1TEN QUICK WAYS TOANALYZE CHILDRENS BOOKSFOR SEXISM AND RACI.docx

1
TEN QUICK WAYS TO
ANALYZE CHILDRENS BOOKS
FOR SEXISM AND RACISM
From ANTI-BIAS CURRICULUM:
TOOLS FOR EMPOWERING YOUNG CHILDREN
Louise Derman-Sparks and the A.B.C. Task Force
Both in school and out, young children are exposed to racist and
sexist
attitudes. These attitudes--expressed over and over in books and
in other
media--gradually distort their perceptions until stereotypes and
myths about
minorities and women are accepted as reality. It is difficult for
a librarian or
teacher to convince children to question society's attitudes. But
if a child
can be shown how to detect racism and sexism in a book, the
child can
proceed to transfer the perception to wider areas. The following
ten
guidelines are offered as a starting point in evaluation of
children's books
from this perspective.
1. Check the Illustrations
Look for Stereotypes. A stereotype is an oversimplified
generalization
about a particular group, race, or sex, which usually carries
derogatory
implications. Some infamous (overt) stereotypes of Blacks are
the happy-golucky,
watermelon-eating Sambo and the fat, eye-rolling "mammy"; of

Chicanos, the sombrero-wearing peon, or the fiesta-loving,
macho bandito;
of Asian Americans, the inscrutable, slant-eyed "Oriental"; of
Native
Americans, the naked savage or "primitive" craftsperson and his
"squaw"; of
Puerto Ricans, the switchblade-toting, teenage gang member; of
women,
the completely domesticated mother, the demure, doll-loving
little girl or the
2
wicked stepmother. While you may not always find stereotypes
in the
blatant forms described, look for variations which in any way
demean or
ridicule characters because of their race or sex.
Look for Tokenism. If there are minority characters in the
illustrations, do
they look just like whites except for being tinted or colored in?
Do all
minority faces look stereotypically alike, or are they depicted as
genuine
individuals with distinctive features?
Who's Doing What? Do the illustrations depict minorities in
subservient
and passive roles or in leadership and action roles? Are males
the active
"doers" and females the inactive observers?
2. Check the Story Line
The liberation movements have led publishers to weed out many
insulting
passages, particularly from stories with Black themes and from
books
depicting female characters; however, racist and sexist attitudes
still find

expression in less obvious ways. The following checklist
suggests some of
the subtle, covert forms of bias to watch for.
Standard for Success. Does it take "white" behavior standards
for a
minority person to "get ahead"? Is "making it' in the dominant
white society
projected as the only ideal? To gain acceptance and approval,
do third world
persons have to exhibit extraordinary qualities - excel in sports,
get A's,
etc.? In friendships between white and third world children, is it
the third
world child who does most of the understanding and forgiving?
3
Resolution of Problems. How are problems presented,
conceived, and
resolved in the story? Are minority people considered to be "the
problem"?
Are the oppressions faced by minorities and women represented
as casually
related to an unjust society? Are the reasons for poverty and
oppression
explained, or are they accepted as inevitable? Does the story
line encourage
passive acceptance or active resistance? Is a particular problem
that is
faced by a minority person resolved through the benevolent
intervention of a
white person?
Role of Women. Are the achievements of girls and women based
on their
own initiative and intelligence, or are they due to their good
looks or to their
relationship with boys? Are sex roles incidental or critical to
characterization

and plot? Could the same story be told if the sex roles were
reversed?
3. Look at the Lifestyles
Are third world persons and their setting depicted in such a way
that they
contrast unfavorably with the unstated norm of white, middle-
class
suburbia? If the minority group in question is depicted as
"different," are
negative value judgments implied? Are minorities depicted
exclusively in
ghettos, barrios, or migrant camps? If the illustrations and text
attempt to
depict another culture, do they go beyond over-simplifications
and offer
genuine insights into another lifestyle? Look for inaccuracy and
inappropriateness in the depiction of other cultures. Watch for
instances of
the "quaint-natives-in-costume" syndrome (most noticeable in
areas like
clothing and custom, but extending to behavior and personality
traits as
well).
4. Weigh the Relationships Between People
4
Do the whites in the story possess the power, take the
leadership, and make
the important decisions? Do minorities and females function in
essentially
supporting, subservient roles?
How are family relationships depicted? In Black families, is the
mother
always dominant? In Latino families, are there always lots of
children? If

