Contents
I. Grave Threats for Egypt's Existence and Serious Danger for China's Expansion
II. Perspectives of the Strategic Alliance between Egypt & China
III. Two Chinese Military Bases in Egypt: One Million Chinese Military on African Soil
IV. Joint Chinese-Egyptian Military Operations in Sudan and the Perspectives of a Chinese-Egyptian-Sudanese Alliance
V. Joint Chinese-Egyptian Military Operations in Libya and the Perspectives of a Chinese-Egyptian-Libyan Alliance
----------
First published on 16th January 2024 here:
https://megalommatiscomments.wordpress.com/2024/01/16/a-special-military-alliance-with-china-is-egypts-only-chance-for-survival-iii/
The rise of China as a world superpower has hitherto been a long path marked with several successes and advances, but also significant drawbacks and failures. The Arab Spring can be seen from many viewpoints and interpreted as per its impact on diverse states, but it was indisputably a severe impediment to China's attempt to penetrate in Africa and offer the numerous African nations a trustworthy perspective and a valuable support in terms of nation building and sustainable development. It goes without saying that, if the Chinese establishment truly intends to bring forth a groundbreaking change at the worldwide level, Beijing must carefully take the lesson of those circumstances before 13 years and overwhelmingly modify China's understanding of perplex situations and approach to long standing problems, notably the European colonialism in Africa and elsewhere.
In the first part of this series of articles, I expanded on a) the centuries-old Western hatred of Egypt, b) the existing historical threats against the Valley of the Nile, c) the gradual process of decomposition that the criminal Western gangsters applied to Libya and the Sudan over the past 12 years, and d) the direct relationship between the otherwise worthless Renaissance Dam (also known as GERD), which has been built in the Occupied Benishangul land (currently province) of Abyssinia (Fake Ethiopia), and the Abyssinian 'Prophecy' against Egypt and Sudan. This is the link:
https://megalommatiscomments.wordpress.com/2024/01/01/a-special-military-alliance-with-china-is-egypts-only-chance-for-survival/
In the present article, I will complete the presentation of the Egyptian approach to the need of the Egyptian-Chinese Military Alliance and I will expand on the Chinese perspective towards the topic.
Contents
I. The War in Gaza and the Destabilization of the Red Sea Region
II. The Rise of China as a World Super-power
III. The Irrevocable Prerequisites of China's Worldwide Predominance
Contents
Introduction
I. Toshka or New Valley Project
II. Water Desalination Plants
III. Relocation of a Sizeable Part of Egypt's Population
IV. The Rafah-Taba Canal
V. Twenty (20) Chinese Universities to operate in Egypt
--------
First published on 18th January 2024 here:
https://megalommatiscomments.wordpress.com/2024/01/18/a-special-military-alliance-with-china-is-egypts-only-chance-for-survival-iv/
Introduction
I. Chinese as the First Foreign Language in Egypt
II. Systematic Dissociation and Separation from Western Europe and North America
III. The Egypt - Sudan - Libya Confederation
IV. How the Chinese-Egyptian Alliance will reshape Africa into Five Mega-States
1) The document discusses China's "One Belt, One Road" initiative to build infrastructure connecting China to Asia, Africa, and Europe through a network of roads and railways.
2) It aims to develop local economies along the route and challenge U.S. global influence by expanding China's economic power.
3) However, China cannot yet match U.S. military power globally, so it must compete economically through initiatives like this one.
Gamal Abdel Nasser was the leader of the Free Officers who ove.docxgilbertkpeters11344
Gamal Abdel Nasser was the leader of the Free Officers who overthrew the Egyptian
monarchy in the 1952 Revolution. Nasser and his colleagues had been able to take
advantage of the opening up of the army officer corps to native Egyptians. They were
motivated by nationalism to remove the corrupt monarchy and the last vestiges of the British
occupation. British armed forces continued to enjoy military-strategic advantages in Egypt
and to occupy the Suez Canal. The Free Officers blamed the Egyptian government for the
poor performance of the army in the 1948 Palestine War against Israel. A republic was
declared by January 1953, but Nasser did not immediately emerge publicly as its leader
until 1954.
It was only over time that Nasser adopted the ideas of Pan-Arabism, Arab socialism, and
positive neutralism, with which his years as president of Egypt (1954-70) were to become so
identified. Beyond a strong sense of nationalism, Nasser espoused a frankly pragmatic
approach to solving problems in his early years in power. Positive neutralism meant that
while Egypt would not align with either side in the Cold War, it would make deals with one
or the other as the interests of the country would best be served. Over time, however, Nasser
began to tilt more towards the Soviet Union. His positive neutralism was greatly influenced
by his attendance at the 1955 Bandung Conference of nonaligned nations. Nasser's biggest
triumph was the nationalization of the Suez Canal in July 1956, which completed Egypt's
independence from Britain. As a result, Nasser became a truly popular figure both within
Egypt and among the Arab masses outside of it for the first time. His Pan-Arabism, which
sought the political unity of the Arabs, henceforth resonated with tbem. It had its origins in
Pan-Islam, the ideology of the Ba'th Party, and the Arab League. Pan-Arabist sentiment led
to the creation of the United Arab Republic of 1958, which included Egypt and Syria.
Personal and political rivalries as well as the different nationalisms, however, soon rent the
union asunder. Egypt then found itself embroiled in a civil war in Yemen between 1962 and
1967, in which Nasser backed the republicans and Saudi Arabia supported the royalists.
Nasser's Arab socialism developed, in part, in response to the 1956 Suez War, in which
Israel, Britain, and France attacked Egypt.
1
Prior to the war, Nasser simply had a sense that
government should act to extend social justice to the people. The building of the Aswan
High Dam was to be the panacea that would expand agriculture, provide cheap electrical
power, and encourage industrialization. Now, he retaliated against the European powers by
nationalizing foreign-owned companies in Egypt. The nationalization of businesses owned
by the native bourgeoisie accused of cooperating with foreign imperialists soon followed.
The government established rent controls and food subsidies to help .
