KULIAH ONLINE

1. J Fam Viol (2010) 25:131–140
DOI 10.1007/s10896-009-9276-x
ORIGINAL ARTICLE
High Risk Behaviors Among Victims of Sibling Violence
Deeanna M. Button & Roberta Gealt
Published online: 15 September 2009
# Springer Science + Business Media, LLC 2009
Abstract Despite the fact that sibling abuse has been widespread; according to the Bureau of Justice Statistics,
documented as the most common form of intrafamilial over 3.5 million incidents of family violence were reported
abuse, it has been largely overlooked. Using data from the during 1998–2002 (Durose et al. 2005). While all forms are
2007 Delaware Secondary School Student Survey (N= pervasive, research has predominantly focused on abuse by
8,122), this paper focuses on four objectives: to estimate parents and intimates, with recent attention focusing on
prevalence of sibling abuse, examine the relationship violence toward the elderly (Morgan et al. 2006; Straka and
between sibling violence and high risk behaviors such as Montminy 2006). Despite the fact that sibling abuse has
substance use, delinquency and aggression, explore the been documented as the most common form of intrafamilial
interplay of sibling abuse and other forms of family abuse, it has been largely overlooked from an academic,
violence in predicting high risk behaviors, and test theory. research perspective, as well as from a social and legal
Results suggest that sibling violence occurs more frequently standpoint (Hoffman and Edwards 2004; Kiselica and
than other forms of child abuse. Results also confirm that Morrill-Richards 2007; Lewit and Baker 1996). Excluding
sibling violence is significantly related to substance use, sibling abuse as a serious form of family violence ignores
delinquency, and aggression. These effects remain signifi- and trivializes this phenomenon. This study attempts to add
cant after controlling for other forms of family violence. to the literature by estimating the prevalence of sibling abuse,
The data suggest support for feminist theory and social examining the relationship between sibling violence and high
learning theory. risk behaviors such as substance use, delinquency and
aggression, and exploring the interplay of sibling abuse and
Keywords Family violence . Sibling abuse . other forms of family violence in predicting high risk
Feminist theory . Substance use . Delinquency . Outcomes . behaviors. An additional goal is to empirical test the utility
Social learning theory of feminist theory and social learning theory in explaining
sibling violence.
Introduction
Literature Review
Family violence takes many forms, including the physical
abuse of a child by an adult, intimate partner violence, Sibling Relationships
violence between siblings, and elder abuse. It is also
Sibling relationships include biological siblings, (share both
parents), half-siblings (one parent in common), step-siblings
D. M. Button (*) : R. Gealt
(connected through marriage of parents), adoptive siblings,
Center for Drug & Alcohol Studies, University of Delaware,
Newark, DE 19716, USA foster siblings, (joined through a common guardian), or
e-mail: dmbutton@udel.edu fictive siblings (united by emotional bond) (Kiselica and
R. Gealt Morrill-Richards 2007). Eight out of every ten individuals
e-mail: basha@udel.edu in the United States has at least one sibling (Noller 2005).

2. 132 J Fam Viol (2010) 25:131–140
Sibling relationships are among the longest lasting and most Morrill-Richards 2007; Goodwin and Roscoe 1990; Wiehe
influential relationships (Cafarro and Conn-Cafarro 2005; 2000). In a study looking at peer and sibling aggression,
Hoffman and Edwards 2004). Duncan (1999) found that nearly 30% of the 336 middle
Healthy sibling relationships are positively associated school students surveyed reported that they were frequently
with growth of social, cognitive, and emotional skills bullied by their siblings. When other forms of psycholog-
(Noller 2005). Adolescents who report good sibling ical abuse are included rates increase. For example, in a
relationships score higher in social competence, self retrospective sample of 150 adults, Wiehe (2000) found that
control, independence, and general life skills (Yeh and 78% experienced emotional abuse including “belittling,
Lempers 2004). Socio-cognitive abilities are developed intimidation, scorn, provocation, destroying possessions,
through the myriad of opportunities that sibling relation- and torturing and killing of pets” (as cited in Kiselica and
ships provide to learn about one’s self and others. Siblings Morrill-Richards 2007, p. 149). Another study showed that
with positive interaction styles also provide one another over 83% of 272 high school juniors and seniors reported
with companionship, guidance, and support, all of which some form of antagonistic sibling interaction, with many
lead to healthier outcomes later in life (Dunn 2005; Dunn et reporting being teased, threatened, or made fun of (Goodwin
al. 1994; Noller 2005). and Roscoe 1990).