the family is separated, are societal conditions -unemployment,
povertycited
among the reasons for the separation?
5. Note the Heroes
For many years, books showed only "safe" minority heroes-
those who
avoided serious conflict with the white establishment of their
time. Minority
groups today are insisting on the right to define their own
heroes (of both
sexes) based on their own concepts and struggles for justice.
When minority heroes do appear, are they admired for the same
qualities
that have made white heroes famous or because what they have
done has
benefited white people? Ask this question: "Whose interests is a
particular
hero really serving?" The interests of the hero's own people? Or
the
interests of white people?
6. Consider the Effects on a Child's Self-image
Are norms established which limit any child's aspirations and
self-concepts?
What effect can it have on third world children to be
continuously
bombarded with images of the color white as the ultimate in
beauty,
cleanliness, virtue, etc., and the color black as evil, dirty,
menacing, etc.?
5
Does the book reinforce or counteract positive associations with
the color
white and negative associations with the color black?
What happens to a girl's self-image when she reads that boys

perform all of
the brave and important deeds? What about a girl's self-esteem
if she is not
"fair" of skin and slim of body?
In a particular story, is them one or more persons with whom a
minority
child can readily identify to a positive and constructive end?
7. Consider the Author's or Illustrator's Background
Analyze the biographical material on the jacket flap or the back
of the book.
If a story deals with a minority theme, what qualifies the author
or illustrator
to deal with the subject? If the author and illustrator are not
members of
the minority being written about, is there anything in their
background that
would specifically recommend them as the creators of this
book?
8. Check Out the Author's Perspective
No author can be entirely objective. All authors write from a
cultural as well
as from a personal context. Children's books in the past have
traditionally
come from authors who were white and who were members of
the middle
class, with one result being that a single ethnocentric
perspective has
dominated children's literature in the United States. With any
book in
question, read carefully to determine whether the direction of
the author's
perspective substantially weakens or strengthens the value of
his/her written
work. Is the perspective patriarchal or feminist? Is it solely

Eurocentric or
do third world perspectives also surface?
6
9. Watch for Loaded Words
A word is loaded when it has offensive overtones. Examples of
loaded
adjectives (usually racist) are "savage," "primitive,"
"conniving," "lazy,"
"superstitious," "treacherous," "wily," "crafty," "inscrutable,"
"docile," and
"backward."
Look for sexist language and adjectives that exclude or in any
way demean
girls or women. Look for use of the male pronoun to refer to
both males and
females. While the generic use of the word "man" was accepted
in the past,
its use today is outmoded. The following examples show how
sexist
language can be avoided: ancestors instead of forefathers;
chairperson
instead of chairman; community instead of brotherhood; fire
fighters instead
of firemen; manufactured instead of manmade; human family
instead of
family of man.
10. Look at the Copyright Date
Books on minority themes-usually hastily conceived-suddenly
began
appearing in the mid and late 1960's. There followed a growing
number of
"minority experience" books to meet the new market demand,
but these
books were still written by white authors, edited by white

editors, and
published by white publishers. They therefore reflected a white
point of
view. Not until the early 1970's did the children's book world
begin to even
remotely reflect the realities of a pluralistic society. The new
direction
resulted from the emergence of third world authors writing
about their own
experiences in an oppressive society. This promising direction
has been
7
reversing in the late 1970's. Non-sexist books, with rare
exceptions, were
not published before 1972 to 1974.
The copyright dates, therefore, can be a clue as to how likely
the book is to
be overtly racist or sexist, although a recent copyright date, of
course, is no
guarantee of a book's relevance or sensitivity. The copyright
date only
means the year the book was published. It usually takes two
years-and
often much more than that-from the time a manuscript is
submitted to the
publisher to the time it is actually printed and put on the
market. This time
lag meant very little in the past, but in a period of rapid change
and new
consciousness, when children's book publishing is attempting to
be
"relevant," it is becoming increasingly significant.
*Reprinted by the Early Childhood Equity Alliance with
permission from the author*

