Women in politics. Let's make HERstory!

We are the children of greek
democracy

And women had to wait for the
XIXth century to start being
considered full citizens

Women progressively
gained the right to vote

http://www.theguardian.com/global-development/interactive/2011/jul/06/un-women-vote-timeline-interactive

From voter to politician
Women’s representation is still
limited

More and more women are leading
countries around the world

India – 1966:
Indira
Gandhi
Argentina – 1974: Maria
Estela Isabel Martinez de
Peron became Argentina’s
first female president
Israel – 1969: Golda
Meir- first female prime
minister.
In 1960, Sirimavo
Bandaranaike became the
prime minister of of
Ceylon (now Sri Lanka) and
the first woman in the
world to be elected head
of government.
There have been over 70 female prime ministers and
presidents in the world since 1960

1988: Benazir Bhutto became the prime
minister of Pakistan in December of 1988, at
the age of 35. Bhutto holds the distinction of
being the first female prime minister of a
Muslim-majority nation.
Liberia – Ellen Johnson
Sirleaf (President since 2006 and
the world’s first elected black female
president and Africa’s first elected
female head of state)

Dilma Rousseff,
President of Brazil
Geun-hyePark,
President of South
Korea
Joyce Banda, President of
Malawi
Cristina Fernandez, President of Argentina

Atifete Jahjaga, President of Kosovo
President since 2011, the first female Head of
State in the Balkans and the youngest one
Laura Chinchilla, Costa Rica
Ameenah Gurib-Fakim,
Mauritius

For The First Time In 29 Years, TIME's Person
Of The Year in 2015 was A Woman

Yet, there is still a long way to go…
Source: UN Women

2 | Lawless and Fox
nents factor into the total number of women who hold seats in any nation’s legislature, but more than
50 democratic countries rank higher than the United States in women’s representation.
It should come as no surprise, therefore, that women’s under-representation in American politics
raises grave concerns regarding democratic legitimacy and fundamental issues of political represen-
tation. Electing more women increases the likelihood that policy debates and deliberations include
women’s views and experiences. Further, political theorists and practitioners alike often ascribe
symbolic or role model benefits to a more diverse body of elected officials (see Appendix A for current
research on the substantive and symbolic benefits female candidates and elected officials bring to the
Table 2
Worldwide Rankings of Women
in the National Legislature
Rank and Country Percent Women
1. Rwanda 56.3
2. Andorra 53.6
3. Sweden 45.0
4. South Africa 44.5
5. Cuba 43.2
6. Iceland 42.9
7. Finland 42.5
8. Norway 39.6
9. Belgium 39.3
Netherlands 39.3
11.Mozambique 39.2
12. Angola 38.6
Costa Rica 38.6
14. Argentina 38.5
15.Denmark 38.0
16.Spain 36.6
17. Tanzania 36.0
18.Uganda 34.9
19.New Zealand 33.6
20.Nepal 33.2
91.United States of America 16.9
International Average 19.3
Source: Inter-Parliamentary Union, “Women in National
Parliaments,” as of August 31, 2011.
Rwanda has the highest number of
women parliamentarians worldwide

The European Parliament is slowly
progressing

And France is lagging behind…

US actually ranks behind
Afghanistan, Ethiopia, and Nepal

Men RuleThe Continued Under-Representation
of Women in U.S. Politics
Jennifer L. Lawless
American University
Richard L. Fox
Loyola Marymount University
WOMEN & POLITICS INSTITUTE
SCHOOL of PUBLIC AFFAIRS

In France, our political world is
still dominated by white male
over 50 who represent only
15% of our population

With roughly 10 percent of
countries of the world run by
women, it is mainly male
voices making policies

Jennifer L. Lawless
American University
Richard L. Fox
Loyola Marymount University
Girls Just Wanna Not Run
The Gender Gap in Young Americans’
Political Ambition

Political Ambition
What Hinders Young Women’s
Political Ambition?