Individuals who characterize their sibling relationships Physical aggression among siblings is common and
as less positive are more likely to manifest negative recurrent (Duncan 1999; Kiselica and Morrill-Richards
externalizing and internalizing behaviors than their more 2007; Lewit and Baker 1996). The most common form of
positively supporter counterparts (Dunn 2005; Yeh and aggression between siblings is pushing/shoving, followed
Lempers 2004). Research shows that individuals with by being hit, kicked, or slapped (Goodwin and Roscoe
siblings who are hostile and negative are more likely to 1990). Four out of five children between 3 and 17 years
have lower self-esteem and anxiety problems, which in have hit a brother or sister (Straus and Gelles 1990), and
turn has been related to a host of negative health and about one in five middle school students admits to being
behavioral outcomes later in life (Dunn 2005; Yeh and regularly hit and pushed around by siblings (Duncan 1999).
Lempers 2004). More severe forms of abuse, such as using objects (hoses,
hangers, handles, brushes, etc.) or weapons (knives, guns,
Sibling Violence broken glass, razor blades, scissors, etc.) to inflict pain are
less common (Kiselica and Morrill-Richards 2007; Lewit
Conflict among siblings is often viewed as normal, and thus and Baker 1996). Rates of severe abuse reportedly range
it remains difficult to discern how often sibling violence from 3% to 6% (Lewit and Baker 1996; Goodwin and
actually occurs during youth development (Goodwin and Roscoe 1990).
Roscoe 1990; Lewit and Baker 1996; Simonelli et al. Individuals who experience maltreatment by siblings
2005). Kiselica and Morrill-Richards (2007) argue that in endure both immediate and long-term consequences. Wiehe
determining sibling abuse, one must consider an act’s (1998) and Ammerman and Hersen (1991) connected
emotional and physical impact in addition to its severity psychological sibling violence to habit disorders, conduct
and intent. Often times, sibling conflict arises out of mutual disorders, neurotic traits, and suicide attempts. Kiselica and
disagreement which rises to the level of maltreatment when Morrill-Richards (2007) document studies that suggest
“one sibling takes on the role of aggressor in relation to victims of sibling incest experience shame, fear, humilia-
another sibling” (Kiselica and Morrill-Richards 2007, tion, anger, and guilt. Researchers also note that physically
p. 149). Like other forms of abuse, sibling violence is abusive sibling relationships can lead to depression, inse-
categorized in three ways: psychological, sexual, and curity, perceived incompetence, and issues with self-esteem
physical (Kiselica and Morrill-Richards 2007). This study later in life (Hoffman and Edwards 2004). Duncan (1999)
focuses on psychological and physical abuse. linked aggression between siblings to school violence, and
Psychological maltreatment is defined in terms of Simonelli et al. (2002) found that victims of sibling abuse
frequency and intensity of potentially abusive interactions, subsequently experienced dating violence.
and includes ridicule involving words and actions that
convey contempt and degradation which strip the victim of Correlates of Sibling Maltreatment
a sense of self worth. Harm occurs when one sibling gains
control of the relationship through the utilization of fear and One of the strongest predictors of sibling violence is age,
by reducing the other’s self-esteem (Whipple and Finton suggesting a developmental aspect to the behavior. Research
1995). Research shows that between 30% and 80% of on parents and children consistently shows that younger
siblings experience some form of psychological maltreat- sibling dyads are more likely to engage in violence than older
ment by another sibling (Duncan 1999; Kiselica and sibling dyads. Steinmetz (1977) found that parents of older

3. J Fam Viol (2010) 25:131–140 133
children report less violence among siblings than parents of Experiencing child maltreatment and witnessing abuse are
younger children. In fact, 78% parents with children 8 years associated with a host of negative consequences, including
or younger reported aggression, whereas 68% of parents emotional and mood disorders, conflicted relationships, and
with children aged 9–14 reported violence between sib- aggression (Carlson 2000; Edleson 1999a; Hosser et al.
lings, and 63% of parents with children aged 15 years or 2007). These effects are comparable to the effects of sibling
older reported physical violence. Roscoe et al. (1987) abuse (Duncan 1999; Hoffman and Edwards 2004; Kiselica
documented rates of sibling aggression among early and Morrill-Richards 2007; Simonelli et al. 2002). Children
adolescents between 85 and 96%. Goodwin and Roscoe who are victims of one form of family abuse are also likely
(1990) documented rates of sibling aggression at 65% to be victims of another form of abuse (Edleson 1999b;
among middle adolescents, 20–31% less than their younger Mullen et al. 1996). It is thus important to separate other
counterparts. This may be attributed to younger siblings’ forms of family violence from sibling violence in order to
inability to escape ridicule and intimidation. Older siblings more fully understand the independent effects of each.