Oxford University Press and The Past and Present Society are
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The Past and Present Society
Women's Work Reconsidered: Gender and Wage Differentiation
in Late Medieval England
Author(s): John Hatcher
Source: Past & Present, No. 173 (Nov., 2001), pp. 191-198
Published by: on behalf of Oxford University Press The Past
and Present Society
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/3600844
Accessed: 27-06-2015 15:45 UTC
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DEBATE
WOMEN'S WORK RECONSIDERED:
GENDER AND WAGE DIFFERENTIATION
IN LATE MEDIEVAL ENGLAND
The debate over whether working women enjoyed a 'golden age'
in the later middle ages has become livelier in recent years, as
fundamental disagreements have arisen over the extent and
signi-
ficance of any advance in status and material well-being. The
parameters of the debate have also become less well defined, as
new contributors have widened the range of criteria used to
judge
welfare and standards of life, resulting in confusion as well as
contention over what constituted improvement, as well as how
great any improvement was. Sandy Bardsley's article focusing

on
the wages working women earned makes a number of useful
contributions which will help to clarify some areas of doubt.
Her thorough analysis of the demesne accounts of Ebury manor
and the records of prosecutions for breaches of the Statutes of
Labourers in the East Riding of Yorkshire has thrown more light
on the extremely wide range of wages which were paid for a
day's work, and how pay varied according to gender, age and
health. Most importantly, she mounts a convincing case against
those who have claimed that after the Black Death adult women
working on farms came to earn daily wages which were the
equal
of those paid to adult men, and she shows how evidence of
wages
paid to gangs which included workers of both sexes, and of
some
higher-paid women earning as much for a day's work as some
lower-paid men, has been misinterpreted as equal pay for
women.
All of these findings are welcome and valid. But such is the
complexity of this field, and the intermittent and ambiguous
evidence surrounding it, that much doubt and confusion remain.
Debates about the scale and significance of changes in the
position
of women in society are bound to continue, but if we ask precise
and manageable questions of the evidence, in this instance that
' Sandy Bardsley, 'Women's Work Reconsidered: Gender and
Wage Differentiation
in Late Medieval England', Past and Present, no. 165 (Nov.
1999).
? The Past and Present Society, Oxford, 2001

2015 15:45:31 UTC
192 PAST AND PRESENT NUMBER 173
which throws light on the economic status of working women,
the scope for disagreement will be narrowed. Did women's
wages
increase in the era of labour scarcity after the Black Death? If
so, by how much? Did women's wages advance relative to men's
wages? Did women achieve equal pay? Did the range and
quality
of the employment opportunities open to women improve?
Even these questions, however, are not necessarily as straight-
forward as they appear at first sight. Equal pay, or rather
unequal
pay, which is a central theme of Bardsley's paper, is an
ambiguous
concept that needs careful definition. Does it mean equal pay
for
equal amounts of time spent working at a task, or equal pay for
equal amounts of work completed? In the later middle ages, as
today, there were two main types of contract for remunerating
hired workers: payment according to the time spent working
(time-rates), and payment according to the amount of work done
(piece-rates). Although piece-rate contracts were extremely
common, Bardsley concentrates almost exclusively on time-
rates,
and the evidence she presents (and there is very much more
besides) points unerringly to the daily wages of women in
agricul-
ture being significantly lower on average than those paid to men

