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By Brit Meredith
 Government warnings for weather and natural disasters are 
often ineffective. This is due to numerous factors, most of 
which are not taken into consideration when formulating or 
designing the warning, and contribute to the overall 
ineffectiveness of the warning. These factors include: 
successfully reaching the target audience (penetrating their 
normal activities so that the warning is received), credibility 
of the source issuing the warning, the inherent conflict 
between experts and the general populace, differences in risk 
perception, and the complexities of the social process. 
Design formulations that address these issues and that could 
produce more effective warnings are outlined. If these design 
deficiencies are addressed and if a more centralized approach 
to warnings is implemented, government warnings may 
become more effective and ultimately save more lives.
 Reaching the Target Audience 
 Perceived Credibility of the Source 
 Conflicts between Experts and the Target 
Audience 
 Risk Perception and the Social Process
 One of the most important factors in warning the 
target audience (all people within the defined 
geographical risk zone) is that the warning is 
actually received by those individuals. 
 The ability of the warning to “penetrate a person’s 
normal activities” is dependent on what those 
activities are and the time of day (Barnes 1143). 
 If the warning is never received, no action is taken 
and the people are left exposed.
 Insuring that the warning is actually received by the 
target audience is further aggravated by a lack of 
centralization in issuing warnings. 
 Currently, "public warning practices are 
decentralized across different governments and the 
private sector. Uneven preparedness to issue 
warnings exists across local communities; hence, 
people are unevenly protected”(Sorenson 119). 
 The result is that those who would normally receive 
a warning don’t because of government failings.
 Once the message is actually received by the intended 
recipients, people will automatically seek confirmation 
of the information. 
 “It is important that people do receive confirmation; if 
they do not, the chance they will disregard the message 
is increased” (McGinley 155). 
 A centralized government body that issues a consistent 
message across all mediums of communication is 
paramount to effective warnings, as it extends the reach, 
and therefore the likelihood, of reaching the intended 
recipients, while also providing confirmation 
reinforcement.
 Once the warning penetrates to the people, the people 
must believe and trust the source of the warning before 
they will act. 
 “Research has shown that credibility of a message 
source is directly related to effectiveness and persuasion 
of the message” (Lirtzman and Shuv-Ami 707). 
 Weather warnings are overwhelmingly issued by local 
government agencies. Unfortunately, government 
agencies do not “achieve the highest credibility” among 
many individuals (Lirtzman and Shuv-Ami 707).
 This is especially true among ethnic minorities and poor 
people, who have been evidenced to have a delay in 
warning responses due to a lack of perceived credibility 
in local officials (Drabek 518). Poorer families are also 
“more isolated socially, so the informal systems 
[confirmation reinforcement of the message via social 
connections] that are so much a part of 
the warning process are less robust” (Drabek 518). 
 Consequently, they are “more likely to be left in areas of 
high risk”, as they are more likely to live in “trailer 
parks or other types of housing that are more vulnerable 
either because of location or structural integrity or both” 
(Drabek 518).
 Until more credence and trust is apportioned to the 
government, many will fail to be persuaded into 
action and they will continue to suffer the 
consequences. 
 A more centralized approach by those issuing 
warnings may help alleviate this problem, as it 
would help solve the problem of unequal coverage, 
an inequality which is a likely culprit for much of 
the mistrust people place in the government and its 
warnings.
 Once you get the target audience to give credence 
to the source of the warning, interpretation of the 
warning may conflict with what the warning was 
intended to convey. 
 Often, what the experts assume will cause action is 
not the case. There are differences in perception of 
what’s at stake. Different weight is given to risks 
and outcomes.
 “Intuitive risk perception places higher concern for low-probability, 
high-consequence risks than for high-probability, 
low-consequence risks” (Renn and Levine 
176). 
 Therefore, risk communicators have to face the problem 
of the “intrinsic conflict between the perspectives of the 
scientific community and the public in general” (Renn 
and Levine 176). 
 While the expert scientific community may be baffled 