have the advantage of physical strength, responsibility (i.e.,
power), and knowledge of younger siblings vulnerabilities
(Hoffman and Edwards 2004). Theoretical Framework
The relationship between gender and sibling aggression
remains unclear. Neither Duncan (1999) nor Goodwin and Although sibling violence is widespread, not all children
Roscoe (1990) found significant gender differences in engage in it. This leads to questions of why some children
experiencing sibling violence in their respective samples of engage in the behavior while others do not. Such questions
middle school and high school students. However, Simonelli require a theoretical framework. Hoffman and her
and colleagues (2002) found that undergraduate female colleagues (2004, 2005) suggest the use of feminist theory
students more often experienced physical and emotional and social learning theory to help explain the occurrence of
aggression as children than their male counterparts. sibling violence. Little empirical research has actually
Sibling violence has been widely connected to other tested the utility of these theories in explaining violence
forms of family violence (Brody 1998; Jenkins 1992; between siblings (Brody 1998; Hoffman and Edwards
Kiselica and Morrill-Richards 2007; Noller 2005). The 2004). This study employs both frameworks in attempting
occurrence of sibling violence is highest in families in to further understand violence among siblings. The premise
which both intimate partner violence and child abuse are of each theory is briefly outlined and an explanation of how
present. Negative sibling interactions occur at four times the assumptions of each theory may help explain sibling
the rate of positive sibling interactions in families charac- violence is offered.
terized by abuse and neglect (Kiselica and Morrill-Richards Feminist theory posits that violence against women is
2007). Researchers find dependency among the quality of directly connected to the patriarchal organization of
the relationship between parental figures and the quality of society (Liddle 1989). This theory argues that men’s use
sibling relationships. Hoffman et al. (2005) found that of violence as a mechanism of control, particularly of
witnessing arguments between parents increased levels women, is supported and maintained by the structural
of sibling violence. These findings support an earlier organization of society (Hoffman and Edwards 2004;
study by Jenkins (1992) in which hostile and aggressive Hoffman et al. 2005; Liddle 1989). Traditional social roles
sibling relationships were, in part, the result of distressed normalize the assumption that men are supposed to be
marriages. situated in a position of power and control, and that when
Scholars also emphasize the link between parent–child experiencing powerlessness, men’s use of violence is a
discord and sibling conflict. The patterns of behavior that legitimated way to reestablish dominance over other males
children experience during parent–child interactions are and females (Hoffman and Edwards 2004; Hoffman et al.
often generalized to interactions with siblings (Noller 2005).
2005). In parent–child relationships that tend to be negative The feminist perspective helps explain sibling violence
(i.e., controlling, hostile), sibling relationships are likely to because the “patriarchal arrangement of families, ideals of
be aggressive and antagonistic (Brody 1998). Hoffman et masculinity, and a cultural acceptance of the use of force to
al. (2005) report that parents yelling at one sibling was gain control over others or to resolve conflict all create and
positively associated with the regularity of sibling argu- foster a social environment for… forms of family violence”
ments. Stemming from a learning theory perspective, (Hoffman and Edwards 2004, p. 187). Taking the idea that
scholars contend that children who observe negative power differentials manifest family violence, this theory
exchanges in the family begin to mimic such behaviors in reasons that younger children who, in comparison to older
their own relationships (Ackers 1973; Hoffman and children, lack the advantage of physical strength, responsi-
Edwards 2004; Hoffman et al. 2005). bility (i.e., power), and knowledge and female siblings who

4. 134 J Fam Viol (2010) 25:131–140
are also less likely to possess greater physical strength and use of any of these substances (0 = no, 1 = yes). To measure
power have a greater likelihood of sibling victimization delinquency, six items were scaled (Cronbach’s α=.760).