Gamal Abdel Nasser was the leader of the Free Officers who ove.docxshericehewat
Gamal Abdel Nasser was the leader of the Free Officers who overthrew the Egyptian
monarchy in the 1952 Revolution. Nasser and his colleagues had been able to take
advantage of the opening up of the army officer corps to native Egyptians. They were
motivated by nationalism to remove the corrupt monarchy and the last vestiges of the British
occupation. British armed forces continued to enjoy military-strategic advantages in Egypt
and to occupy the Suez Canal. The Free Officers blamed the Egyptian government for the
poor performance of the army in the 1948 Palestine War against Israel. A republic was
declared by January 1953, but Nasser did not immediately emerge publicly as its leader
until 1954.
It was only over time that Nasser adopted the ideas of Pan-Arabism, Arab socialism, and
positive neutralism, with which his years as president of Egypt (1954-70) were to become so
identified. Beyond a strong sense of nationalism, Nasser espoused a frankly pragmatic
approach to solving problems in his early years in power. Positive neutralism meant that
while Egypt would not align with either side in the Cold War, it would make deals with one
or the other as the interests of the country would best be served. Over time, however, Nasser
began to tilt more towards the Soviet Union. His positive neutralism was greatly influenced
by his attendance at the 1955 Bandung Conference of nonaligned nations. Nasser's biggest
triumph was the nationalization of the Suez Canal in July 1956, which completed Egypt's
independence from Britain. As a result, Nasser became a truly popular figure both within
Egypt and among the Arab masses outside of it for the first time. His Pan-Arabism, which
sought the political unity of the Arabs, henceforth resonated with tbem. It had its origins in
Pan-Islam, the ideology of the Ba'th Party, and the Arab League. Pan-Arabist sentiment led
to the creation of the United Arab Republic of 1958, which included Egypt and Syria.
Personal and political rivalries as well as the different nationalisms, however, soon rent the
union asunder. Egypt then found itself embroiled in a civil war in Yemen between 1962 and
1967, in which Nasser backed the republicans and Saudi Arabia supported the royalists.
Nasser's Arab socialism developed, in part, in response to the 1956 Suez War, in which
Israel, Britain, and France attacked Egypt.
1
Prior to the war, Nasser simply had a sense that
government should act to extend social justice to the people. The building of the Aswan
High Dam was to be the panacea that would expand agriculture, provide cheap electrical
power, and encourage industrialization. Now, he retaliated against the European powers by
nationalizing foreign-owned companies in Egypt. The nationalization of businesses owned
by the native bourgeoisie accused of cooperating with foreign imperialists soon followed.
The government established rent controls and food subsidies to help ...
A dangerous circus right next door, in the middle eastGRAZIA TANTA
The greatest danger is that decadent states tend to not accept this decadence and cause disasters, without, preferentially, opting for hara-kiri.
Contents
Introducing the clowns
An erratic, chaotic pecking
Persian Gulf - many attackers for one target
Where are the threats?
Timur Akhmetov presents arguments for both sides of a debate about the causes and justifications of the 1967 Six-Day War between Israel and neighboring Arab states. For the Israeli side, he argues that Arab regimes' hostile rhetoric, expulsion of UN peacekeepers from Sinai, troop deployments near Israel's border, terrorist attacks, and blockade of Israeli shipping lanes constituted legitimate security threats. However, opponents claim these were not actual threats and Israel had no proof of intent to attack. Ultimately, Akhmetov believes Israel acted reasonably given its strategic concerns and Arab states' disregard for Israel's security needs.
The rise of China as a world superpower has hitherto been a long path marked with several successes and advances, but also significant drawbacks and failures. The Arab Spring can be seen from many viewpoints and interpreted as per its impact on diverse states, but it was indisputably a severe impediment to China's attempt to penetrate in Africa and offer the numerous African nations a trustworthy perspective and a valuable support in terms of nation building and sustainable development. It goes without saying that, if the Chinese establishment truly intends to bring forth a groundbreaking change at the worldwide level, Beijing must carefully take the lesson of those circumstances before 13 years and overwhelmingly modify China's understanding of perplex situations and approach to long standing problems, notably the European colonialism in Africa and elsewhere.
In the first part of this series of articles, I expanded on a) the centuries-old Western hatred of Egypt, b) the existing historical threats against the Valley of the Nile, c) the gradual process of decomposition that the criminal Western gangsters applied to Libya and the Sudan over the past 12 years, and d) the direct relationship between the otherwise worthless Renaissance Dam (also known as GERD), which has been built in the Occupied Benishangul land (currently province) of Abyssinia (Fake Ethiopia), and the Abyssinian 'Prophecy' against Egypt and Sudan. This is the link:
https://megalommatiscomments.wordpress.com/2024/01/01/a-special-military-alliance-with-china-is-egypts-only-chance-for-survival/
In the present article, I will complete the presentation of the Egyptian approach to the need of the Egyptian-Chinese Military Alliance and I will expand on the Chinese perspective towards the topic.
Contents
I. The War in Gaza and the Destabilization of the Red Sea Region
II. The Rise of China as a World Super-power
III. The Irrevocable Prerequisites of China's Worldwide Predominance
Contents
Introduction
I. Toshka or New Valley Project
II. Water Desalination Plants
III. Relocation of a Sizeable Part of Egypt's Population
IV. The Rafah-Taba Canal
V. Twenty (20) Chinese Universities to operate in Egypt
--------
First published on 18th January 2024 here:
https://megalommatiscomments.wordpress.com/2024/01/18/a-special-military-alliance-with-china-is-egypts-only-chance-for-survival-iv/
Introduction
I. Chinese as the First Foreign Language in Egypt
II. Systematic Dissociation and Separation from Western Europe and North America
III. The Egypt - Sudan - Libya Confederation
IV. How the Chinese-Egyptian Alliance will reshape Africa into Five Mega-States
1) The document discusses China's "One Belt, One Road" initiative to build infrastructure connecting China to Asia, Africa, and Europe through a network of roads and railways.
2) It aims to develop local economies along the route and challenge U.S. global influence by expanding China's economic power.
3) However, China cannot yet match U.S. military power globally, so it must compete economically through initiatives like this one.