by the public’s preponderance for concern of the 
improbable, they must nonetheless keep this 
characteristic in mind when formulating the warning, so 
that the most probable and realistic dangers are 
internalized by the target audience.
 Once the warning penetrates the target audience, is 
accepted from the source, and the intended 
probability is internalized, risk communicators must 
be prepared for the initial response of the audience, 
which is denial. 
 “The first principle in understanding disaster 
warning responses is to recognize explicitly that the 
initial response to any warning is denial” (Drabek 
515). This denial is the beginning the social process.
 People are rarely alone when they receive a warning. 
“So it is groups, not individuals that actually process 
most disaster warnings. And, as with everything else 
they confront, rarely is there an immediate consensus as 
to what should be done, if anything. So beyond denial, 
there is debate” (Drabek 516). 
 To limit, if not eliminate debate, warnings must be 
explicit. “When disaster warning messages are unclear 
or imprecise, people demonstrate incredible creativity at 
interpreting the information so as to minimize their 
perception of risk” (Drabek 519).
 While already combatting denial and unintended 
interpretations, risk communicators must also factor in 
the variable nature of the target audience ,which may 
exist on a wide spectrum, as well as the accompanying 
social constraints associated with each end of the 
spectrum. 
 When presented with a warning the target audience will 
be presented with choices: how and when to act, if to act 
at all. There may be a range of choices, “but the range of 
choices that are perceived as being available… are 
constrained by social experience and the emergent 
circumstances of the moment. Responses 
to disaster warnings, like other life conditions, are 
patterned by invisible webs of constraint” (Drabek 517).
 While the above issues cannot be entirely 
eliminated, their detrimental effects can be limited 
by a strategically formulated warning. 
 Begin by knowing your audience. The warning 
“must be consistent with the person’s attitudes and 
beliefs, or sufficiently persuasive to change them 
and to motivate the person to carry out the directed 
behavior (i.e comply with the warning)” (Wogalter, 
DeJoy, and Laughery 13).
 Issues such as competence (intellectual ability, 
language and/or reading abilities) must also be taken 
into consideration (Laughery and Hammond 10). 
 Improved forecasting and widely available 
information will be of little use if the target 
audience does not understand the warnings 
provided, do not perceive themselves as vulnerable 
to the threat, or do not know how to best avoid the 
threat (Sheridan 3).
 Acknowledging that there is variability in the target 
audience is vital. When designing the warning, 
design with the low-end extreme in mind; if you 
design for the average you miss half your audience 
(Laughery and Hammond 10). 
 The recipients must recognize themselves as the 
intended target audience and understand the 
necessary behaviors required of them to adequately 
and appropriately respond to the warning.
 To maximize such adaptive behaviors (the ability to respond 
quickly and appropriately) of the target audience it is 
necessary to address more complex criteria. Drabek (519) 
states that addressing the following seven questions has 
been shown to illicit the most adaptive behaviors: 
 1. Who is issuing the warning? 
 2. What is threatening? 
 3. What exact geographical area is threatened? 
 4. When is it coming? 
 5. How probable is the event? 
 6. Are there high risk locations, such as people in 
automobiles, that require special actions? 
 7. What specific protective actions should be taken?
 Formulating a warning that incorporates all of these 
elements is a formidable task. Until there is a more 
centralized government body to monitor and issue 
warnings “the design and implementation of an 
effective community disaster warning system 
remains only a dream in too many places” (Drabek 
519).
 The current problems affecting the effectiveness of 
government weather warnings will continue until issues 
such as successfully reaching the target audience, 
perceived credibility of the source, the conflict between 
experts and the public, differences in risk perception, 
and the complexities of the social process are addressed. 
 A centralized government approach to issuing warnings, 
one that takes into account the issues enumerated above, 
is vital to the effectiveness of weather warnings. Such 
an approach will create a warning system that 
successfully reaches more people, and saves more lives: 
the ultimate purpose of the warning.
 Barnes, Lindsey R., et al. "False alarms and close calls: A Conceptual Model of Warning 
 Accuracy." Weather and Forecasting 22.5 (2007) : 1140-1147. 
 