compared to older and male siblings. Respondents were asked to indicate the frequency, ranging
Social learning theory contends that behavior is learned from never to almost every day (0 = never, 1 = before but
through imitation and reinforcement, leading to a series of not in past year 2 = a few times in past year, 3 = once or
definitions favorable to the behavior (Akers 1973). As with twice a month, 6 = once or twice a week, 7 = almost every
feminist theory, the social learning paradigm argues that day), in which they a) stole something from a store without
because violence is rewarded with compliance and domi- paying for it, b) broke into a car, house, or other building,
nance, those who engage in violence and aggression c) cheated on a test, d) sneaked money from an adult’s
internalize and utilize the advantages of such methods. wallet, purse, or other place, e) damaged or destroyed
Learning theory applies to sibling violence in the sense property that does not belong to them, and f) skipped or
that “children who observe or experience such negative missed classes (not the whole day) without permission. The
exchanges learn behavior to imitate in similar situations, as scaled variable of delinquency, ranging from 0 to 30, was
well as rationales and motivations for using violence” dichotomized to indicate engagement in any form of
(Hoffman et al. 2005, p. 1105). Siblings who perpetrate delinquency (0 = no to all items, 1 = yes to one or more
may have learned the methods and rewards of aggressive items). Items similar to these have been previously used to
behavior from witnessing or being subject to violence in the measure delinquency (for example, see Warr 1993). Finally,
home. This theory highlights the importance of hearing or to measure aggression, respondents were asked to indicate if
seeing inter-parental violence and experiencing maltreat- they have hit someone with the intention of hurting them
ment by parents in explaining sibling aggression. As such, within the past 30 days (0 = no, 1 = yes).
learning theory proposes that children who experience other Sibling violence is generally defined as “a repeated
forms of family violence are more likely to report sibling pattern of aggression directed toward a sibling with the
victimization (Hoffman and Edwards 2004; Hoffman et al. intent to inflict harm, and motivated by an internal
2005). emotional need for power and control” (Cafarro and
Conn-Cafarro 2005, p. 609). Physical aggression between
siblings includes pushing/shoving, kicking, slapping/hit-
Methods ting, biting, pinching, scratching, hair pulling, and throwing
an object occur quite frequently (Kiselica and Morrill-
Data came from a sample of Delaware public school Richards 2007; Lewit and Baker 1996), whereas psy-
students who were administered the Delaware School chological sibling aggression includes “ridicule, which
Survey. The survey is conducted annually as a census of involves both words and actions that express contempt,
all eighth and eleventh grade classrooms in all public degradation, which derives the victim of a sense of self
schools within the state of Delaware. This study uses data worth…” (Whipple and Finton 1995, p. 137).
from the 2007 school year, which included 6,788 eighth To predict occurrence of any sibling aggression, a
grade students and 5,623 eleventh grade students. This is scale of five items was created (Cronbach’s α=.715).
approximately 87% and 82%, respectively, of students Respondents were asked to indicate if a sibling had
enrolled in Delaware public eighth and eleventh grades in completed any of the following acts in the past 30 days:
2007, and 99% and 98% of students in attendance on the a) verbal abuse, b) threats, c) shoving, pushing, or slapping,
day of administration. The study utilized students who d) fights—punching kicking, and/or e) fights with the threat
indicated that they lived with a sibling, leaving a total of weapon use (0 = no, 1 = yes). The scaled variable for
sample size of 8,122 including 4,548 8th grade students and sibling aggression ranged from 0 to 6, and was then
3,574 11th grade students. dichotomized to indicate whether respondents experienced
any of these acts of aggression by a sibling (0 = no, 1 =
Variables yes). To see the separate effects of psychological sibling
aggression (verbal abuse; threats) and physical sibling
To measure substance abuse, three items were scaled violence (shoving, pushing, or slapping; fights—punching,
(Cronbach’s α=.763). Respondents were asked to indicate kicking; fights with threat of weapon use) on the odds of
frequency, ranging from 0 to 31 or more times (0 = none, substance use, delinquency, and aggression, the five items
1 = less than one, 2=1 to 5, 3=6 to 10, 4=11 to 20, 5=21 were separately entered into the logistic regression models.