Gamal Abdel Nasser was the leader of the Free Officers who ove.docxgilbertkpeters11344
Gamal Abdel Nasser was the leader of the Free Officers who overthrew the Egyptian
monarchy in the 1952 Revolution. Nasser and his colleagues had been able to take
advantage of the opening up of the army officer corps to native Egyptians. They were
motivated by nationalism to remove the corrupt monarchy and the last vestiges of the British
occupation. British armed forces continued to enjoy military-strategic advantages in Egypt
and to occupy the Suez Canal. The Free Officers blamed the Egyptian government for the
poor performance of the army in the 1948 Palestine War against Israel. A republic was
declared by January 1953, but Nasser did not immediately emerge publicly as its leader
until 1954.
It was only over time that Nasser adopted the ideas of Pan-Arabism, Arab socialism, and
positive neutralism, with which his years as president of Egypt (1954-70) were to become so
identified. Beyond a strong sense of nationalism, Nasser espoused a frankly pragmatic
approach to solving problems in his early years in power. Positive neutralism meant that
while Egypt would not align with either side in the Cold War, it would make deals with one
or the other as the interests of the country would best be served. Over time, however, Nasser
began to tilt more towards the Soviet Union. His positive neutralism was greatly influenced
by his attendance at the 1955 Bandung Conference of nonaligned nations. Nasser's biggest
triumph was the nationalization of the Suez Canal in July 1956, which completed Egypt's
independence from Britain. As a result, Nasser became a truly popular figure both within
Egypt and among the Arab masses outside of it for the first time. His Pan-Arabism, which
sought the political unity of the Arabs, henceforth resonated with tbem. It had its origins in
Pan-Islam, the ideology of the Ba'th Party, and the Arab League. Pan-Arabist sentiment led
to the creation of the United Arab Republic of 1958, which included Egypt and Syria.
Personal and political rivalries as well as the different nationalisms, however, soon rent the
union asunder. Egypt then found itself embroiled in a civil war in Yemen between 1962 and
1967, in which Nasser backed the republicans and Saudi Arabia supported the royalists.
Nasser's Arab socialism developed, in part, in response to the 1956 Suez War, in which
Israel, Britain, and France attacked Egypt.
1
Prior to the war, Nasser simply had a sense that
government should act to extend social justice to the people. The building of the Aswan
High Dam was to be the panacea that would expand agriculture, provide cheap electrical
power, and encourage industrialization. Now, he retaliated against the European powers by
nationalizing foreign-owned companies in Egypt. The nationalization of businesses owned
by the native bourgeoisie accused of cooperating with foreign imperialists soon followed.
The government established rent controls and food subsidies to help .
Gamal Abdel Nasser was the leader of the Free Officers who ove.docxshericehewat
Gamal Abdel Nasser was the leader of the Free Officers who overthrew the Egyptian
monarchy in the 1952 Revolution. Nasser and his colleagues had been able to take
advantage of the opening up of the army officer corps to native Egyptians. They were
motivated by nationalism to remove the corrupt monarchy and the last vestiges of the British
occupation. British armed forces continued to enjoy military-strategic advantages in Egypt
and to occupy the Suez Canal. The Free Officers blamed the Egyptian government for the
poor performance of the army in the 1948 Palestine War against Israel. A republic was
declared by January 1953, but Nasser did not immediately emerge publicly as its leader
until 1954.
It was only over time that Nasser adopted the ideas of Pan-Arabism, Arab socialism, and
positive neutralism, with which his years as president of Egypt (1954-70) were to become so
identified. Beyond a strong sense of nationalism, Nasser espoused a frankly pragmatic
approach to solving problems in his early years in power. Positive neutralism meant that
while Egypt would not align with either side in the Cold War, it would make deals with one
or the other as the interests of the country would best be served. Over time, however, Nasser
began to tilt more towards the Soviet Union. His positive neutralism was greatly influenced
by his attendance at the 1955 Bandung Conference of nonaligned nations. Nasser's biggest
triumph was the nationalization of the Suez Canal in July 1956, which completed Egypt's
independence from Britain. As a result, Nasser became a truly popular figure both within
Egypt and among the Arab masses outside of it for the first time. His Pan-Arabism, which
sought the political unity of the Arabs, henceforth resonated with tbem. It had its origins in
Pan-Islam, the ideology of the Ba'th Party, and the Arab League. Pan-Arabist sentiment led
to the creation of the United Arab Republic of 1958, which included Egypt and Syria.
Personal and political rivalries as well as the different nationalisms, however, soon rent the
union asunder. Egypt then found itself embroiled in a civil war in Yemen between 1962 and
1967, in which Nasser backed the republicans and Saudi Arabia supported the royalists.
Nasser's Arab socialism developed, in part, in response to the 1956 Suez War, in which
Israel, Britain, and France attacked Egypt.
1
Prior to the war, Nasser simply had a sense that
government should act to extend social justice to the people. The building of the Aswan
High Dam was to be the panacea that would expand agriculture, provide cheap electrical
power, and encourage industrialization. Now, he retaliated against the European powers by
nationalizing foreign-owned companies in Egypt. The nationalization of businesses owned
by the native bourgeoisie accused of cooperating with foreign imperialists soon followed.
The government established rent controls and food subsidies to help ...
A dangerous circus right next door, in the middle eastGRAZIA TANTA
The greatest danger is that decadent states tend to not accept this decadence and cause disasters, without, preferentially, opting for hara-kiri.
Contents
Introducing the clowns
An erratic, chaotic pecking
Persian Gulf - many attackers for one target
Where are the threats?
Timur Akhmetov presents arguments for both sides of a debate about the causes and justifications of the 1967 Six-Day War between Israel and neighboring Arab states. For the Israeli side, he argues that Arab regimes' hostile rhetoric, expulsion of UN peacekeepers from Sinai, troop deployments near Israel's border, terrorist attacks, and blockade of Israeli shipping lanes constituted legitimate security threats. However, opponents claim these were not actual threats and Israel had no proof of intent to attack. Ultimately, Akhmetov believes Israel acted reasonably given its strategic concerns and Arab states' disregard for Israel's security needs.
Silk Roads and Great Games: Prelude to Global Governance or Great Power Confl...Robert R. Bianchi
This document discusses China's efforts to build infrastructure projects across Eurasia, Africa, and other regions to increase economic integration. It notes this could increase vulnerability to disruptions but also bring political conflicts between major powers competing for influence. While China seeks to integrate regions, the US aims to contain China's rise by segmenting regions. However, emerging networks depend on lands populated by Muslims, and citizens in Muslim countries expect development projects to improve their lives rather than just major power interests.