Young men are more likely than young women
to be socialized by their parents to think about
politics as a career path.
to think about politics as a possible career path.
Political socialization in the family is the premier agent in the development of young people’s political
attitudes and behavior.6
Indeed, early political experiences can instill in many individuals the belief
that they have the power to take part in the democratic process, whether by voting, engaging in other
forms of political participation, or ultimately running for office. Thus, it is important to recognize that
the women and men in our sample were exposed to similar patterns of general political socialization.
The data presented in the top half of Table 3 indicate that, with one exception, female and male col-
lege students were equally likely to grow up in households where news was consumed and political
conversations ensued.
Table 3
A Politicized Home Environment, by Sex
Men Women
Presence of Politics in the Household When Growing Up
The news is often on. 48% 49%
We often talk about politics at meal times. 24 * 19
My parents often talk about politics with friends and family. 21 22
My parents sometimes yell at the TV because they are 14 17
mad about politics.
Political Activity with Parents
Followed the 2012 election with parents. 48 * 54
Watched election coverage with parents. 36 38
Discussed same-sex marriage with parents. 27 * 42
Discussed the environment and global warming with parents. 29 30
Discussed wars in Iraq and Afghanistan with parents. 35 35
Shared a story on email, Facebook, or a social networking 18 * 24
site with parents.
Sample Size 1,020 1,097
Notes: Entries indicate percentage of respondents who answered each question affirmatively or
engaged in each political activity. * indicates that the gender gap is statistically significant at p < .05.
Political Ambition

Girls are less encouraged by
their parents to run for office
Political Ambition

From their school experiences to their peer associationsto their media
habits, young women tend to be exposed to less political information and
discussion than do young men.
do young men.
School, peers, and the media are the key agents of political socialization beyond the family. It is no
surprise, therefore, that a primary contributor to the gender gap in political ambition is the political
context into which college students immerse themselves. Regardless of whether we focus on academ-
ics, extracurricular activities, peer relationships, or media habits, female respondents were less likely
than male respondents to be surrounded by political discussion and information.
Beginning with class selection, men were more likely than women to gain exposure to politics and
current events. More specifically, the comparisons presented in Table 4 reveal that men were 10
percent more likely than women to have taken a political science or government class, and almost
20 percent more likely to report discussing politics and current events in their classes. These gender
gaps also emerge outside of formal educational experiences.
Men were approxi-
mately two-thirds more
likely than women to
belong to either the
College Democrats
or College Republi-
cans. And men were
significantly more
likely than women to
have run for and held
student government
positions in college.
This gender gap in
student government
marks a contrast with
respondents’ experi-
ences in high school;
women and men were
equally likely to have
participated in student
government prior to
college.
We also found substantial gender differences in the content of the college students’ peer relation-
ships. When we asked respondents about the topics of discussion in which they engaged with their
friends, predictable gender differences emerged. Young men were more likely than women to report
talking about sports; young women were more likely than men to converse about fashion, dating, and
Table 4
Political Context at School and with Peers, by Sex
Men Women
Exposure to Politics in College
Has taken a political science or government class 72% * 66%
Frequently discusses politics and current events 35 * 30
in college classes
Political Activity in College
Participated in College Democrats or Republicans 16 * 9
Ran for student government position 12 * 8
Held student government position 8 * 5
Politics with Peer Groups
Frequently discusses politics with friends 27 * 20
Frequently discusses current events with friends 48 * 42
Sample Size 996 1,080
Notes: Entries indicate percentage of respondents who answered each question
affirmatively or engaged in each political activity. * indicates that the gender gap is
statistically significant at p < .05.
Political Ambition

Less girls watch political shows
Political Ambition

Girls Just Wanna Not Run The Gender Gap in Young Americans’ Political Ambition | 9
school. But as the data in the bottom of Table 4 reveal, men were also significantly more likely than
women to discuss politics and current events with their friends.
A similar pattern emerges when we turn to news gathering habits. Women and men were equally likely
to watch cable news and read a newspaper. But we uncovered significant gender differences for three
other political news sources. Men were two-thirds more likely than women to watch The Daily Show
with Jon Stewart or The Colbert Report (see Table 5). And they were significantly more likely than
women to access political news and political blogs on the internet.
Our survey results provide compelling evidence that, at school, with their peers, and through media,
women are less likely than men to surround themselves with politics or devote time to gathering infor-
mation and news about politics and current events. In fact, when asked about their overall levels of
general political interest, 26 percent of men, but only 15 percent of women, described themselves as
“very interested in politics and current events” (gender gap significant at p < .05).
These gender differences carry clear implications for the gender gap in political ambition because peo-
ple who are immersed in politics are more likely than those who are not to express interest in running for
office. Figure 5 presents data that demonstrate the relationships between some of our key measures of
a political environment and interest in running for office in the future. The figure compares respondents
who possessed key ingredients associated with political ambition to those who did not.
All of the measures of political context presented in Figure 5 perform similarly. Those who had taken
a political science class were more than twice as likely as those who had not to have plans to run for
Table 5
Sources of Political Information, by Sex
Men Women
Engaged in each activity over the course of the last few days
Watched cable news (such as Fox News, CNN, or MSNBC) 40% 40%
Read a hard copy newspaper 19 19
Visited news websites 65 * 53
Visited political websites / blogs 45 * 32
Watched The Daily Show with Jon Stewart and/or The Colbert Report 25 * 15
Notes: Entries indicate percentage of respondents who answered each question affirmatively. * indicates that the
gender gap is statistically significant at p < .05.
Political Ambition