to 30, 6=31 or more times), in which they used a) cigarettes, Note that respondents were asked if they have experi-
b) alcohol, and c) marijuana in the past month. After enced abuse from any sibling. This is important because it
scaling the three items, the dependent variable substance portrays a more accurate picture of the prevalence of sibling
use, ranging from 0 to 18, was dichotomized to indicate the abuse. Most studies either ask parents to detail frequency of

5. J Fam Viol (2010) 25:131–140 135
sibling abuse or ask respondents about one specific sibling Table 1 Descriptive statistics (N=8122)
(generally the one closet in age). Such studies are limited in n %
that parents are not always present and may not be fully
aware of the violence that occurs between their children. Gender
Similarly, asking respondents to recount the actions of only Male 3,704 46.0
one sibling may exclude other potential sources of sibling Female 4,343 53.5
abuse (Goodwin and Roscoe 1990). Age
Age1 is a categorical variable ranging from 12 years or 12–13 years 1,707 21.0
younger) to 19 years or older. Gender is a self-reported 14–15 years 2,825 34.8
dichotomous variable (1 = male, 2 = female). Child 16–17 years 3,383 41.7
maltreatment is comprised of five items. Respondents were 18 years or older 199 2.5
asked to indicate if a parent had committed any of the Race
following: a) verbal abuse, b) threats, c) shoving, pushing, Black 1,913 26.1
or slapping, d) fights—punching kicking, and/or e) fights White 4,743 64.7
with the threat of weapon use (0 = no, 1 = yes) during the Latino/a 670 9.1
past 30 days (Cronbach’s α=.606). These items were Sibling violence 3,442 42.4
scaled, ranging from 0 to 6, and then dichotomized to Sibling violence by type
indicate the presence of any form of child maltreatment (0 = Verbal abuse 1,360 31.3
no, 1 = yes). To measure witnessing domestic violence, Threats 538 12.4
respondents were asked the frequency ranging from never Shoving, pushing, slapping 1,406 32.4
to almost every day (0 = never, 1 = before but not in past Fights—punching, kicking 778 17.9
year 2 = a few times in past year, 3 = once or twice a Fights/threats with weapons 126 2.9
month, 6 = once or twice a week, 7 = almost every day in Child maltreatment 1,805 22.2
which they heard or seen violence between adults in their Witness domestic violence 3,895 48.0
home. This was dichotomized to indicate the presence of
Substance use 3,114 38.3
witnessing domestic violence (0 = no, 1 = yes).
Delinquency 6,799 83.7
Aggression 1,474 18.1
Results
Descriptive Statistics
Bivariate Statistics
Fifty-four percent of respondents were female. Most
students (99.5%) were between 13 and 18 years. Nearly To estimate prevalence of sibling violence by age, gender,
two-thirds of the sample identified as White (64.7%). Forty- and family violence, a succession of crosstabs were
two percent of students reported experiencing some form of completed (see Table 2). Eta was used to determine effects
sibling violence, with shoving, pushing, and/or slapping of age on sibling violence. Age was not significantly related
being the most common type of violence experienced. to experiencing sibling abuse. Chi-square was used to
Slightly more than one fifth of the sample (22.2%) admitted determine the effects of gender and other forms of family
to experiencing some form of abuse by parents. One in two violence on sibling aggression. Females were significantly
(48%) respondents has witnessed violence between adults more likely report being victimized by a sibling than males
within the home. About one-third of students (38.3) have (χ2 =128.46, p<.01). Respondents who experience abuse
used tobacco, alcohol, or marijuana. A large majority of from parents (χ2 =821.12, p<.01) and respondents who
respondents (83.7%) reported delinquency, and a slightly witness adult violence in the home were significantly more
less than one in five reported past year aggression (18.1%). likely to report sibling violence (χ2 =485.74, p<.01).
See Table 1. Similarly, to determine the relationship between sibling
violence and students’ substance use, delinquency, and
aggression, another sequence of crosstabs was conducted
(see Table 2). Students who reported sibling violence were
more likely to admit to using tobacco, alcohol, or marijuana
1 (χ2 =16.27, p<.01). Those who experienced abuse by
Analyses were conducted by grade level are not reported. Grade
level indicates respondents’ age. Results for grade level are consistent siblings were significantly more likely to report delinquency
with results for age level. (χ2 =116.72, p<.01) and aggression (χ2 =435.12, p<.01).

6. 136 J Fam Viol (2010) 25:131–140
Table 2 Experience of any sibling violence (N=8122) sibling violence on substance use, delinquency, and
n % χ 2 aggression is significant. For substance use, individuals
who have been punched or kicked by a brother or sister are
Age .09a 31.4% more likely to report using substances (Exp(B) =
12 or younger 10 50 1.314, p<.05), and those who have been threatened with a
13 788 46.7 weapon during a fight are 52.6% more likely to report using
14 1,100 46.3 substances (Exp(B) = 1.526, p<.05).
15 171 38 For delinquency, both psychological aggression and
16 730 38.1 physical violence significantly increase the odds of engaging
17 564 38.4 in delinquent behaviors. Experiencing sibling verbal abuse
18 68 38.6 increases the odds of being delinquent by 39.0% (Exp(B) =
19 or older 6 42.4 1.390, p<.05). Altercations between siblings that involve
Gender* 128.46 shoving, pushing, or slapping increase the odds of delinquent
Male 1,321 35.7 behavior by 39.1% (Exp(B) = 1.391, p<.05). In altercations
Female 2,093 48.2 in which a brother or sister threatens the use of a weapon, the
Child Maltreatment* odds of completing an act of delinquency increases by
Yes 1,305 71.6 119.2% (Exp(B) = 2.192, p<.05).