employed working on the same tasks. The persistence of this
female-male wage gap Bardsley confidently ascribes to the tri-
umph of 'patriarchal structures' over 'demographic crisis', and
to the power of a 'convention of wage differentiation' which
enabled women, along with other members of the 'second-rate'
workforce, to be denied equal pay.2 Had Bardsley looked more
closely at the abundant evidence of piece-rate payments for
agri-
cultural tasks she might have hesitated to draw this conclusion.
For it indicates that male and female workers received the same
pay for the same amount of work, when they were paid by the
piece. After the Black Death women as well as men were
employed to reap and bind corn in the fields and thresh and
winnow it in the barns, and they were paid by the number of
acres they reaped or bushels they threshed. Rates of pay might
vary according to the difficulty of the task, for some grains
were
easier to work with than others, but as a general rule they did
not vary according to the gender of the worker.3
2 Ibid., 5, 29.
3 We know that after the Black Death women as well as men
were commonly
employed to reap and bind and to thresh and winnow grain (see,
for example, S. A. C.
Penn, 'Female Wage-Earners in Late Fourteenth-Century
England', Agric. Hist. Rev.,
(cont. on p. 193)
2015 15:45:31 UTC

WOMEN'S WORK RECONSIDERED 193
The productivity of labour is a fundamental determinant of
wages. Farmers employed labourers to get work done, and the
cost of accomplishing that work was uppermost in their minds
when they made decisions about which particular labourer to
hire
and what wage to pay him or her. A competently reaped field or
threshed and winnowed bushel of wheat was not worth less to
a farmer because the task had been completed by a woman.
However, speed of working is a prime consideration when pay-
ments are made by the day rather than by the quantity of work
performed, as also is the number of hours worked, which is why
wages paid by the day will tend to vary in accordance with the
productivity of the workers.
A large number of jobs on the medieval farm involved hard
manual labour;,the performance of which depended on brute
strength and often also on stature. Strength and reach are attri-
butes possessed in greater abundance by men, and because of
this
they are able to accomplish such tasks with greater average
speed
than women. Historical evidence of the superior average
produc-
tivity of men in the performance of a range of heavy
agricultural
tasks is not hard to come by, and in the contemporary world it
is overwhelming. Joyce Burnette's article on the female-male
wage gap during the Industrial Revolution is indispensable, and
it provides an abundance of relevant information and good
sense. 4
Data collected by the US army to measure the physical perform-
ance of the sexes, for example, reveals that the largest gap

occurs
in lifting and moving external objects, with men able to lift on
average around twice as much as women.5 This is exactly the
capacity which results in appreciably higher male productivity
in
much agricultural labouring, and also helps to explain why it
was
extremely rare for women to be employed to dig, build stone
walls or plough. Women could reap well with a sickle, but they
did so more slowly than men. Estimates from England in the
1830s and 1840s indicate that a man could reap three-quarters
of
an acre in the same time it took a woman to reap half an acre.6
That productivity rather than gender discrimination was the
main
(n. 3 cont.
xxxv, 1987), but nowhere in the abundant data on piece-rate
wages is there anything
to indicate that all workers were not paid the same wages for
the same amount of work.
4 Joyce Burnette, 'An Investigation of the Female-Male Wage
Gap during the
Industrial Revolution in Britain', Econ. Hist. Rev., 2nd ser., 1
(1997).
5 Ibid., 274-5.
6 Ibid., 275.
2015 15:45:31 UTC

reason why male reapers appearing before East Riding justices
in
the 1360s were paid higher average daily wages than female
reapers is further supported by the testimony of the remarkable
Alice George, recorded by John Locke in 1681, who 'was
reckoned rather amongst the tall than short women. .... and she
said she was able to have reaped as much in a day as any man,
and had as much wages'.7
The productivity of many women who worked as day labourers
is also likely to have been constricted by the need to care for
their families and to work in the house, which could leave them
with fewer hours in the fields each day, and with the
responsibility
of looking after children while at work. Although little or no
trace of these perpetual female chores can be found in medieval
manorial documents, they do occur in literary texts and in the
records of later centuries. 8
Bardsley cites mowing as a key example of the exclusion of
women from higher-paid positions, and states that 'Social
conven-
tion dictated that only men could wield the long-handled
scythe'. 9
Yet the efficient wielding of the long-handled scythe demanded
unusual strength, stature and skill, and inexpert mowing lost the
farmer money in depleted crops. Hence, it was not only women
but the vast majority of men who were excluded from employ-
ment as mowers, and the premium wages which this occupation
usually commanded. '0
Differentiation between workers and their wages, based on

