Islam was a published in 1928, accepted Dominion
kya hai
Shamshiro sina awwal taus o rababakhar 'single unanalysable reality' and its sepa- Status as its goal but found no favour with
ration from politics was unjustified. He the Muslim League, and the All India
Let me tell you what is the destiny of a
nation rejected the western idea of territorial Muslim conference. The Nehru Reporthad
nationalism as a byproduct of the per- recommended the abolition of separate
The sword and dagger take precedence
over singing and dancing.21 version of western democracy, and deve- electorates and the reservation of seats and
loped an intertwined notion of Muslim weightage for Muslims in provinces in
He preferred to die in Mecca and nationalism and Islamic universalism as a which they constituted a majority. These
Medina: common basis of action. recommendations were made on the as-
Main maut dhoondta hoon zammen-e- sumption that Muslim interests were pro-
hijaaz mein III tected by the principle of provincial auto-
I seek death in the holy land of Hejaz.22 nomy. Weighted heavily in favour of a
In 'Bang-e-Dara' (The Call of the Iqbal's passionate commitment to Is- strong centre, the constitution that the
Caravan bell) and mathanavis 'Israr-e- lamic universalism, his notation of sepa- Nehru report recommended, could hardly
khudi' (Secrets of the Self) and 'Ramuz- rate Muslim identity and citizenship, and be called federal. Understandably, Mus-
e-Baikhudi' (Mysteries of Selflessness), his complete disregard of territorial na- lims' reactions against the Nehru Report
Iqbal expresses his commitment to Mus- tionalism provide sound clue to an under- were strong.The appointmentof the Simon
lim sentiments and beliefs.23 His Masjid standingof his political conduct. His poetic Commission in 1927 split the Muslim
Qurtaba (Cordova) in 'Bale-Jibril energies and political leanings increas- League into two factions, one led by
(Gabriel's wing), which equals Milton's ingly came underthe shadow of an Islamic Muhammad Shafi, and the other by M A
'Paradise Lost', harps on the glory of framework. Jinnah. In 1929, Iqbal joined the Shafi
Islam and Muslim conquests that had led Iqbal himself did not take any active part group. For four years (1926-1930), he
to the expansion of Muslim dominion in in politics until 1927, though in iis Asrar- was a member of the Punjab legislative
the world. For him, Islamic idiom was a I-Khudi (1915), Ramuz-I-bi-Khudi(1918) council. In 1930, he was president of the
powerful medium of inspiring Muslim and Payam-I-Mashriq (1923) he expoun- Punjab Muslim League.
communities and forging a modern ded the notion of millat, and exhorted Jinnah came to an agreement with
Muslim identity. He realised that the con- Muslims to follow the tenets of Islam and M A Ansari, president of the Congress,
cept of Khudi (self-realisation), embodied to consolidate themselves as a community. on March 20, 1927, which guaranteedthe
in the Quran, was an essential element Essentially, he was a poet, not a politician. Muslims 33 per cent of the seats in the
for the moral and spiritual uplift of the But, he was a poet with a difference. In centrallegislature,a separationof Sind from
Muslim society. When Maulana Husain these years, he turned into a poet-philoso- Bombay and reforms in Baluchistan and
Ahmad Madni, Sheikh-ul-Muhaddas, pher, inspiring a generation of people North-Western Frontier Province. At this
president of Jamiatul Ulama-I-Hind, ex- througha powerful message of community stage Jinnah was willing to give up the
hortedHindus andMuslims, at Bara Hindu regeneration and self-confidence. demand for separate electorates. Initially,
Rao, Delhi, on January 9, 1938, to sink In 1920s and 1930s, the Muslim League, the Congress working committee wel-
their differences and join together in their torn by factionalism, was an upper-class comed the Delhi proposals on May 15,
fight against British imperialism, and party of landed gentry, was almost at 1927, but later rejected them, Mohammed
emphasised that nations were formed by death's door, depending on the munifi- Shafi, Mian Fazl-I-Husain and Iqbal also
countries, Iqbal contested his views sar- cence of the Raja of Mahmudabad and a repudiated this agreement. Iqbal felt that
castically, and retorted that religion was a few other individuals.25 When the All provincial legislatures could not protect
Economic and Political Weekly December 14, 2002 5035

5. Muslims under the existing constitutional presidentialaddressthathe delivered at the Muslim League session, where Iqbal
provisions, and therefore required drastic Muslim League session held in Allahabad delivered his address, his audience,
changes. on April 29, 1930. Here he propounded mostly local men not knowing English,
During 1928-29 Iqbal delivered six his theory of a Muslim homeland, though fell short of quorum not exceeding
lectures, under the auspices of Madras ambiguously so. He felt that the Nehru seventy, and the next day due to its meagre
Muslim Association at Madras, Mysore, reportand the Simon Commission recom- attendance, the Muslim League session
Hyderabadand Aligarh, which were pub- mendations had denied the Muslims their was terminated.