No 2,137 33.9 Both psychological aggression and physical violence
Witness Domestic Violence* significantly increase the odds of being aggressive. Those
Yes 2,141 55.0 who have been verbally abused by a brother or sister have
No 1,301 30.8 18.6% greater odds of hitting someone with the intent of
Substance Use*
causing physical pain (Exp(B) = 1.186, p<.05). Being
Yes 1,407 45.2
shoved, pushed, or slapped by a sibling increases the odds
No 2,035 40.6
of aggression by 62.1% (Exp(B) = 1.621, p<.05); being
punched or kicked results in 80.4% greater odds of
Delinquency*
aggression (Exp(B) = 1.804, p<.05). As with delinquency,
Yes 3,059 45.0
the odds of aggression are greatly increased in physical
No 383 28.9
fights that involve the threat of weapon use (124.9%;
Aggression*
Exp(B) = 2.249, p<.01).
Yes 959 65.1
Finally, Table 4 compares the odds of engaging in
No 2,483 37.3
substance use, delinquency, and aggression, given the
a
Eta value reported experience of abuse. Experiencing verbal abuse increases
*p<.01 the odds of engaging in delinquency more than it does for
either substance use or aggression. Physical abuse between
siblings, in all forms, increases the odds of aggression more
Multivariate Statistics so than it does for substance use or delinquency.
To determine if age, gender, child maltreatment, and
witnessing domestic violence are predictive of sibling Discussion
abuse, a logistic regression analysis was completed. All
variables included in the model are statistically significant The objectives of this study were fourfold: first, to estimate
(p<.05). With each year of age, a respondent’s odds of the prevalence of sibling abuse, second, to examine the
experiencing sibling aggression decrease by 12.6% (Exp(B) = relationship of sibling abuse to high risk behaviors of
.874). Females have 54% greater odds of experiencing substance use, delinquency and aggression, sibling vio-
abuse than males (Exp(B) = 1.540). Students who have lence, third, to explore the interplay of sibling abuse and
experienced child maltreatment have 300.5% greater odds other forms of family violence in predicting substance use,
of experiencing abuse by a sibling compared to students delinquency, and aggression, and fourth, to test theoretical
who have not experienced child maltreatment (Exp(B) = explanations for these relationships. Regarding the first
4.005), and witnessing adult domestic violence increases objective, results indicate that sibling violence is experi-
the odds of sibling violence by 106.4% (Exp(B) = 2.064). enced by 42% of respondents. Compared to previous
See Table 3. research on frequency of sibling violence, this estimate is
Table 3 also presents results for a series of logistic low. Past findings indicate that about 65% of children
regression models predicting outcomes. The effect of between the ages of 9 and 18 experience some form of

7. J Fam Viol (2010) 25:131–140 137
Table 3 Logistic regression of
sibling violence, substance use, Sibling violencea Substance useb Delinquencyc Aggressiond
delinquency, aggression
Variables – Exp(B) Exp(B) Exp(B)
Verbal abuse – .941 1.390* 1.186*
Threats – 1.174 .933 1.117
Shoving, pushing, slapping – .892 1.391* 1.621*
Fights—punching, kicking – 1.314* .939 1.804*
Fights/threats with weapons – 1.526* 2.192* 2.249*
a
χ2 =1184.317, df=4, p<.05
Age .874* 1.352* 1.278* .894*
b
χ2 =675.253, df=9, p<.05
Gender 1.540* .819* .802* .695*
c
χ2 =569.568, df=9, p<.05
d
Child maltreatment 4.005* 1.549* 1.753* 1.617*
*χ2 =814.937, df=9, p<.05
Witness domestic violence 2.064* 1.726* 2.655* 2.114*
*p≤.05
sibling aggression (Goodwin and Roscoe 1990; Roscoe et violence (Fischbach and Herbert 1997; Glaser 2005;
al. 1987; Steinmetz 1977), and that abuse is likely to Mullen et al. 1996; Payne 2002; Plichta 2004; Zlotnick
subside or end around age 12 (Buhrmester and Furman et al. 2006) are common predictors of substance use,
1990). Our estimate may be lower because it only includes delinquency, and violence, our data show that sibling abuse
abuse during the past month (compared to life time or past significantly and uniquely affects the odds of substance use,
year estimates) and does not include a representative delinquency, and aggression. It is critically important,
sample of children under 12. Note that shoving, pushing, through further research, to determine the nature and
and slapping were the most common forms of sibling direction of these relationships in order to inform preven-
violence reported, and violence by siblings occurred much tion and intervention efforts.