perceived variations in productivity and skill, has been a com-
monplace of casual labour markets throughout history. Workers
hired and paid by the day were selected by employers according
to their fitness, abilities and willingness; in other words
according
to how much work they were able to do in the time. Piers the
Plowman acted like any sensible farmer when:
7 Quoted in Peter Laslett, The World We Have Lost (London,
1965), 109.
8 There is a brief discussion of how the duties of childcare
could shape women's
employment opportunities in Judith M. Bennett, Women in the
English Medieval
Countryside: Gender and Household in Brigstock before the
Plague (Oxford, 1987),
270-1. Burnette has collected evidence from the mid-nineteenth
century, as Gilboy
and others have for the eighteenth century, and found that the
need to perform
household chores meant that 'women usually worked fewer
hours than men': Burnette,
'Investigation of the Female-Male Wage Gap', 268-9.
9 Bardsley, 'Women's Work Reconsidered', 11 and n. 20.
10 David Stone, 'The Productivity of Hired and Customary
Labour: Evidence from
Wisbech Barton in the Fourteenth Century', Econ. Hist. Rev.,
2nd ser., 1 (1997),
650-1.
2015 15:45:31 UTC

At heighe pryme peres * let the plowe stonde,
To ouersen hem hym-self; * and who-so best wroughte,
He shulde be huryed ther-after * whan hervest-tyme come. "
On the other hand, workers with special skills only earned pre-
mium wages when working on tasks which called for them, and
mowers, or any other craftsmen, earned only the going rate for
unskilled labour when working as common labourers. 12 If
labour
was scarce the less able could find work, but they would be paid
lower daily wages, for the same reason that lords objected when
tenants owing labour services sent a boy to do a man's work.
But wage discrimination rather than wage differentiation -
that is, the paying of lower wages to workers who are equally
productive on account of their gender or other characteristics -
is neither rational nor efficient. In fact, systematic
discrimination
of this type is extremely hard to sustain in competitive markets
such as those prevailing for agricultural labour in later medieval
England, where in every locality scores of farmers, peasants as
well as lords, sought to employ some labour from time to time.
The situation implied by Bardsley, that women's labour was
both
excessively cheap and reluctantly and sparingly used by
farmers,
is hard to sustain. For, if the female-male wage ratio was lower
than the productivity ratio, farmers who employed women
would
have lower costs than those who did not, and the latter would

also suffer an additional handicap when seeking to hire
sufficient
labour in a time of labour scarcity. Custom and prejudice, rather
than supply and demand, can only dictate wages when the
occupa-
tion is shielded from competition. Discrimination is more com-
patible with monopolistic markets. ' Thus, in contrast to the
relatively free market operating for casual agricultural
labourers,
in medieval towns women were systematically barred by legal
and institutional means from serving apprenticeships, from
working as journeymen and operating as master-craftsmen. In
the countryside, too, there is scant mention of female thatchers,
tilers, carpenters or plumbers, although they often served as
" William Langland, The Vision of William Concerning Piers
the Plowman, ed. W. W.
Skeat (Oxford, 1869), 71.
12 R. H. Britnell, 'Specialisation of Work in England, 1100-
1300', Econ. Hist. Rev.,
2nd ser., liv (2001), 9.
13 Burnette, 'Investigation of the Female-Male Wage Gap', 260-
2; Joyce Burnette,
'Testing for Occupational Crowding in Eighteenth-Century
British Agriculture',
Explorations in Econ. Hist., xxxiii (1996); Gary Stanley Becker,
The Economics of
Discrimination, 2nd edn (Chicago, 1971).
2015 15:45:31 UTC