The document provides a historical overview of Egyptian foreign policy from the 19th century to present day. It discusses the foreign policy foundations established during the rule of Muhammad Ali in the 19th century and the impact of British occupation in the early 20th century. Key events that shaped Egyptian foreign policy include the 1952 revolution led by Gamal Abdel Nasser, the 1973 Yom Kippur War under Anwar El-Sadat, and economic reforms under Hosni Mubarak. The document also outlines the main circles and goals that guide contemporary Egyptian foreign policy, including relations with Arab, African, and Islamic countries.
This document provides summaries of 6 research papers related to Egypt and its relations with other countries and regions in Africa from 1943-1958. The papers discuss topics such as Egyptian education in Sudan, Egypt's role in proposed defense pacts in Africa, the establishment of a branch of Cairo University in Sudan, and Egypt's position regarding various Western defense projects in Africa. The document aims to concisely summarize the key topics, findings, and conclusions of each research paper.
Mercenaries and African Conflicts: A CritiqueKayode Fayemi
This document provides a critique of the involvement of mercenaries in post-Cold War African conflicts. It discusses how mercenaries have historically played a role in African conflicts dating back to colonial times. It notes that while Cold War era mercenaries were often lone actors, modern mercenary groups operate as corporate entities and are increasingly linked to business interests in mining and oil extraction. The document argues that a holistic approach is needed to address the root causes of conflicts that fuel mercenary activity in Africa.
China-Russia Double Helix - Change of 21st Century HistoryExopolitics Hungary
- Vladimir Putin and President Xi have strengthened military and economic cooperation between Russia and China, forming a resistance front against destabilization efforts by the US.
- The US threatens to contain both Russia and China economically through exclusionary trade deals, while surrounding them militarily. This poses an existential threat to both countries.
- In response, Russia and China have deepened their partnership on security, trade, and development projects. The 2014 Ukrainian crisis disrupted Chinese investments in Ukraine and plans for infrastructure projects linking China to Europe via Russia and Ukraine.
This document discusses the growing tensions between the US and China as they compete for global dominance. It outlines China's increasing economic and military power through initiatives like the Belt and Road Initiative, as well as its territorial ambitions in the South China Sea. The US views China's rise as a threat to its long-held position as the world's dominant superpower. As China continues to challenge US influence globally and economically, the risk of direct conflict between the two countries grows.
Мировая политика как черное и белое: Иран и Израиль, или как люди становятся жертвами намеренно проецируемых на них заблуждений
Содержание
Введение
I. Каждый сектантский подход и каждая сектантская мысль являются порочной ошибкой и нетерпимым поступком
II. Политическая ситуация и международные отношения не определяют природу режимов, правительств и государств
III. Когда дело касается мировых дел, не существует шахматной доски с «черными» и «белыми» клетками
IV. Все СМИ сообщают одну и ту же ложь, меняя только «шахматные наборы»
V. Достоинство иранцев и палестинцев является наиболее спорным вопросом
VI. Вера в обещания, данные врагами, замаскированными под друзей, может оказаться смертельной
VII. Военные и фермеры против королевской семьи и аятолл
VIII. Нет никакой разницы между Ираном и Египтом, когда дело доходит до раболепия по отношению к крупным колониальным схемам
Contents
Introduction
I. Every sectarian approach and every sectarian thought are a vicious mistake and an intolerable act.
II. Political situations and international relations do not define the nature of regimes, governments, and states.
III. When it comes to world affairs, there is no such thing as a chessboard with "black" and "white" squares.
IV. All mass media report the same lies, changing only the «chess sets».
V. The dignity of the Iranians and the Palestinians is a most controversial subject.
VI. Believing promises given by enemies disguised as friends may be lethal.
VII. Military and farmers against the royals and the ayatollahs
VIII. There is no difference between Iran and Egypt when it comes to servility toward major colonial schemes.
За пределами афроцентризма: предпосылки для того, чтобы Сомали возглавила африканскую деколонизацию и девестернизацию
Содержание
Введение
I. Деколонизация и отказ афроцентрической интеллигенции
II. Афроцентристским африканским ученым следовало бы отобрать египтологию у западных востоковедов и африканистов.
III. Западная узурпация африканского наследия должна быть отменена.
IV. Афроцентризм должен был включать в себя резкую критику и полное неприятие так называемой западной цивилизации.
V. Афроцентризм как форма африканского изоляционизма, проводящая линию разделения между колонизированными странами Африки и Азии.
VI. Общая оценка человеческих ресурсов, времени и необходимых затрат
VII. Деколонизация означает, прежде всего, деанглификацию и дефранкизацию.
Contents
Introduction
I. Decolonization and the failure of the Afrocentric Intelligentsia
II. Afrocentric African scholars should have been taken Egyptology back from the Western Orientalists and Africanists
III. Western Usurpation of African Heritage must be canceled.
IV. Afrocentrism had to encompass severe criticism and total rejection of the so-called Western Civilization
V. Afrocentrism as a form of African Isolationism drawing a line of separation between colonized nations in Africa and Asia
VI. General estimation of the human resources, the time, and the cost needed
VII. Decolonization means above all De-Anglicization and De-Francization
What was Ordinary in the Antiquity looks Odd today, due to the Greco-centric Fallacy of the Biased European Colonial 'Academics'
Contents
Introduction
I. Fayoum, Al Bahnasa (Oxyrhynchus), and Ancient Egyptian Papyri
II. Karl Wessely and his groundbreaking research and publications
III. Papyrus fragment 1224 of Karl Wessely's SPP VIII
IV. Βουλγαρικ- (Vulgarik-)
V. Eastern Roman Emperor Maurice's Strategicon and the Bulgarian cloaks
VI. Historical context and the Ancient History of Bulgars
VII. Historical context, the Silk Roads, and Bulgarian exports to Egypt
VIII. Academic context and the Western falsehood of a Euro-centric World History
i- the conceptualization of World History
ii- the contextualization of every single document newly found here and there
iii- the stages of historical falsification that were undertaken over the past 500 years
iv- the forgers themselves and their antiquity
v- and last but not least, several points of
a) governance of modern states
b) international alliances, and
c) the ensuing captivity of all the targeted nations, each one well-adjusted into the preconceived role that the forgers invented for it