more frequently than violence by parents. Both of these The results also suggest that the relationship between
findings are consistent with previous research (Goodwin sibling violence and aggression may be stronger than the
and Roscoe 1990; Hoffman and Edwards 2004; Kiselica relationships between sibling abuse and substance use and
and Morrill-Richards 2007; Lewit and Baker 1996). It is sibling abuse and delinquency. In line with social learning
interesting to note, however, that even in our sample of theory, the link between aggression and sibling abuse may be
middle to late adolescents almost one in five youth report that through fighting back (i.e., maintaining power) and
either psychological or physical sibling aggression. Sibling escalating conflict, antagonistic, violent behavior is rein-
violence affects a substantial proportion of youth—at all forced (Dunn 2005). Other forms of family violence have
ages. It would be beneficial to include the prevention of been linked to later aggression (Simonelli et al. 2002). Much
sibling aggression in other family violence prevention of the concern surrounding the investigation of family
initiatives. violence stems from its association with aggression (Downs
Regarding the second and third objectives, sibling et al. 1992; Mullen et al. 1996). The data show the strong
violence is related to substance abuse, delinquency, and impact of sibling violence on the odds of engaging in
aggression. Furthermore, the relationship between sibling aggression. This is another important reason why further
abuse and each of these outcomes cannot be attributed to investigation is warranted, as aggression in schools and
other relevant variables in the model. Although age, gender neighborhoods, as well as among adolescents in romantic
(Piquero and Mazerolle 2001), and other forms of family relationships, has enormous social and economic costs.
Table 4 Comparison of
percentage of increased odds of Substance use Delinquency Aggression
engaging in substance use,
delinquency, and aggression Verbal abuse – 39.0 18.6
Threats – – –
Shoving, pushing, slapping – 39.1 62.1
Fights—punching, kicking 31.4 −6.1 80.4
Fights/threats with weapons 52.6 119.2 124.9
Age 35.2 27.8 −10.6
Male 18.1 19.8 30.5
Child maltreatment 54.9 75.3 61.7
Witness domestic violence 72.6 165.5 111.4

8. 138 J Fam Viol (2010) 25:131–140
Regarding the fourth and final objective, this study finds This study faces several methodological limitations.
that both feminist theory and social learning theory help First, items in the sibling violence scale were not defined
explain sibling violence. When applied to sibling violence, for students. For example, ‘verbal abuse,’ and ‘threats’ are
feminist theory asserts that because younger individuals and items that may have various meanings. With specific
females lack power, they are more vulnerable to being explanations as to what these items actually entail, the data
victims of sibling violence than their respective counter- may have presented different results. For example, did
parts. While age was not significantly related to sibling students include the presence of nontraditional forms of
aggression in bivariate analyses, it was in multivariate violence (i.e., cyber) by siblings?
analyses. The age effect may have been truncated in the Second, the gender and age of the perpetrator is
bivariate analysis because the majority students were unknown. Research shows that brother–brother sibling
13 years or older. Sibling aggression is something that dyads and older–younger sibling dyads tend to be the most
siblings are expected to “grow out of” as they acquire more violent (Cafarro and Conn-Cafarro 2005; Goodwin and
cognitive, coping, and communication skills (Dunn et al. Roscoe 1990; Hoffman and Edwards 2004; Roscoe et al.
1994). These skills allow siblings to replace physical 1987; Steinmetz 1977). Without knowing the gender or age
interactions with verbal interactions (Goodwin and Roscoe of the sibling pairs, it is hard to determine gender and age
1990). In addition, as younger siblings age, they become effects in their entirety. This has implications for conclu-
more competent and independent. Around age 12, younger sions drawn on feminist theory. Third, and related, our
siblings require less nurturance and direction from older data do not allow us to examine whether respondents
siblings. This, along with increases in individual compe- accurately assess the rewards and/or punishments individ-
tence, transforms the power/status structure of the sibling uals (parents/other siblings) receive for using violence.