 Drabek, Thomas E. "Understanding Disaster Warning Responses." The Social Science 
 Journal 36.3 (1999): 515-523. 
 
 Laughery, Kenneth R. and Amy Hammond. “Overview.” Warnings and Risk Communication. 
 Eds. Michael S. Wogalter, Dave DeJoy and Kenneth R. Laughery. Philadelphia: Taylor 
 & Francis, Inc, 1999. 2-12. Print. 
 
 Lirtzman, Sidney I., and Avichai Shuv-Ami. "Credibility of Sources of Communication on 
 Products’ Safety Hazards." Psychological Reports 58.3 (1986) : 707-718. 
 
 McGinley, Maurice, Andrew Turk, and David Bennett. "Design Criteria for Public Emergency 
 Warning Systems." Proceedings of the 3rd International ISCRAM Conference. Newark, 
 NJ (USA), 2006. Print.
 Renn, Ortwin and Debra Levine. “Credibility and Trust in Risk Communication.” 
 Communicating Risks to the Public, International Perspectives. Eds. Roger E. 
 Kasperson and Pieter Jan M. Stallen. Dordrecht: Springer Netherlands, 1991. 175- 
 218. Print. 
 
 Sheridan, Scott C. "A Survey of Public Perception and Response to Heat Warnings across Four 
 North American Cities: An Evaluation of Municipal Effectiveness." International 
 Journal of Biometeorology 52.1 (2007) : 3-15. 
 
 Sorensen, John H. "Hazard Warning Systems: Review of 20 Years of Progress." Natural 
 Hazards Review 1.2 (2000) : 119-125. 
 
 Whitehead, John C., et al. "Heading for Higher Ground: Factors Affecting Real and Hypothetical 
 Hurricane Evacuation Behavior." Global Environmental Change Part B: Environmental 
 Hazards 2.4 (2000): 133-142. 
 
 Wogalter, Michael S., Dave DeJoy, and Kenneth R. Laughery. “Organizing Theoretical 
 Framework: A Consolidated Communication-Human Information Processing (C-Hip) 
 Model.” Warnings and Risk Communication. Eds. Michael S. Wogalter, Dave DeJoy, 
 And Kenneth R. Laughery. Philadelphia: Taylor & Francis, Inc., 1999. 13-21. Print.
 http://matc.english.txstate.edu/research/usab 
ility-lab.html