assistants in these crafts. It would appear that young female
assistants were denied the training that was routinely given to
young men, which is an example of what is termed 'pre-market
discrimination', and the absence of women as supervisors is yet
another reflection of a dominant patriarchy which excluded
women from serving in manorial offices and positions of
authority.
The range of occupations open to women and the wages they
earned were determined by changes in supply and demand as
well as by custom and prejudice. When arguing against
significant
improvements in the status and fortunes of women after the
Black
Death, Bardsley is in danger of confusing two issues which
ought
to be kept distinct, namely changes in the absolute and in the
relative economic status of women. Though the degree of any
betterment may be disputed, it is undeniable that peasant
women,
as individuals and as members of households and families,
shared
in the general improvement which took place in real wages and
material standards of living as wages rose and food and land
became cheaper, and there can be no doubt that the number and
range of jobs that were open to them expanded during the
scarcity
of labour which prevailed over much of the later middle ages.
14
Whether female wages also improved relative to male, either
when they were performing the same task alongside men or

because the pay for tasks traditionally performed by women
rose
disproportionately, is a separate issue. Bardsley maintains that
'While the wages of unskilled workers may have increased
relative
to those of skilled workers, the wages of female workers
relative
to male workers remained constant'. " This too may be doubted.
The Ebury and East Riding data that Bardsley relies on to
support
her argument for the stability of relative levels of remuneration
during the later middle ages, though informative in some other
respects, simply will not bear the weight of the conclusions that
are placed on them. Gender differentiation in medieval wages is
14 For recent summaries, see Mavis E. Mate, Women in
Medieval English Society
(Cambridge, 1999), 27-34; Jim Bolton, 'The World Upside
Down: Plague as an Agent
of Economic and Social Change', in Mark Ormrod and Phillip
Lindley (eds.), The
Black Death in England (Stamford, 1996), 70-7. There is a
severe lack of data on
female wages, but Thorold Rogers concluded, without
presenting his detailed evi-
dence, that the pay for tasks generally performed by women,
such as washing and
shearing sheep, planting beans, gathering stubble, etc., doubled
in the course of the
fourteenth century: J. E. T. Rogers, A History of Agriculture
and Prices in England, 7
vols. (Oxford, 1866-1902), i, 280-2.
15 Bardsley, 'Women's Work Reconsidered', 29.

2015 15:45:31 UTC
an area in which much more research needs to be done, but such
evidence as we do possess is suggestive of a narrowing of the
differentials between male and female rates of pay after 1350,
which would be in accordance with the conditions prevailing in
this labour market. Bardsley accepts that women gained
increased
employment as craftsmen's helpers, yet disregards the clear evi-
dence of the disproportionately steep increase in helpers' pay
which Rogers and Beveridge and their successors have
produced.
David Farmer's recently published measure of the ratio between
helpers' and craftsmen's wages rises spectacularly from 0.44 in
the 1300s to 0.58 in the 1400s, and to 0.71 by the 1460s. 16
Also lending circumstantial support to a narrowing of differen-
tials after c.1350 is evidence that the female-male wage gaps so
far found in England in the later middle ages are very low in
comparison with those prevailing in other periods and places.
Bardsley has calculated that for a variety of tasks later
fourteenth-
century women labourers in agriculture earned 70 per cent or
more of the rate paid to the average male worker, a ratio which
is confirmed by additional evidence of harvesters' wages in
Sussex
and Essex in the late fourteenth and fifteenth centuries.17 By
contrast most of the female-male wage ratios collected by
Burnette for English agricultural labour in the later eighteenth
and early nineteenth centuries are below 0.5, and none exceeds