relationship (Buhrmester and Furman 1990). However, Conclusions based on social learning theory must be
consistent with previous studies, age was a significant interpreted with caution. Fourth, this study does not ask if
predictor of violence between siblings in the multivariate victims of abuse are simultaneous perpetrators of sibling
logistic regression model (Dunn et al. 1994; Goodwin and violence. This information could present a more accurate
Roscoe 1990). The significance of age in multivariate picture of sibling abuse. Considering that many students
models may be due to the fact that when other variables are could have been the initial aggressor (and were hit back in
accounted for, the variation in age is unmasked. Regardless, retaliation or defense), the data may not fully capture the
multivariate results are supportive of the feminist perspec- actual victimization rate. Finally, the causal process
tive in that younger individuals who may lack physical delineating the relationship of sibling violence and negative
strength and power may be more vulnerable to abuse. The behaviors needs to be interpreted with caution. The data
data here also suggest that females are more likely to here do not clarify if sibling violence precedes substance
experience abuse by brothers or sisters. This is consistent use, delinquency, or aggression. It is possible that these
with Simonelli et al.’s (2002) findings, and supports the variables could produce sibling victimization rather than
feminist perspective that females are more vulnerable to simply being a result of it.
violence. Future research should further explore the relationship
In accordance with social learning theory, students who between gender, age and sibling abuse to clarify inconsis-
reported witnessing violence in the home or experiencing tent findings and further the development of theory. The
abuse by parents were substantially more likely to report temporal sequences of substance use, delinquency, and
sibling victimization. Previous findings suggest that chil- aggression should be explored to determine if sibling
dren who are victims of one form of abuse are likely to be violence is a cause or effect. As well, sibling abuse among
victims of other forms of abuse (Edleson 1999b; Mullen et specific populations should be explored. Khan and Cooke
al. 1996). In examining co-occurrence of intimate partner (2008) found that juvenile offenders engaged in more
violence and child abuse, Edleson (1999b) reports that joint severe forms of sibling violence than the normal popula-
partner abuse and child battering rates range from 30% to tion. Are certain groups of siblings more at risk for severe
60%. While this study is not the first to link sibling sibling aggression? Race also needs to be explored.
violence to other forms of family conflict (Brody 1998; Research shows that rates of domestic abuse vary by race
Jenkins 1992; Noller 2005), it does contribute to the (Tjaden and Thoennes 2000). However, once socioeco-
literature. Specifically, it establishes an empirical relation- nomic status is controlled, racial differences tend to
ship between sibling violence and other forms of family disappear (Sokoloff and Dupont 2005). Does sibling
abuse. The contention that child victims of adult family violence vary by race too? And, if so, can this relationship
violence are likely to experience other forms of familial be explained by economic factors? Another avenue that
violence (e.g., intimate partner abuse) is further validated in future researchers may take is to further clarify the types of
regards to sibling violence. delinquency that are predicted by sibling violence. The

9. J Fam Viol (2010) 25:131–140 139
measure used in this study combines traditional forms of Edleson, J. L. (1999a). Children’s witnessing of adult domestic
delinquency (theft, vandalism) and school delinquency violence. Journal of Interpersonal Violence, 14(8), 839–870.
Edleson, J. L. (1999b). The overlap between child maltreatment and
(skipping school, cheating). Separating traditional constructs woman battering. Violence Against Women, 5(2), 134–154.
of delinquency from forms of school delinquency may shed Fischbach, R. L. & Herbert, B. (1997). Domestic violence and mental
more light on the association with sibling aggression. Does health: correlates and conundrums within and across cultures.
sibling violence lead to serious behavioral outcomes or is it Social Science Medicine, 45(8), 1161–1176.
Glaser, D. (2005). Child maltreatment. Psychiatry, 4(7), 53–57.
more likely that victims will engage in less harmful, Goodwin, M. & Roscoe, B. (1990). Sibling violence and agonistic
attention getting behaviors, or is the level of one related to interactions among middle adolescents. Adolescence, 25(98),
the level of the other? Finally, it would be beneficial to 451–475.
qualitatively explore why siblings engage in aggression. The Hoffman, K. L. & Edwards, J. N. (2004). An integrated theoretical
model of sibling violence and abuse. Journal o f Family Violence,
assumption is that sibling violence is a normal occurrence 19(3), 185–200.
and largely due to age and socio-cognitive variables. Hoffman, K. L. Kiecolt, J. & Edwards, J. N. (2005). Physical violence
Interviewing more and less aggressive siblings may shed between siblings: a theoretical and empirical analysis. Journal of
light on the validity of this assumption. Family Issues, 26, 1103–1130.
Hosser, D., Raddatz, S., & Windzio, M. (2007). Child maltreatment,
Sibling violence appears to be a meaningful piece of the revictimization, and violent behavior. Violence and Victims, 22
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efforts as much as parental violence is. The social, academ- violence: a preliminary study of a youth forensic sample. Journal
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