Young men are more likely than young women
to have played organized sports and care
about winning.
Girls Just Wanna Not Run The Gender Gap in Young Americans’ Political Ambition | 11
Overall, our results suggest that playing organized sports either provides an opportunity to develop, or
reinforces the propensity toward, a competitive spirit. These characteristics relate to running for elec-
tive office later in life, and this effect is evident in both female and male college students. Because
men are still substantially more likely than women to play sports and to exude competitive traits,
however, they are also far more likely to find themselves in a position to direct that competitive drive
into politics.
Table 6
Participation in Organized Sports and Attitudes toward
Competition, by Sex
Men Women
Organized sports in college
Plays a varsity or junior varsity sport 38% * 26%
Plays an intramural sport 36 * 15
When you were younger, did you play on any sports teams?
No, I never played on any sports teams. 13 * 28
Yes, I played sports, but they were never very important to me. 14 * 18
Yes, I played sports and enjoyed them, but they were only one activity. 36 33
Yes, I played sports and they were very important to me. 37 * 21
When playing sports, how competitive are you?
Not competitive. As long as it’s fun, I don’t care if I win. 11 * 16
Somewhat competitive and I prefer to win. 44 * 52
Very competitive. It is very important to me that I win. 44 * 32
Notes: For levels of competitiveness when playing sports, the sample is restricted to respondents who play or
have played on any sports teams. * indicates that the gender gap is statistically significant at p < .05.
Political Ambition

Young women are less likely than young men
to receive encouragement to run for office –
from anyone.
seek elective office as an adult. Consequently, we examined whether respondents received encourage-
ment to run for student government, as well as for political office in the future.
The first two columns in Table 7 provide comparisons between female and male respondents on the
question of whether various people in their lives ever encouraged them to run for student government
(either in high school or college). We found virtually no gender differences. Women and men were
equally likely to report receiving encouragement to run for student government from their parents,
teachers, and friends. They were also just as likely to receive encouragement from multiple sources;
roughly one in five respondents was encouraged to seek a student government position by at least
three sources.
When we turn to encouragement to run for public office later in life, however, gender equity gives
way to patterns that favor male respondents. The comparisons presented in the right-hand columns
of Table 7 reveal striking and significant gender gaps in every case about which we asked. Men were
27
36 35
49
19
26
29
39
0
10
20
30
40
50
60
70
Party Official Elected Official Political Activist Any Political Actor
Men
Women
Table 7
Gender Differences in Encouragement to Run for Office
Encouraged to Run Encouraged to Run
for Student Government for Office Later in Life
Men Women Men Women
Parent 24% 25% 40% * 29%
Grandparent 9 7 14 * 9
Aunt / Uncle 9 6 10 * 7
Sibling 8 9 10 * 7
Teacher 19 18 19 * 12
Coach 5 * 3 7 * 4
Religious Leader 4 4 7 * 4
Friend 22 22 26 * 17
Received suggestion from 20 19 19 * 13
three or more sources
Sample Size 1,020 1,097 1,020 1,097
Notes: Entries indicate percentage of respondents who ever received encouragement or the suggestion
to run for office from each source. * indicates that the gender gap is statistically significant at p < .05.
Political Ambition

Young women are less likely than young men
to think they will be qualified to run for office,
even once they are established in their careers
Political Ambition

To promote change, women
prefer to work for charity than
run for office
Political Ambition

How to close the gap?
• Early parental support for a political career, therefore,
is a vital ingredient for closing the gender gap in
political ambition.
• Encouraging young women to play sports from an
early age might generate a greater sense of
competition and, ultimately, political ambition among
young women.
• Exposing young women to female candidates and
elected of cials and providing examples of how
pursuing electoral of ce can bring about societal
change cannot be underestimated in closing the gap.
These activities can also go a long way in combating
women’s tendency to self-assess as unquali ed to run
for office.
Political Ambition

Claire Guichet
octobre 2015
Les forces vives
au féminin
LESÉTUDESDUCONSEILÉCONOMIQUE,SOCIALETENVIRONNEMENTAL