Contents
Introduction
I. A fictional concept: the origin of the fraud
II. A construct based on posterior textual sources
III. The deceitful presentation
IV. 5th century BCE texts found in 15th c. CE manuscripts do not make 'History'.
V. Abundant evidence of lies and deliberate distortions attested in the manuscript transmission
VI. Darius I the Great, the Behistun inscription, and Ctesias
VII. The historical Assyrian Queen Shammuramat and the fictional Queen Semiramis of the 'Ancient Greek sources'
VIII. The malignant intentions of the Benedictine liars: from the historical Darius I the Great to the fictional Semiramis
IX. The vicious distortions of the Benedictine liars: from Ctesias to Herodotus
亞里斯多德作為歷史偽造品,西方世界的虛假歷史和腐爛的基礎,金灿荣和他敏銳的評論
Аристотель как историческая подделка, фальшивая история и гнилые основы западного мира, и проницательные комментарии профессора Цзинь Канронга
Contents
I. Aristotle: a Major Founding Myth of the Western World
II. When, where and by whom was the Myth of Aristotle fabricated?
III. The Myth of Aristotle and its first Byproducts: Scholasticism, East-West Schism, the Crusades & the Sack of Constantinople (1204)
IV. Aristotelization: First Stage of the Westernization and the Colonization of the World
V. Aristotelization as Foundation of all the Western Forgeries: the so-called Judeo-Christian Heritage and the Fraud of Greco-Roman Civilization
VI. The Modern Western World as Disruption of History
VII. The Myth of Aristotle and the Monstrosity of Western Colonialism
The Western World hates Egypt terribly; that's why all the administrations of the country -pseudo-royal (khedivial), presidential (military) or Islamist (republican)- were always appointed after French, English and/or American decision or active involvement and with Western support only to function as local ignorant servants definitely unable to fathom the deeply self-destructive nature of the acts that their foreign masters force them to implement, and absolutely unsuspicious of the venomous hatred that their beastly superiors harbor against the Holy Land that is the Valley of the Nile down to Khartoum.
Contents
I. Western Hatred against Egypt and Plans against Mankind
II. The End of Egypt may be very close
III. Egypt and the Pulverization of Sudan and Libya
IV. The Renaissance Dam in the light of the Abyssinian 'Prophecy' against Egypt and Sudan
Περιεχόμενα
Α. Πνευματικότητα, Θρησκείες, Θεολογίες και Ιδεολογίες
Β. Αποδοχή μιας άλλης θρησκείας και δράση προσηλύτων
Γ. Εγκλήματα προσηλυτιστών
Δ. Αλλαγή θρησκείας, προσηλυτισμός και πολυπολιτισμικότητα
Ε. Δεν υπάρχει το Ισλάμ ως θρησκεία χωρίς τις ιστορικές ισλαμικές επιστήμες
Επίλογος
Προτάσεις για την Υπέρβαση της Θράκης, του Κοσμά Μεγαλομμάτη: Εξόρμηση, 5 Μαρτίου 1990; Πολιτικά Θέματα, 2-8 Μαρτίου 1990; Οικονομικός Ταχυδρόμος, Ιούλιος 1990
Proposals to transcend the problem in Thrace, by Cosmas Megalommatis: Exormisi (Sortie), 5 March 1990; Politika Themata (Political Matters), 2-8 March 1990; Oikonomikos Tahydromos (Economic Courier), July 1990
Предложения по преодолению проблемы во Фракии, автор Космас Мегаломматис: Exormisi (Вылазка), 5 марта 1990 г.; Политика Фемата (Политические вопросы), 2–8 марта 1990 года; Ойкономикос Тагидромос (Экономический курьер), июль 1990 г.
Σουννίτες και Σιίτες: στη ρίζα της διαφοράς, του Κοσμά Μεγαλομμάτη – Εποπτεία 119, Ιανουάριος 1987, σελ. 29-37
Sunnis and Shiites: at the root of the dispute, by Cosmas Megalommatis: Epopteia (‘Overview’) 119, January 1987, p. 29-37
Сунниты и шииты: в основе спора, (автор:) Кузьма Мегаломматис: Эпоптея («Обзор») 119, январь 1987 г., с. 29-37
Η διεθνής αντιμετώπιση της ισλαμικής Περσίας, του Κοσμά Μεγαλομμάτη: Εποπτεία 119, Ιανουάριος 1987, σελ. 38-48
How the international community treated the Islamic Republic of Iran, by Cosmas Megalommatis: Epopteia (‘Overview’) 119, January 1987, p. 38-48
Как международное сообщество относилось к Исламской Республике Иран, (автор:) Кузьма Мегаломматис: Эпоптея («Обзор») 119, январь 1987 г., стр. 38-48
Η Πολιτική Ζωή στην Ισλαμική Περσία, του Κοσμά Μεγαλομμάτη: Εποπτεία 119, Ιανουάριος 1987, σελ. 19-28
Political Life in Islamic Iran, by Cosmas Megalommatis: Epopteia (‘Overview’) 119, January 1987, p. 19-28
Политическая жизнь в исламском Иране, (автор:) Кузьма Мегаломматис: Эпоптея («Обзор») 119, январь 1987 г., с. 19-28
——————————–
Συνήθεις αναγνώστες μου θα παραξενευθούν επειδή χρησιμοποιώ τον όρο ‘Περσία’ αντί ‘Ιράν’ στο συγκεκριμένο άρθρο, καθώς και σε πολλά άλλα άρθρα, εγκυκλοπαιδικά λήμματα, επιστημονικ΄ά άρθρα, και βιβλία δημοσιευμένα στην δεκαετία του 1980 και στις αρχές του 1990. Αυτό οφείλεται στο γεγονός ότι ο όρος αυτός είναι περισσότερο γνωστός και αγαπητός στο ελληνόφωνο αναγνωστικό κοινό, ενώ ο όρος ‘Ιράν’ ακούγεται μάλλον ξενικός. Τότε έγραφα για να πληροφορήσω και να κατατοπίσω σχετικά με θέματα ιστορικού, πνευματικού, θρησκευτικού και πολιτιστικού ενδιαφέροντος σχετιζόμενα με το Ιράν, καθώς και για υποθέσεις επιμελώς αποκρυμμένες σε όλο τον δυτικό κόσμο, όπως επίσης και για δημιουργήσω συμπάθεια προς το Ιράν εναντίον του οποίου στρέφονταν η Δυτική Ευρώπη, το σοβιετικό μπλοκ, οι ΗΠΑ, άλλες δυτικές χώρες, και τα τρισάθλια σκουπίδια των εθελόδουλων κυβερνητών του ανύπαρκτου και ανυπόστατου “αραβικού” κόσμου. Βεβαίως και τότε γνώριζα πολύ καλά ότι ο εξεπίτηδες προτιμώμενος από την μεροληπτική, αποικιοκρατική, δυτική βιβλιογραφία όρος ‘Περσία’ είναι ολότελα λαθεμένος, επειδή το Φαρς (Περσία) αποτελεί μόνον ένα μικρό τμήμα του ιστορικού Ιράν.