0.6; and in the later nineteenth century the average ratio falls
from 0.48 to 0.42. Comparable data collected from the the North
and the South of the United States in 1860 give a ratio of
around 0.6. 18
Bardsley's argument that women's wages 'remained a consist-
ent proportion of male wages across the fourteenth and fifteenth
centuries' rests very heavily on surviving records of wages paid
for general labouring at Ebury in the 1330s, but these lack
detail
and hence are extremely difficult to interpret. 19 Ideally one
would
wish them to provide clear evidence of the wages paid for per-
forming the same task at the same time of the year, but instead
'6 Rogers, History of Agriculture and Prices, i, 321; Sir William
Beveridge, 'Wages
in the Winchester Manors', Econ. Hist. Rev., vii (1936), 42;
Edward Miller (ed.),
Agrarian History of England and Wales, iii, 1348-1500
(Cambridge, 1991), 479.
7 Bardsley, 'Women's Work Reconsidered', 11-15; Mate,
Women in Medieval
English Society, 30; L. R. Poos, A Rural Society after the Black
Death: Essex, 1350-
1525 (Cambridge, 1991), 214.
18 Burnette, 'Investigation of the Female-Male Wage Gap', 258-
9, 276-7.
19 Bardsley, 'Women's Work Reconsidered', 4, 24 (table 4), 29.
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the Ebury data comprise an extremely wide span of wage rates,
ranging from Id. to 312d. per day for males and from 11/2d. to
21/2d. per day for females, which were paid for a host of
unknown
tasks. Sadly, therefore, like cannot be compared with like.
Taking
the simple average of these daily rates, as Bardsley has done,
produces a wage of 2.16d. per day for males and 1.58d. for
females, and a female-male wage ratio of 0.73. But if the modal
wage is taken instead of the mean - that is, the wage paid to
the greatest number of labourers, rather than the average wage
paid to all labourers - the female-male wage ratio falls to a
more
conventional 0.6. We clearly need to collect much more and
much
better data before we can be certain whether or not wage
differen-
tials narrowed in the course of the fourteenth century.
Outcomes in medieval labour markets, as in most other mar-
kets, were determined by the interaction of social and
customary
forces on the one hand, and economic forces on the other.
Customary pressures and sectional interests had a major impact
on the extent to which women were permitted to participate in
employment, and on the nature of that participation. Women
were routinely denied training and were prohibited from joining
guilds and working in many craft occupations even if they pos-
sessed the requisite skills. But rural labour markets were freer
and more competitive than those in towns, and the collapse of
population after 1348 unleashed economic forces of immense

power which helped to subvert prejudices. The labour of women
became more highly valued in a time of scarcity, as the
Ordinance
of Labourers recognized as soon as plague first struck, when it
required every able-bodied woman to make herself available for
hire under threat of imprisonment. 20 Yet much of the work on
offer in the countryside was heavy manual labour which
militated
against the employment of women and precluded them from
competing on equal terms. Even in the limited field of
agricultural
labouring there is still much to learn before we are able
adequately
to reconstruct and explain the experiences of women in the later
middle ages.
Corpus Christi College, Cambridge John Hatcher
20 The ordinance of 1349 is printed in English Economic
History: Select Documents,
ed. A. E. Bland, P. A. Brown and R. H. Tawney (London, 1914),
164-7. The require-
ment for women to work was reiterated in succeeding statutes.
2015 15:45:31 UTC
http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jspArticle
Contentsp. [191]p. 192p. 193p. 194p. 195p. 196p. 197p.
198Issue Table of ContentsPast and Present, No. 173 (Nov.,
2001) pp. 1-220Front Matter [pp. 1-2]Marriage, Lordship and
the 'Greater Unfree' in Twelfth-Century France [pp. 3-
27]Success and Failure in the English Reformation [pp. 28-
49]Witchcraft and Old Women in Early Modern Germany [pp.
50-89]Elite Culture and the Decline of Scottish Jacobitism

1716-1745 [pp. 90-128]Holy Russia in Modern Times: An Essay
on Orthodoxy and Cultural Change [pp. 129-156]The Rise of the
Linear Perspective on History and Time in Late Qing China c.
1860-1911 [pp. 157-190]DebateWomen's Work Reconsidered:
Gender and Wage Differentiation in Late Medieval England [pp.
191-198][Women's Work Reconsidered: Gender and Wage
Differentiation in Late Medieval England]: Reply [pp. 199-
202]Review ArticleThe Hole in the Doughnut [pp. 203-
219]Notes [pp. 220]Back Matter
Running Head: ANALYZING CONTENT FOR CULTURAL
COMPETENCY
1
PAGE
6
SOCIAL INJUSTICE RESEARCH PAPER
Analyzing Content for Cultural Competency
Your Name
Grand Canyon University: EDU 330
Date
Analyzing Content for Cultural Competency
Introduction
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