Un des moteurs essentiels de la prise de
responsabilité et de l’accès à des postes
dirigeants est la parole
• Le pouvoir se prendrait ainsi par les mots, ce
qui défavoriserait les femmes.
• « La faible présence des femmes aux postes de
responsabilité limite les possibilités pour celles-
ci, en général, d’avoir des modèles auxquels se
référer et par conséquent leur sentiment de
légitimité. Il importe donc à un moment de briser
la tendance et de mettre en place des dispositifs
incitant à la prise de responsabilité par les
femmes». Claire Guichet
octobre 2015
Les forces vives
au féminin

Les freins « imaginaires » que se
posent les femmes
• Un sentiment de légitimité et de compétence moindre chez les femmes
– Les femmes n’osent pas y aller et attendent qu’on les sollicite, que des dispositifs paritaires les
poussent, voire que personne d’autre ne soit sur les rangs.
– Les femmes ont souvent le sentiment de ne pas être prêtes, de ne pas être assez formées.
• Un déficit de confiance en soi qui se traduit pour les femmes par une difficulté à
prendre la parole et les conduit à faire souvent plus que les hommes
– Au moment où elles interviennent, la salle écoute moins et il arrive encore trop souvent que les
plaisanteries fusent, comme pour con rmer un manque supposé de légitimité et/ou de compétence.
L’indulgence est bien moindre lorsqu’une femme fait une erreur, même minime, alors que cela reste
souvent banal et sans conséquence pour un homme. Craignant de se confronter ou/et de ne pas être
prises au sérieux, les femmes ont alors parfois du mal à prendre la parole, d’autant plus si elles
doutent elles-mêmes de leurs compétences.
• Le sentiment de culpabilité
– Du fait de l’inégale répartition des tâches ménagères et familiales, les femmes militantes expriment
plus souvent que les hommes militants leur culpabilité à l’égard d’un investissement lorsqu’il
déborde largement sur la vie familiale.
Claire Guichet
octobre 2015
Les forces vives
au féminin

L’autocensure féminine ne saurait, en aucun cas, être
perçue comme étant une responsabilité individuelle ou
un phénomène lié au sexe biologique.
• C’est bien dans la construction des rôles sociaux que
les femmes acquièrent une propension plus forte à se
questionner sur leurs compétences et leurs capacités
à prendre de nouvelles responsabilités.
• Les arguments selon lesquels il n’y aurait pas de
femmes compétentes et/ ou intéressées pour tel ou
tel poste, l’inexistence de vivier ou la non-
reconnaissance d’obstacles les empêchant
objectivement d’y candidater sont trop souvent
utilisés pour nier l’existence d’un problème de
représentation des femmes. Claire Guichet
octobre 2015
Les forces vives
au féminin

A perceived or real difference
in female candidates’
treatment.
Women fear the widespread bias
experienced by women’s
candidates

erage by all members of the press—from bloggers to radio
hosts to television pundits. Our goal, to quote Katie Couric, is to “make sexism as
repugnant as racism.”
Widespread sexism in the media is one of the top problems facing women. Our
groundbreaking research from Lake Research Partners shows that sexist media cov-
erage results in a drastic decrease of voter confidence in women candidates. This
is similar to studies of bullying, in which people are less likely to identify with those
negatively treated in public, due to the conscious or unconscious fear that such bul-
lying or negative public characterization will then include them as bystanders and
supporters. The ever-changing media landscape creates an unmonitored and often
not fact-checked echo chamber, habitually allowing damaging comments to influ-
ence opinion without accountability.
Name It. Change It. was launched to hold media outlets
accountable for their role in our government’s gender
disparity; women make up only 17 percent of Congress
and 23 percent of state legislatures. Name It. Change
It. identifies and publicizes sexist media coverage of
women candidates and political leaders of all races. This
project is also race-conscious in its understanding of ste-
reotyping as it is used against various groups of women.
The Name It. Change It. project exists to reduce the inci-
dence of sexist media references and replace the usual
silence that follows such media offenses toward women
candidates and public leaders with proactive and re-
sponsive tactics. We want to help members of the media
identify sexism and stories biased against women so that sexism doesn’t remain a
barrier for women elected to office. We want to be a positive resource for members
of the media who are seeking fair and accurate alternatives.
With our groundbreaking research, our case studies, our style guide of gender-neu-
tral terms, and, finally, our Media Pledge of Gender Neutrality, we hope to reveal
and reduce the problem that sexism creates for women in this country, whether they
are seeking office or seeking representation, and that penalizes men by shrinking
the pool of talented leaders.
We believe cultural change is possible. There is no doubt that the past few decades
have shown an enormous amount of improvement in the standing of women in this
country. But the goal of equality has not been achieved, and America’s ratio of
women representation lags behind that of many other countries. In fact, the U.S.
ranks a shameful 78th in the world for representation of women in its national legis-
lature. By addressing sexism in the political media, we believe we can improve all
women’s lives, from candidates to voters.
DUCTION
Widespread
sexism in the
media is one
of the top
problems
facing women.
;
A good test of whether or not you as a reporter are taking sexism
seriously is whether you would cite race, class, ethnicity, or religion in
the same context.” — Gloria Steinem, Journalist and Co-Founder of
the Women’s Media Center
Name It. Change It. was launched to hold
media outlets accountable for their role in our
government’s gender disparity