Several of my readers may be astounded because I use the term ‘Persia’ instead of ‘Iran’ in this article, as well as in many other articles, entries to encyclopedias, scholarly articles and books published in the 1980s and the early 1990s. This is due to the fact that this term is better known and preferred by the Greek-speaking readership, while the term ‘Iran’ sounds rather foreign to them. At the time, I was writing in order to inform and enlighten about historical, spiritual, religious and cultural topics pertaining to Iran, as well as about matters carefully hidden throughout the Western world, and in order to generate sympathy for Iran against which Western Europe, the Soviet bloc, the USA, other Western countries, and the wretched, docile and useless rulers of the non-existent “Arab” world had formed an alliance. Of course, even then, I was fully aware of the fact that the term ‘Persia’, which is intentionally supported by the biased colonial Western scholarship, is wrong; this is so because Fars (Persia) is only a small part of historical Iran.
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Мировая политика как черное и белое: Иран и Израиль, или как люди становятся жертвами намеренно проецируемых на них заблуждений
Содержание
Введение
I. Каждый сектантский подход и каждая сектантская мысль являются порочной ошибкой и нетерпимым поступком
II. Политическая ситуация и международные отношения не определяют природу режимов, правительств и государств
III. Когда дело касается мировых дел, не существует шахматной доски с «черными» и «белыми» клетками
IV. Все СМИ сообщают одну и ту же ложь, меняя только «шахматные наборы»
V. Достоинство иранцев и палестинцев является наиболее спорным вопросом
VI. Вера в обещания, данные врагами, замаскированными под друзей, может оказаться смертельной
VII. Военные и фермеры против королевской семьи и аятолл
VIII. Нет никакой разницы между Ираном и Египтом, когда дело доходит до раболепия по отношению к крупным колониальным схемам
Contents
Introduction
I. Every sectarian approach and every sectarian thought are a vicious mistake and an intolerable act.
II. Political situations and international relations do not define the nature of regimes, governments, and states.
III. When it comes to world affairs, there is no such thing as a chessboard with "black" and "white" squares.
IV. All mass media report the same lies, changing only the «chess sets».
V. The dignity of the Iranians and the Palestinians is a most controversial subject.
VI. Believing promises given by enemies disguised as friends may be lethal.
VII. Military and farmers against the royals and the ayatollahs
VIII. There is no difference between Iran and Egypt when it comes to servility toward major colonial schemes.
За пределами афроцентризма: предпосылки для того, чтобы Сомали возглавила африканскую деколонизацию и девестернизацию
Содержание
Введение
I. Деколонизация и отказ афроцентрической интеллигенции
II. Афроцентристским африканским ученым следовало бы отобрать египтологию у западных востоковедов и африканистов.
III. Западная узурпация африканского наследия должна быть отменена.
IV. Афроцентризм должен был включать в себя резкую критику и полное неприятие так называемой западной цивилизации.
V. Афроцентризм как форма африканского изоляционизма, проводящая линию разделения между колонизированными странами Африки и Азии.
VI. Общая оценка человеческих ресурсов, времени и необходимых затрат
VII. Деколонизация означает, прежде всего, деанглификацию и дефранкизацию.
Contents
Introduction
I. Decolonization and the failure of the Afrocentric Intelligentsia
II. Afrocentric African scholars should have been taken Egyptology back from the Western Orientalists and Africanists
III. Western Usurpation of African Heritage must be canceled.
IV. Afrocentrism had to encompass severe criticism and total rejection of the so-called Western Civilization
V. Afrocentrism as a form of African Isolationism drawing a line of separation between colonized nations in Africa and Asia
VI. General estimation of the human resources, the time, and the cost needed
VII. Decolonization means above all De-Anglicization and De-Francization
What was Ordinary in the Antiquity looks Odd today, due to the Greco-centric Fallacy of the Biased European Colonial 'Academics'
Contents
Introduction
I. Fayoum, Al Bahnasa (Oxyrhynchus), and Ancient Egyptian Papyri
II. Karl Wessely and his groundbreaking research and publications
III. Papyrus fragment 1224 of Karl Wessely's SPP VIII
IV. Βουλγαρικ- (Vulgarik-)
V. Eastern Roman Emperor Maurice's Strategicon and the Bulgarian cloaks
VI. Historical context and the Ancient History of Bulgars
VII. Historical context, the Silk Roads, and Bulgarian exports to Egypt
VIII. Academic context and the Western falsehood of a Euro-centric World History
i- the conceptualization of World History
ii- the contextualization of every single document newly found here and there
iii- the stages of historical falsification that were undertaken over the past 500 years
iv- the forgers themselves and their antiquity
v- and last but not least, several points of
a) governance of modern states
b) international alliances, and
c) the ensuing captivity of all the targeted nations, each one well-adjusted into the preconceived role that the forgers invented for it