lished as Reconstruction of Religious legitimate political rights. He expressed lqbal delivered his address at a time
thought in Islamlin 1930. In these lectures, his desire to free Muslims from the geo- when the first session of the Round Table
he offered a rational interpretation of graphical limits hitherto imposed by the Conference was being held in London. His
Islam. explored its philosophical basis, and British government, and spoke in favour proposal suggested that the amalgamation
regarded it as consistent with modern of a separate area (he did not use the word of four Muslimlmajority provinces would
philosophy and science. He believed that 'province' but 'area') for the protection of strike a balance between the 'Hindu and
the teaching of Islam advocated a a separate Muslim cultural identity.29The Muslim India'. His scheme for the redis-
meliorism, it recognised the importance of life of Islam as a cultural force depends tribution of territory,in the north-western
the growing universe, and was dynamic on its centralisation in a specified terri- part of India, was in sharp contrast to the
and flexible enough to adapt itself to the tory.30 He realised the threat posed by unitary form of government in a 'self-
current needs and thought of modern Hindu majoritarianismto Muslim cultural governing' India.34 In other words, Iqbal
times.27By giving a rationalinterpretation identity. He criticised the Lucknow Pact supported the plan for a federal India with
of the Quran,he reinterpretedsome of the of 1916. the crowning achievement of a strong emphasis on provincial autonomy.
essential Islamic legal principles. He urged Jinnah,forreducing Muslims to a religious In his letter to Edward Thompson, he
Muslims to model their social life in the minority, a notion that Jinnah drastically reiterated that he did not want a separate
light of ultimate principles as revealed in modified later in his presidential address Muslim state.35
the Islamic ideals. Almost Janus-like, Iqbal at the Muslim League session in Lahore About three years later, in 1932 at the
had one face towards the past in the in 1940. In his address, Iqbal also attacked Second Round Table conference in Lon-
recovery of the essence of Islam, and the scheme of 'Punjabruralism',the 'sheet- don, Iqbal felt isolated. His speech at the
another towards the future that looked anchor' of the Unionist Party,for reducing conference was resented by the British,
ahead by projecting a Faustian vision of the Muslim majoritytoa minorityin Punjab. Hindu and Muslim delegates.36 It is doubt-
unlimited power and the 'concept of man' Iqbal gave a blueprint for resolving the ful whether Chaudhry Rahmat Ali, who
bent on a ceaseless quest for apprehending communal problem, which had acquired had floated a scheme for the creation of
reality. Condemning 'traditional' or 'ob- an insidious character in 1920s. He said, a sovereign independent Muslim state of
scurantist' Islam, Iqbal gave legitimacy to 'I would like to see the Punjab,north-west Pakistan,derived his inspirationfrom Iqbal
the political cause of Muslim nationalism. frontier, Sind and Baluchistan amalgam- Muhammad. Jehangir, as an eye-witness,
Because of his profound reverence for ated into a single state. Self-government claims that Iqbal had met Rahmat Ali at
Islamic tradition and symbols, he upheld within BritishEmpireor withoutthe British Cambridge, and approved his proposal for
Shariatas the guiding principle of Muslim empire... The formation of a consolidated namingthe new Muslim stateas Pakistan.37
polity and society. He sought to revive a north-west IndianMuslim state appearsto But K K Aziz maintains that Iqbal never
dynamic and radical element within Islam me be the final destiny of the Muslims at met Rahmat Ali.38
by restoring the freedom to use Ijtihad, a least of north-west India'.31This state was When Jinnah visited Punjab, in June
means of exercising independent judge- conceived to be exclusive of the Ambala 1936, to seek public supportfor the Muslim
ment, as a necessary instrument of division and other areas where non- League in the forthcoming 1937 elections,
Muslim politics.28 Muslims predominated. He also opposed he found no response. He was welcomed
But on specific issues, especially those the inclusion of Indian native states in the by five personsatthe Lahorerailwaystation.