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White Paper Presentation

  • 2.  Government warnings for weather and natural disasters are often ineffective. This is due to numerous factors, most of which are not taken into consideration when formulating or designing the warning, and contribute to the overall ineffectiveness of the warning. These factors include: successfully reaching the target audience (penetrating their normal activities so that the warning is received), credibility of the source issuing the warning, the inherent conflict between experts and the general populace, differences in risk perception, and the complexities of the social process. Design formulations that address these issues and that could produce more effective warnings are outlined. If these design deficiencies are addressed and if a more centralized approach to warnings is implemented, government warnings may become more effective and ultimately save more lives.
  • 3.  Reaching the Target Audience  Perceived Credibility of the Source  Conflicts between Experts and the Target Audience  Risk Perception and the Social Process
  • 4.  One of the most important factors in warning the target audience (all people within the defined geographical risk zone) is that the warning is actually received by those individuals.  The ability of the warning to “penetrate a person’s normal activities” is dependent on what those activities are and the time of day (Barnes 1143).  If the warning is never received, no action is taken and the people are left exposed.
  • 5.  Insuring that the warning is actually received by the target audience is further aggravated by a lack of centralization in issuing warnings.  Currently, "public warning practices are decentralized across different governments and the private sector. Uneven preparedness to issue warnings exists across local communities; hence, people are unevenly protected”(Sorenson 119).  The result is that those who would normally receive a warning don’t because of government failings.
  • 6.  Once the message is actually received by the intended recipients, people will automatically seek confirmation of the information.  “It is important that people do receive confirmation; if they do not, the chance they will disregard the message is increased” (McGinley 155).  A centralized government body that issues a consistent message across all mediums of communication is paramount to effective warnings, as it extends the reach, and therefore the likelihood, of reaching the intended recipients, while also providing confirmation reinforcement.
  • 7.  Once the warning penetrates to the people, the people must believe and trust the source of the warning before they will act.  “Research has shown that credibility of a message source is directly related to effectiveness and persuasion of the message” (Lirtzman and Shuv-Ami 707).  Weather warnings are overwhelmingly issued by local government agencies. Unfortunately, government agencies do not “achieve the highest credibility” among many individuals (Lirtzman and Shuv-Ami 707).
  • 8.  This is especially true among ethnic minorities and poor people, who have been evidenced to have a delay in warning responses due to a lack of perceived credibility in local officials (Drabek 518). Poorer families are also “more isolated socially, so the informal systems [confirmation reinforcement of the message via social connections] that are so much a part of the warning process are less robust” (Drabek 518).  Consequently, they are “more likely to be left in areas of high risk”, as they are more likely to live in “trailer parks or other types of housing that are more vulnerable either because of location or structural integrity or both” (Drabek 518).
  • 9.  Until more credence and trust is apportioned to the government, many will fail to be persuaded into action and they will continue to suffer the consequences.  A more centralized approach by those issuing warnings may help alleviate this problem, as it would help solve the problem of unequal coverage, an inequality which is a likely culprit for much of the mistrust people place in the government and its warnings.
  • 10.  Once you get the target audience to give credence to the source of the warning, interpretation of the warning may conflict with what the warning was intended to convey.  Often, what the experts assume will cause action is not the case. There are differences in perception of what’s at stake. Different weight is given to risks and outcomes.
  • 11.  “Intuitive risk perception places higher concern for low-probability, high-consequence risks than for high-probability, low-consequence risks” (Renn and Levine 176).  Therefore, risk communicators have to face the problem of the “intrinsic conflict between the perspectives of the scientific community and the public in general” (Renn and Levine 176).  While the expert scientific community may be baffled by the public’s preponderance for concern of the improbable, they must nonetheless keep this characteristic in mind when formulating the warning, so that the most probable and realistic dangers are internalized by the target audience.
  • 12.  Once the warning penetrates the target audience, is accepted from the source, and the intended probability is internalized, risk communicators must be prepared for the initial response of the audience, which is denial.  “The first principle in understanding disaster warning responses is to recognize explicitly that the initial response to any warning is denial” (Drabek 515). This denial is the beginning the social process.