Contents
Introduction
I. A fictional concept: the origin of the fraud
II. A construct based on posterior textual sources
III. The deceitful presentation
IV. 5th century BCE texts found in 15th c. CE manuscripts do not make 'History'.
V. Abundant evidence of lies and deliberate distortions attested in the manuscript transmission
VI. Darius I the Great, the Behistun inscription, and Ctesias
VII. The historical Assyrian Queen Shammuramat and the fictional Queen Semiramis of the 'Ancient Greek sources'
VIII. The malignant intentions of the Benedictine liars: from the historical Darius I the Great to the fictional Semiramis
IX. The vicious distortions of the Benedictine liars: from Ctesias to Herodotus
亞里斯多德作為歷史偽造品,西方世界的虛假歷史和腐爛的基礎,金灿荣和他敏銳的評論
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Contents
I. Aristotle: a Major Founding Myth of the Western World
II. When, where and by whom was the Myth of Aristotle fabricated?
III. The Myth of Aristotle and its first Byproducts: Scholasticism, East-West Schism, the Crusades & the Sack of Constantinople (1204)
IV. Aristotelization: First Stage of the Westernization and the Colonization of the World
V. Aristotelization as Foundation of all the Western Forgeries: the so-called Judeo-Christian Heritage and the Fraud of Greco-Roman Civilization
VI. The Modern Western World as Disruption of History
VII. The Myth of Aristotle and the Monstrosity of Western Colonialism
The Western World hates Egypt terribly; that's why all the administrations of the country -pseudo-royal (khedivial), presidential (military) or Islamist (republican)- were always appointed after French, English and/or American decision or active involvement and with Western support only to function as local ignorant servants definitely unable to fathom the deeply self-destructive nature of the acts that their foreign masters force them to implement, and absolutely unsuspicious of the venomous hatred that their beastly superiors harbor against the Holy Land that is the Valley of the Nile down to Khartoum.
Contents
I. Western Hatred against Egypt and Plans against Mankind
II. The End of Egypt may be very close
III. Egypt and the Pulverization of Sudan and Libya
IV. The Renaissance Dam in the light of the Abyssinian 'Prophecy' against Egypt and Sudan
Περιεχόμενα
Α. Πνευματικότητα, Θρησκείες, Θεολογίες και Ιδεολογίες
Β. Αποδοχή μιας άλλης θρησκείας και δράση προσηλύτων
Γ. Εγκλήματα προσηλυτιστών
Δ. Αλλαγή θρησκείας, προσηλυτισμός και πολυπολιτισμικότητα
Ε. Δεν υπάρχει το Ισλάμ ως θρησκεία χωρίς τις ιστορικές ισλαμικές επιστήμες
Επίλογος
Προτάσεις για την Υπέρβαση της Θράκης, του Κοσμά Μεγαλομμάτη: Εξόρμηση, 5 Μαρτίου 1990; Πολιτικά Θέματα, 2-8 Μαρτίου 1990; Οικονομικός Ταχυδρόμος, Ιούλιος 1990
Proposals to transcend the problem in Thrace, by Cosmas Megalommatis: Exormisi (Sortie), 5 March 1990; Politika Themata (Political Matters), 2-8 March 1990; Oikonomikos Tahydromos (Economic Courier), July 1990
Предложения по преодолению проблемы во Фракии, автор Космас Мегаломматис: Exormisi (Вылазка), 5 марта 1990 г.; Политика Фемата (Политические вопросы), 2–8 марта 1990 года; Ойкономикос Тагидромос (Экономический курьер), июль 1990 г.
Σουννίτες και Σιίτες: στη ρίζα της διαφοράς, του Κοσμά Μεγαλομμάτη – Εποπτεία 119, Ιανουάριος 1987, σελ. 29-37
Sunnis and Shiites: at the root of the dispute, by Cosmas Megalommatis: Epopteia (‘Overview’) 119, January 1987, p. 29-37
Сунниты и шииты: в основе спора, (автор:) Кузьма Мегаломматис: Эпоптея («Обзор») 119, январь 1987 г., с. 29-37
Η διεθνής αντιμετώπιση της ισλαμικής Περσίας, του Κοσμά Μεγαλομμάτη: Εποπτεία 119, Ιανουάριος 1987, σελ. 38-48
How the international community treated the Islamic Republic of Iran, by Cosmas Megalommatis: Epopteia (‘Overview’) 119, January 1987, p. 38-48
Как международное сообщество относилось к Исламской Республике Иран, (автор:) Кузьма Мегаломматис: Эпоптея («Обзор») 119, январь 1987 г., стр. 38-48
Η Πολιτική Ζωή στην Ισλαμική Περσία, του Κοσμά Μεγαλομμάτη: Εποπτεία 119, Ιανουάριος 1987, σελ. 19-28
Political Life in Islamic Iran, by Cosmas Megalommatis: Epopteia (‘Overview’) 119, January 1987, p. 19-28
Политическая жизнь в исламском Иране, (автор:) Кузьма Мегаломматис: Эпоптея («Обзор») 119, январь 1987 г., с. 19-28
——————————–
Συνήθεις αναγνώστες μου θα παραξενευθούν επειδή χρησιμοποιώ τον όρο ‘Περσία’ αντί ‘Ιράν’ στο συγκεκριμένο άρθρο, καθώς και σε πολλά άλλα άρθρα, εγκυκλοπαιδικά λήμματα, επιστημονικ΄ά άρθρα, και βιβλία δημοσιευμένα στην δεκαετία του 1980 και στις αρχές του 1990. Αυτό οφείλεται στο γεγονός ότι ο όρος αυτός είναι περισσότερο γνωστός και αγαπητός στο ελληνόφωνο αναγνωστικό κοινό, ενώ ο όρος ‘Ιράν’ ακούγεται μάλλον ξενικός. Τότε έγραφα για να πληροφορήσω και να κατατοπίσω σχετικά με θέματα ιστορικού, πνευματικού, θρησκευτικού και πολιτιστικού ενδιαφέροντος σχετιζόμενα με το Ιράν, καθώς και για υποθέσεις επιμελώς αποκρυμμένες σε όλο τον δυτικό κόσμο, όπως επίσης και για δημιουργήσω συμπάθεια προς το Ιράν εναντίον του οποίου στρέφονταν η Δυτική Ευρώπη, το σοβιετικό μπλοκ, οι ΗΠΑ, άλλες δυτικές χώρες, και τα τρισάθλια σκουπίδια των εθελόδουλων κυβερνητών του ανύπαρκτου και ανυπόστατου “αραβικού” κόσμου. Βεβαίως και τότε γνώριζα πολύ καλά ότι ο εξεπίτηδες προτιμώμενος από την μεροληπτική, αποικιοκρατική, δυτική βιβλιογραφία όρος ‘Περσία’ είναι ολότελα λαθεμένος, επειδή το Φαρς (Περσία) αποτελεί μόνον ένα μικρό τμήμα του ιστορικού Ιράν.