relatingto women whom he wanted to lead nominal federation.as recommended by He had no political standing. He was a
a 'pure' life in subjection to men, and the the Simon Commission. consultative politician, quick only at pro-
Islamic restriction of eating and drinking, Reginald Coupland, an imperial-consti- ducing ready-made formulae to settle the
he had conservative views. In the closing tutional historian, thought that Iqbal's communal problem. He was a general
chapter of the Oxford edition of his book, proposals for a separate Muslim state in without an army. Fazl-i-Husain, the secu-
he warned the reformers against moving India, couched in an ambiguous language, lar-unionist, ignored him, and wrote in his
too fast in introducing radical changes in were susceptible to various interpreta- diary 'Jinnah could not get on with any-
the 'old institutions' and practices fol- tions.32 He did not contemplate a separate body. He is no leader. I shall not go out
lowed in Muslim countries. sovereign Muslim state, but only a north- of my way to be nice to him'. Jinnah was
Clearly, Iqbal was opposed to the idea west autonomous Muslim religion com- disgusted and vowed never to come back
of territorial nationalism. In his concep- prising the Muslim majority areas within to Punjab. Jinnah met Iqbal on May 21,
tion of the state, the spiritual and the a loose All India Federation,but excluding 1937, at his residence in Javid Manzil,
temporal issues were inseparable. Islam Indian states and exercising only those Lahore, and thereondeveloped that a close
was a theocracy that realised the spiritual powers expressly vested in it by a free relationship between them that lasted until
in human organisation. He doubted if a consent of the federal states.33 Interest- Iqbal's death in April 1938.
non-Muslim legislative assembly could ingly, Iqbal's address was completely Despite his failing health, Iqbal's deep
exercise the use of Ijtihad. These prin- ignored by the Indian political parties, involvement in politics from 1937 on-
ciples formed the ideological basis of his including the Muslim League. At the wards arose, to some extent, due to his
5036 Economic and Political Weekly December 14, 2002

6. distressat the poor performance the Hindu leaders.44 his correspondence
of In Jinnahborrowed Iqbal's political language
Muslim League, and the victory of the with Jinnah, IqbalincludedBengalin his and vocabulary. The problem of India is
Congress the 1937elections.Withclear schemeof a consolidated
in Muslimstate.45 not national, but international. Jinnah
majorities six provinces,the Congress This was a step further
in from his Muslim realising the gravity of the situation,
emerged the strongest
as politicalforcein League addressof 1930. especially the obduracy of the Congress
thecountry formedministries. the
and On leadership, and the might of Hindu com-
other hand, the Muslim League was IV munalforces, charteredhis course of action
trouncedin Punjab,Bengal and Sind; it for the creation of Pakistan. But Jinnah
countedlittle in the North-Western Fron- We may conclude that Iqbal's poetic was not an ideologue. His Lahore Reso-
tierProvince. Iqbal realisedthe weakness vision markeda distinctshift from syn- lution fed itself on the juices of Iqbal's
of the Muslim League in the Muslim theticview of Indiato a cry for a separate principles.
majority provinces, the 'disunity' of Muslim homeland. Of course, his creative Iqbal's politics stemmed from his poetic
Muslims, and was conscious of the journeywas shapedby the changinghis- sensibility, but Jinnah used ideology as an
vulnerability 'Musliminterests'under torical
of circumstances theexigenciesof
and instrumentof political action. As a vision-
the all-toopowerful he
Congresshegemony. high politics. Consequently, emerged ary, Iqbal crowned the dawn of Pakistan
He thus sharedseveralideas with Jinnah as a poet-ideologueof a Muslim home- of which Jinnah became an accessory by
for the protectionof Muslim political land. Both Iqbal and Jinnahbegan their his tactical skills as a first-rate politician.
