America Compared Gridded Lives

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Tecnología Empresariales

Jose M Cantera History 141 Arguello 5/6/2009

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Paper published in PACIS2012 There have been various claims that enterprise social networking sites (ESN) might improve business effectiveness and performance. Nevertheless, many of the initiatives supported by ESNs have failed. This paper argues that divergent perceptions about ESNs across the different levels of the organization may explain failures in ESNs’ design and implementation. Using an extended version of the Technological Frames of Reference framework (Orlikowski & Gash, 1994), this paper reports on a study that analyzed employee’s perceptions about an ESN within a software engineering firm. It was found that significant divergent perceptions in the organization led to a social order that discouraged employees to create and share knowledge through the ESN. This paper highlights the importance of aligning top management perceptions about the ESN with its actual scope. It also highlights the relevance of aligning perceptions about the ESN across the different levels of the organization. This paper proposes extending the original Technological Frames of Reference framework in order to better understand people’s perceptions about technologies that support knowledge management systems. It also proposes an explanatory model for understanding how people’s perceptions about a corporate social networking site impact on its usage.

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V isiting his fi ancée’s Missouri home- stead in 1894, Theodore Dreiser was struck by “the spirit of rural America, its idealism, its dreams.” But this was an “American tradition in which I, alas, could not share,” Dreiser wrote. “I had seen Pittsburgh. I had seen Lithua- nians and Hungarians in their [alleys] and hovels. I had seen the girls of the city — walking the streets at night.” Only twenty-three years old at the time, Dreiser would go on to write one of the great American urban novels, Sister Carrie (1900), about one young woman in the army of small-town Americans fl ocking to the Big City. But Dreiser, part of that army, already knew that between rural America and Pittsburgh, an unbridgeable chasm had opened up. In 1820, after two hundred years of settlement, the vast majority of Americans lived in rural areas. After that, decade by decade, the urban population swelled until, by 1900, one of every fi ve Americans was a city dweller. Nearly 6.5 million people in- habited just three great cities: New York, Chicago, and Philadelphia (Table 18.1). The city was where the factories went up and where the new immigrants settled, constituting one-third of all big-city residents in 1900. Here, too, lived the million- aires, and a growing white-collar class. For all these people, the city was more than a place to make a living. It provided the setting for an urban culture unlike anything seen before in the United States. City people, although differing vastly among them- selves, became distinctively and recognizably urban. These vast aggregations of humanity, where he who seeks isolation may find it more truly than in a desert; where wealth and poverty touch and jostle; where one revels and another starves within a few feet of each other — they are the centers and types of our civilization. — Henry George, 1883 The Industrial City: Building It, Living in It18 C H A P T E R 523 Henretta_ch18_523-550.indd Page 523 8/30/08 4:15:38 PM user-s147Henretta_ch18_523-550.indd Page 523 8/30/08 4:15:38 PM user-s147 /Volumes/204/BSM009/ch18/Volumes/204/BSM009/ch18 © ‘ APUS/AMU - Property of Bedford St Martin's - 0-312-62422-0 / 0-312-62423-9 - Copyright 2009 524 � PA R T F O U R A Maturing Industrial Society, 1877–1914 Urbanization “The greater part of our population must live in cities,” declared the Congregational minister Josiah Strong. And from another writer, “There was no resisting the trend.” Why this sense of inevitability? Because of another inevitability of American life: industrialism. Until the Civil War, cities were the places where goods were bought and sold for distribution into the interior or out to world markets. Early industry, by contrast, sprang up mostly in the countryside, where factories had access to water power, nearby fuel and raw materials, and workers recruited from farms and villages. As industrialization proceeded, city and factory began to merg ...

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Essays BEVERLY HILLS sounl PASADENA sIII( GABRIEL T 5 AUlAMBRll IH6LfWOOD NAWHORNE wnm SOUlH GAIE LYHWOOO Fig. 1 Los Angeles freeway system, 1998. Map dates indicate opening of first segment (from David Brodsly, L.A. Freeways: A n Appreciative Essay [Berkeley: University of California Press, 198 I ] ) The Folklore of the Freeway: Space, Culture, a n d Identity in Postwar Los Angeles E r i c R. Avila Modern environments and experiences cut across all boundaries of geography and ethnicity, of class a n d nationality, of religion and ideology: in this sense, modernity can be said to unite all mankind. But it is a paradoxical unity, a unity of disunity: it pours us all into a maelstrom of perpetual disintegration a n d renewal, of struggle a n d contradiction, of am- biguity a n d anguish. To be modern is to be part of a universe in which, as Marx said “all that is solid melts into air.” -Marshall Berman, A21 That Is Solid Melts into Air Man loves to create roads, that is beyond dispute. But may it not be . . . that he is instinctively afraid of attaining his goal and completing the edifice he is constructing? How do you know, perhaps he only likes that edifice from a distance and not a t all a t close range, perhaps he only likes to build it, a n d does not want to live in it. -Fyodor Dostoyevsky, Notes f r o m the Underground Los Angeles in the age of the freeway saw a profound trans- formation in the shape of the city and the color of its inhabit- a n t s . I t fulfilled i t s d e s t i n y by becoming t h e u l t i m a t e “fragmented metropolis.”’ The acceleration of suburbanization, coupled with the dramatic expansion of the city’s nonwhite population (African Americans and Chicanos in particular) , created a regional geography splintered into isolated pockets Aztlan 23:l Spring 1998 15 Avila of race and class. A s the historic ethnic diversity of communities like Boyle Heights and Watts gave way to expanding brown barrios and black ghettos, new communities sprouted on the urban fringe, insulated from the racialized masses of the inner city. This was not a n accident of poor planning. It was, in fact, t h e intended consequence of homeowners, realtors, developers, and government officials who sought to preserve southern California’s legacy of building separate and unequal communities.2 Various civic institutions of postwar Los Angeles under- pinned the construction of suburban whiteness. Central to that process was the freeway, which furthered the production of white space within the larger urban region. The freeway did not cause white flight, but it did sharpen the contrast between white space and nonwhite space in the postwar urban region by creating a conduit for capital flight away from downtown and by wreaking havoc upon the inner-city communities of East a n d South Central Los Angeles. Although many urban historians ...

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