Sexism in politics
“Un mâle dominant”

Australian PM Gilliard video went
viral
• The video of genuinely
furious Gilliard who
denounced various catcalls
she had experienced
became viral as a harrowing
testimony that exist
treatment concerns women
of all levels.
• It became one of the most
popular political speeches
of 2012 hitting millions of
viewers.
• Her famous speech
electrified the debate about
misogyny in the workplace.

Countries with a larger number of women as
ministers or in parliament tend to have lower
levels of inequality, more confidence in
government and higher spending on health.
• More women decision-makers and
influencers in our public sectors means a
more balanced perspective in designing
and implementing new rules and laws,
and a more inclusive approach to
policymaking and service delivery.

More women in power could lead to
more women running for office
• Simply having more local female politicians
can boost aspirations and educational
achievement among young women, according to
a landmark study co-authored by MIT economist
Esther Duflo and published in Science.
• “We think this is due to a role-model effect:
Seeing women in charge persuaded parents and
teens that women can run things, and increased
their ambitions,” said Duflo in a press release.

Better people representation
In policy, evidence suggests that politicians
who reflect the people they serve better
represent their needs.

More efficient policy making
• Research also suggests that female legislators are incredibly
effective: On average, they bring 9 percent more federal
spending to their home district, and sponsor three more bills
per Congress, compared to their male colleagues.
• Research on panchayats (local councils) in India discovered
that the number of drinking water projects in areas with
female-led councils was 62 per cent higher than in those with
male-led councils.
• In Norway, a direct causal relationship between the presence
of women in municipal councils and childcare coverage was
found.

Improved Policy Outcomes
• On average, women sponsor and co-sponsor more bills than do
men and are able to enlist more co-sponsors.
• Across parties, women are, on average, 31 percent more effective
at advancing legislation and see continued success farther into
the legislative process.
• Congresswomen deliver 9 percent – or roughly $49 million – more
per year in federal programs to their home districts than do
congressmen.
• Women across the political spectrum are more likely than their male
counterparts – of either party – to prioritize issues affecting women,
families, and children on their legislative agendas.
• Regardless of party affiliation, women have voted
more consistently in favor of environmental protections and
policies than men have over the past 25 years in both the House
and Senate.

A New Style of Leadership
• Women, as a group, are more partial to non-
hierarchical collaboration, consensus building,
and inclusion than men, as a group, and they bring
that style to politics.
• Female legislators gather policy information from
different sources than men and rely on different
types of information in making key decisions.
• Unlike their male colleagues, women in legislative and
executive posts are motivated most often by policy
goals, not power or prestige, in running for office and
serving.
• Female lawmakers open the legislative agenda to
new perspectives and issues.

Overall, countries with any typeof gender
quota havehigherproportionsof seats held
by women in lower or single houses of
parliament

Things are changing but there is
still a long way to go
London mayor
Rome mayor
Paris mayor
POTUS

Around the world, different
organizations foster women’s
political participation

Consolidated Response
Best Practices Used by Political
Parties to Promote Women in Politics
Consolidated Response
Best Practices Used by Political
Parties to Promote Women in Politics
International Knowledge Network of Women in Politics

Erin Vilardi: Ask women to
nominate others

Fair Agenda is a community of
35,000 Australians campaigning for
a fair and equal future for women.