interests. separate journeys as Indiannationalists, Notwithstanding the profound role of
Iqbal becamepresidentof the Punjab but ended as advocates of a separate imperial designs, political manoeuvrings
ProvincialMuslim League on May 19, homelandfor Muslims. and economic exigencies in the partition
1936. His correspondence with Jinnah, ItwasIqbalwhoblazeda trailthatJinnah story, Iqbal, goes down in history as the
1936-38, throwsample light on how he followed. Iqbal conceived an idea of herald of Pakistan and a political mentor
wasgoading Jinnah takeupsomecrucial Pakistan,Jinnahrealisedit. As an intel-
to of Jinnah;Jinnah of couse, acknowledged
issues concerningthe future of the ag- lectualgodfather, Iqbalgave a conceptof his debt to his mentor in 1947. [
grieved and beleagueredMuslim com- the two-nation theoryand offereda map
of
munity.It was at his initiative that the of the redistribution territory, forming Addressfor correspondence:
Nawab of Mamdotjoined the Punjab a Muslimstate,comprising north-west the iic@delnet.ren.nic.in
MuslimLeague. As he
andBengal.46 anideologue, rejected
In his letterof March20, 1937, Iqbal Maulana Azad's notion of composite Notes
advised Jinnah rebut
to Jawaharlal Nehru's culture and religious pluralism.47 Iqbal
'aesthetic socialism'ontheground the had no truck with JawaharlalNehru's
that [This is a revised version of the Athar Ali Me-
morial Lecturedelivered at the Aligarh Muslim
Muslimproblemwas not economic, but secular-socialist nationalism. Committed
University, Aligarh, at the invitation of Aligarh
cultural.39 his next letter of May 28, to the notionof Millat,he repudiated
In the Historian'sSociety, on November24, 2001. 1 am
1937, Iqbalwrotethatthe 'time was ripe British constitutional measures,such as grateful to IrfanHabib, GopichandNarang, P N
fortheredistribution thecountry form separateelectorates and weightage for
of to Dhar, Saifuddin Soz, Yahspal, M Zuberi, and
one or morestateswithoutwhichenforce- resolvingthe communaldisease. He felt Nonica Datta for their valuable suggestions and
ment of Shariat is impossible in this that the Congress brandof nationalism critical comments.]
country. Iqbalwarned "ifsucha thing poseda threat theprotection Muslim
that to of 1 C M Naim, Iqbal, Jinnah:The Visionand the
is impossiblein Indiathe only other al- culturaland politicalaspirations. de- By Reality (Chicago 1977).
ternative civil warwhichas a matter
is a
of manding separate identityfor Muslims, 2 RafiqZakaria, IqbalthePoet and thePolitician
fact has been going on for some time in he thoughtthatcommunal tensionwould (New Delhi, 1993), p VIII, S M H Burney,
the shapeof Hindu-Muslim riots.40 his be contained Hinducommunal
In and forces Poet and Patriot of India (New Delhi, 1983).
letterto Jinnah,datedJune21, 1937, he would be held at bay. He wanted the See A K Dasgupta,'Concept of Pakistan',
Mainstream, October 13, 2001, 25-26.
proposed,'Why should not Muslims of mergingof Muslim nations into a uni- 3 See for instance,S H Vahid,'lqbalas Architect
north-west India Bengalbeconsidered versal commonwealthon the basis of
and of Pakistan'in Mohammad Iqbal,ThePolitical
-
as a nationentitledto self-determination Shariat a conceptionthatwas centralto Thinkersof Modern ldlia, xxvi (New Delhi,
as anyothernationin Indiaandoutside' .4 his poeticvision.Of course,Jinnah, draw- 1993), p 112.
He also suggested that the Muslims of ingupon Iqbal'slegacy,launched Direct
the 4 This correspondencehas been reproducedin
north-westIndia and Bengal ought to Actionmovementin Punjab topplethe to several standardworks, but the originals are
not available. Only few xerox copies typed
ignore the political compulsions of Khizrministry,mobilisedpublicopinion with Iqbal's dubious signatures exist. Ashiq
Muslim minority provinces and their in the North-West Frontier Province,and Husain Batalvi, Allama Iqbal Key Akhre do
linguisticaffiliations.42 Clearly, wanted realisedhis dreamof a separate
he homeland sal (Srinagar 1984), pp 578-88.
a separate federation of the Muslimn for IndianMuslims.48 5 Lettersof Iqbal to Jinnah(ed) Sheikh Moha-
majority areas. Iqbal'splanof a Muslimstateapproxi- mmed Ashraf, Lahore, 1956 (second edition).
Iqbalcriticised Jinnah-Sikandar
the to s
Pact mated Jinnah' declaration theLahore
of 6 Aley-Ahmed Suroor'sletterto S M H Burney
of 1937. He fearedthat SikanderHayat Resolution(1940) that specified the re- in the privatecollection of S M H Burney,New
Khan's machinations would lead to the alignmentof state boundaries before an Delhi. See S M H Burney, Iqbal, Poet and
Patriot of India, p 125.
ruinationofthe Muslim League Punjab.43 assemblyof 50,000 people in Lahore.It
in
7 Ibid, Bang-e-Dara (Aligarh, 1975) p 83.
He also pressedJinnahto hold a large also providedfuel to Jinnah'stwo-nation 8 Ibid, p 177.
Muslimconventionin Delhi, to counter theory,expoundedin Iqbal's hometown 9 Nigar,IqbalNumber,January,1963, see Jagat
the Congresspropaganda carriedon by about two years after his death. Indeed, Nath Azad 'Iqbal ki Shairi, p 16.