  • 13.  People are rarely alone when they receive a warning. “So it is groups, not individuals that actually process most disaster warnings. And, as with everything else they confront, rarely is there an immediate consensus as to what should be done, if anything. So beyond denial, there is debate” (Drabek 516).  To limit, if not eliminate debate, warnings must be explicit. “When disaster warning messages are unclear or imprecise, people demonstrate incredible creativity at interpreting the information so as to minimize their perception of risk” (Drabek 519).
  • 14.  While already combatting denial and unintended interpretations, risk communicators must also factor in the variable nature of the target audience ,which may exist on a wide spectrum, as well as the accompanying social constraints associated with each end of the spectrum.  When presented with a warning the target audience will be presented with choices: how and when to act, if to act at all. There may be a range of choices, “but the range of choices that are perceived as being available… are constrained by social experience and the emergent circumstances of the moment. Responses to disaster warnings, like other life conditions, are patterned by invisible webs of constraint” (Drabek 517).
  • 15.  While the above issues cannot be entirely eliminated, their detrimental effects can be limited by a strategically formulated warning.  Begin by knowing your audience. The warning “must be consistent with the person’s attitudes and beliefs, or sufficiently persuasive to change them and to motivate the person to carry out the directed behavior (i.e comply with the warning)” (Wogalter, DeJoy, and Laughery 13).
  • 16.  Issues such as competence (intellectual ability, language and/or reading abilities) must also be taken into consideration (Laughery and Hammond 10).  Improved forecasting and widely available information will be of little use if the target audience does not understand the warnings provided, do not perceive themselves as vulnerable to the threat, or do not know how to best avoid the threat (Sheridan 3).
  • 17.  Acknowledging that there is variability in the target audience is vital. When designing the warning, design with the low-end extreme in mind; if you design for the average you miss half your audience (Laughery and Hammond 10).  The recipients must recognize themselves as the intended target audience and understand the necessary behaviors required of them to adequately and appropriately respond to the warning.
  • 18.  To maximize such adaptive behaviors (the ability to respond quickly and appropriately) of the target audience it is necessary to address more complex criteria. Drabek (519) states that addressing the following seven questions has been shown to illicit the most adaptive behaviors:  1. Who is issuing the warning?  2. What is threatening?  3. What exact geographical area is threatened?  4. When is it coming?  5. How probable is the event?  6. Are there high risk locations, such as people in automobiles, that require special actions?  7. What specific protective actions should be taken?
  • 19.  Formulating a warning that incorporates all of these elements is a formidable task. Until there is a more centralized government body to monitor and issue warnings “the design and implementation of an effective community disaster warning system remains only a dream in too many places” (Drabek 519).
  • 20.  The current problems affecting the effectiveness of government weather warnings will continue until issues such as successfully reaching the target audience, perceived credibility of the source, the conflict between experts and the public, differences in risk perception, and the complexities of the social process are addressed.  A centralized government approach to issuing warnings, one that takes into account the issues enumerated above, is vital to the effectiveness of weather warnings. Such an approach will create a warning system that successfully reaches more people, and saves more lives: the ultimate purpose of the warning.
  • 21.  Barnes, Lindsey R., et al. "False alarms and close calls: A Conceptual Model of Warning  Accuracy." Weather and Forecasting 22.5 (2007) : 1140-1147.   Drabek, Thomas E. "Understanding Disaster Warning Responses." The Social Science  Journal 36.3 (1999): 515-523.   Laughery, Kenneth R. and Amy Hammond. “Overview.” Warnings and Risk Communication.  Eds. Michael S. Wogalter, Dave DeJoy and Kenneth R. Laughery. Philadelphia: Taylor  & Francis, Inc, 1999. 2-12. Print.   Lirtzman, Sidney I., and Avichai Shuv-Ami. "Credibility of Sources of Communication on  Products’ Safety Hazards." Psychological Reports 58.3 (1986) : 707-718.   McGinley, Maurice, Andrew Turk, and David Bennett. "Design Criteria for Public Emergency  Warning Systems." Proceedings of the 3rd International ISCRAM Conference. Newark,  NJ (USA), 2006. Print.
  • 22.  Renn, Ortwin and Debra Levine. “Credibility and Trust in Risk Communication.”  Communicating Risks to the Public, International Perspectives. Eds. Roger E.  Kasperson and Pieter Jan M. Stallen. Dordrecht: Springer Netherlands, 1991. 175-  218. Print.   Sheridan, Scott C. "A Survey of Public Perception and Response to Heat Warnings across Four  North American Cities: An Evaluation of Municipal Effectiveness." International  Journal of Biometeorology 52.1 (2007) : 3-15.   Sorensen, John H. "Hazard Warning Systems: Review of 20 Years of Progress." Natural  Hazards Review 1.2 (2000) : 119-125.   Whitehead, John C., et al. "Heading for Higher Ground: Factors Affecting Real and Hypothetical  Hurricane Evacuation Behavior." Global Environmental Change Part B: Environmental  Hazards 2.4 (2000): 133-142.   Wogalter, Michael S., Dave DeJoy, and Kenneth R. Laughery. “Organizing Theoretical  Framework: A Consolidated Communication-Human Information Processing (C-Hip)  Model.” Warnings and Risk Communication. Eds. Michael S. Wogalter, Dave DeJoy,  And Kenneth R. Laughery. Philadelphia: Taylor & Francis, Inc., 1999. 13-21. Print.