How to get more women in
Tunisian politics

Be mindful about how you
conduct interviews
PARALLELISM: WHEN EVERYTHING ISN’T EQUAL
Another type of sexism in media coverage is Parallelism. If a reporter is wondering
whether it’s offensive or inaccurate to say something about a group or person who
may be subject to stereotyping, it’s often helpful to make a parallel with another per-
son or group who is less subject to stereotyping. It changes the context just enough
to see the fairness or unfairness. Some examples of the effect come in word choice.
For example, men have “brown hair,” but women are “brunettes.” Women in power
are sometimes called “motherly,” but men in power aren’t “fatherly.”
But other examples go beyond word choice to the very premise of a question posed
to a candidate.
For example: If Sarah Palin had been a male vice presidential candidate, she prob-
ably wouldn’t have been asked whether or not she could fulfill the job when she had
CHILD CARE
SINGLENESS
EYE COLOR
HAIR CUT
MAKE-UP
LACK OF CHILDREN
GUIDINGRULESFORGENDERNEUTRALITY
The Women’s Media Center’s
Media Guide to Gender Neutral Coverage
of Women Candidates + Politicians
By Rachel Joy Larris and Rosalie Maggio

WMC Guide to Gender Neutral Coverage of Women Candidates + Politicians 3
Steinem, Journalist and Co-Founder of the Women’s Media Center
Reversibility means abandon-
ing or evaluating terms or story
frames of women candidates
that wouldn’t be written about
men. It means not citing sex
with less seriousness or logical
relation to content than you
would cite race, class, ethnic-
ity, or religion.
At the simplest level, do you
use “Mr. Smith” on first refer-
ence, then “Smith” after that?
Do you cite “Ms.,” “Mrs.,”
or “Miss Smith” throughout?
If you answered yes to both,
you are granting Mr. Smith
autonomy, but continuing to
describe Ms. Smith by her
marital status.
If terms are almost singularly
applied to women but not to
men, you probably shouldn’t
be using them. Sexism can
also refer to the type of cover-
age, often about personality,
appearance, or family, that
is given to women politicians
but not male politicians. See
the chart for some examples.
Please refer to the Glossary of
Terms listed from the Unspin-
ning the Spin: The Women’s
Media Center’s Guide to Fair
& Accurate Language for more
examples.
Said to Women Said to Men
Cunt NONE
Girl / Woman
Whore NONE
Man Whore
Bitch NONE
Slut NONE
Prostitute Player / Pimp
Man-Eater / Aggressive Driven / Motivated
High-Strung / Temperamental Powerful
Too Emotional Sensitive / Caring
Mean Girl / Bully Powerful / Decisive
Ice Queen / Cold Hardworking / Commanding
Nagging / Shrill Determined
Opinionated / Uppity Knowledgeable / Passionate
Hot / Sexy / MILF Handsome / Attractive
Ugly / Mannish / Dyke / Lesbian NO ATTENTION GIVEN
Varicose Veins / Cankles / Wrinkled Distinguished / Seasoned
General Menstruation Jokes:
Moody / PMSing Angry
General Comments on Appearance:
Plunging Neckline / Short Skirt / Oh, look, he’s wearing a red/blue
High Heels / Hairstyle tie “and an American ﬂag pin”
CHART OF REVERSIBILITY
FORGENDERNEUTRALITY

GRULESFORGENDERNEUTRALITY
Write about a woman candidate’s
clothing or physical appearance
(hair, makeup, eyes) … UNLESS
your outlet has published similar
articles about male candidates.
Use gendered terms such as
“feisty,” “spirited,” “opinionated”
… UNLESS your outlet would use
them on a male candidate.
Talk about a female candidate as
a mother … UNLESS the candidate
brings it up first.
Write about clothing (for either sex)
that is symbolically important.
Ask a male candidate about his role
as a father if he touts “fatherhood”
as a job qualifier.
Ask a male candidate about sexist
language he uses.
DON’Ts
DO’sMEDIA PLEDGE OF GENDER NEUTRALITY
SIGN THE PLEDGE!
We invite members of the media to sign the Name It. Change It. Media Pledge of Gender Neu-
trality. By signing it, you pledge to use gender-neutral language (i.e., not sexist) when writing
and/or speaking about women candidates and politicians. We encourage news reporters,
columnists, pundits, bloggers, radio and television hosts, and Twitter users to sign the pledge.
Refraining from sexist language is as important as refraining from racist language, and improves
the media culture for all women.
MEDIAPLEDGEOFGENDER
You can sign the pledge online at
www.nameitchangeit.org/page/s/equality-pledge
Text of Media Pledge of Gender Neutrality
I promise to adhere to fair journalistic standards that

Women in politics. Let's make HERstory!

Women in politics. Let's make HERstory!

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Women in politics. Let's make HERstory!