Economicand PoliticalWeekly December14, 2002 5037

7. 10 Iqbal, Bang-e-Dara, p 88. 27 Sir Muhammad Iqbal, The Reconstruction 1985, Document 121.
11 Ibid. of Religious Thoughtin Islam, Delhi, 1974, 40 Dar, op cit, pp 253-55; Chopra, Document,
12 Ibid, p 43. p 174. 315.
13 M Mujeeb, The Indian Muslims (London, 28 Ibid, p 194. see also K K Aziz, A History of 41 Dar, pp 258-59; Chopra, Document, 282.
1967), p 488, see also SarwantSulat, Millat- the Idea of Pakistan, Vol I, Lahore, 1987, 42 Dar, pp 267; Chopra, Document, 525.
e-lslali ke MukhstarTarikh,Vol III (Delhi pp 192-93. 43 Ibid.
2001), p 41. 29 For a PerceptiveAnalysis of lqbal's Political 44 Ibid, p 269.
14 Iqbal, Javidnamah, Delhi 1984, p 46. Outlook, see K K Aziz, op cit, chapters4-6, 45 Ibid, p 208.
15 Ibid, p 45. pp 184-332. 46 Some scholarsmaintainthatIqbalhadnothing
16 M Mujeeb,Ghalib(New Delhi, 1969), pp 35, 30 Speeches and Statements of Iqbal (ed) by to do with the creation of a separateMuslim
41-42. Shambloo, Al Minar, Academy, New Delhi, stateor whatcameto be knownlaterasPakistan,
17 Muhammed Sadiq,Historyof UrduLiterature 1948, p 54. and for this view they quote Iqbal's letter to
(Delhi, 1984), pp 349-50. See also 'Hali and 31 Reginald Coupland. The Constitutional Raghid Ehsan of Calcutta. (S M H Burney,
Iqbal' in Baquliyva-e-lqbtll;Mur-itabaSyed Problemof India, The IndianProblem(1833- op cit, pp 122-23) and EdwardThompson's
Abdul Wahid, Taimayd Majlis. Karachi, 1945), Part 1I, Oxford, 1945. p 198; see also account (C M Naim, op cit, pp 186, 190). In
pp 341-55, and for Akbar Allahabadi, see K K Aziz, op cit,- 193. the early 1930s, Iqbal was of course opposed
MuhammadSadiq, op cit, pp 399-40. 32 Reginald Coupland, op cit, p 198. to the ceation of a separatestate, and he made
18 Iqal, Bal-e-Jibril, (Lahore 1999), p 102. 33 Ibid. it clear while responding to Rahmat's Ali's
19 Ibid, p 166. 34 K K Aziz, op cit, p 194. scheme. But to stick to this notion is to ignore
20 Iqbal, Bang-e-Dara, p 159. 35 The Times, London, October 12, 1931. the changing views of Iqbal evident in his
21 Iqbal, Bal-e-Jabril, p 4. 36 Rima Hooja, Crusaderfor Self-Rule, Sir Tej letters to Jinnah. Also Edward Thompson's
22 Iqbal. Bang-e-Dara, p 198. Bahadur Sapru and the Indian National evidence is a reconstruction in retrospect.
23 M Mujeeb, India Miuslirms, 486.
p Movement (New Delhi, 1999), p 120. Thompson was a close friend of Jawaharlal
24 Iqbal, Armaghain-e-Hija_:,(ed) professor 37 Jan Baz Mirza, 'Karwan -e-Ahrar', Vol IV Nehru and a supporterof the IndianNational
Yusuf Salim Chisti, Calcutta, 1982, p 272. in Tarikh-e-Azadibar safar, Lahore, 1974, Congress.
25 Ayesha Jalal, 'Nation, Reason and Religion: p 339. 47 For a comparativestudy of Azad and Iqbal,
Punjab's Role in the Partition in India', 38 K K Aziz, op cit. Vol I, p 292. see an illuminatingarticle 'Azad and Iqbal'
No
Economicand Political Weekly, XXXVIII, 39 Letters of Iqbal (compiled and edited by by FarzanaSheikh, in MushirulHasan, Islam
August 8, 1997, 2184-85. Bakshi Ahmad Dar) Lahore, 1987, p 249. and Nationalism:Reflectionson AbdulKalain
26 Iqbl Key Siasi Rajuhat in Nigar, (ed) Niaz See also, P N Chopra, Towards Freedom Azad (New Delhi, 1992), pp 59-73.
Fatehpuri.January-February 1962, 39-41. (January1-December30, 1937), New Delhi, 48 Ibid, p 73.
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