Several of my readers may be astounded because I use the term ‘Persia’ instead of ‘Iran’ in this article, as well as in many other articles, entries to encyclopedias, scholarly articles and books published in the 1980s and the early 1990s. This is due to the fact that this term is better known and preferred by the Greek-speaking readership, while the term ‘Iran’ sounds rather foreign to them. At the time, I was writing in order to inform and enlighten about historical, spiritual, religious and cultural topics pertaining to Iran, as well as about matters carefully hidden throughout the Western world, and in order to generate sympathy for Iran against which Western Europe, the Soviet bloc, the USA, other Western countries, and the wretched, docile and useless rulers of the non-existent “Arab” world had formed an alliance. Of course, even then, I was fully aware of the fact that the term ‘Persia’, which is intentionally supported by the biased colonial Western scholarship, is wrong; this is so because Fars (Persia) is only a small part of historical Iran.
Κοσμάς Μεγαλομμάτης, Ουροβόρος: Παγκόσμια Μυθολογία, Ελληνική Εκπαιδευτική Εγκυκλοπαίδεια, 1989
Кузьма Мегаломматис, Уроборос (свернувшийся в кольцо змей или дракон, кусающий себя за хвост): мировая мифология, Греческая педагогическая энциклопедия, 1989
Kosmas Megalommatis, Ouroboros oder Uroboros (‘Selbstverzehrer’ oder ‘Schwanzverzehrender’ / eine zusammengerollte Schlange oder ein Drache, der sich in den Schwanz beißt): Weltmythologie, Griechische Pädagogische Enzyklopädie, 1989
Kosmas Gözübüyükoğlu, Ouroboros (kendi kuyruğunu ısıran bir yılan): Dünya Mitolojisi, Yunan Pedagoji Ansiklopedisi, 1989
قزمان ميغالوماتيس، اوروبروس (دُنبخوار/مار یا اژدهایی است که دماش را میخورد): اساطیر جهانی، دایره المعارف آموزشی یونانی، 1989
Côme Megalommatis, Ouroboros (un serpent ou un dragon qui se mord la queue): Mythologie mondiale, Encyclopédie pédagogique grecque, 1989
1989 قزمان ميغالوماتيس، الأوربوروس (الثعبان أو التنين وهو يأكل ذيله.) : الأساطير العالمية، الموسوعة التربوية اليونانية،
Cosimo Megalommatis, Urobòro (chiamato anche uroburo o uroboros o ancora ouroboros / un serpente o un drago che si morde la coda, formando un cerchio senza inizio né fine): mitologia mondiale, Enciclopedia pedagogica greca, 1989
Cosimo Megalommatis, Uróboros (uróboro o ouroboro o uroboro / serpiente que se come la cola): mitología mundial, Enciclopedia pedagógica griega, 1989
Cosmas Megalommatis, Ouroboros (or Uroboros / a serpent or dragon eating its own tail): World Mythology, Greek Pedagogical Encyclopedia, 1989
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1. A Special Military Alliance with China is
Egypt's Only Chance for Survival - III
Contents
I. Grave Threats for Egypt's Existence and Serious Danger for China's Expansion
II. Perspectives of the Strategic Alliance between Egypt & China
III. Two Chinese Military Bases in Egypt: One Million Chinese Military on African
Soil
IV. Joint Chinese-Egyptian Military Operations in Sudan and the Perspectives of a
Chinese-Egyptian-Sudanese Alliance
V. Joint Chinese-Egyptian Military Operations in Libya and the Perspectives of a
Chinese-Egyptian-Libyan Alliance
The Egyptian Foreign Minister Sameh Shoukry and the Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi
in al-Tahrir Palace, Cairo; 14 January 2024
I. Grave Threats for Egypt's Existence and Serious Danger for
China's Expansion
The dimensions that the War in Gaza may have for China are even more alarming
than those it has for Egypt; at worldwide level, the ongoing war, which has already
lasted for 3 months, takes an absolutely different appearance. Its first, pre-occupying
at the international level, element was attested with the early dispatch of the US-led
naval force to the Eastern Mediterranean. The reasons mentioned as the eventual
'pretext' were all ridiculous lies; neither Israel needed the support 'offered' nor did
Iran have the intention to straightforwardly attack Israel. Since the beginning of the
2. Israeli military operations in Gaza, it was definitely and accurately known that Iran
and its allies (a nebula of paramilitary forces in Lebanon, Syria, Iraq and Yemen)
would undertake only a low-tension war of attrition against the Zionist state. What
was then the real purpose of the multinational force that reached the Eastern
Mediterranean?
Before answering this question, we have to also observe the progressive extension of
the Gaza War into the wider Red Sea region. For this to happen, the thoughtless,
purposeless, foolish or rather artfully induced Houthi attacks, as well as the ensuing
maritime transportation security problems were hypocritically presented as the
pretext. The dispatch of another US-led naval force, this time in the vast Red Sea,
Gulf of Aden, and Arabian Sea regions, has -in geostrategic terms- the appearance of
'cutting' Asia from Africa. This consists in a direct threat to the combined interests of
China, India and Russia.
What business is it of Washington to possibly care about that part of the world?
In reality, maritime transportation security is more central to Chinese interests than
to American concerns. This fact underscores the concealed reality of the ridiculously
called 'Israel-Hamas War'; acting as a US puppet, the evidently and ferociously anti-
Israeli, anti-Jewish, and anti-Zionist Benjamin Netanyahu first radicalized the Gazan
Palestinians by promoting Hamas among them, second induced them to hit after the
9/11 example, third allowed them to calmly and without opposition carry out the 7
October 2023 attacks, and fourth declared war against the Gazans in order to subtly
bring the US naval forces in.
And why does Netanyahu want the war to last long? Every day, the Netanyahu
government sends coffins with the dead bodies of soldiers to their families. Does he
really care? Does he believe that Israel's embattled army will eliminate Palestinian
resistance? No! These topics are insignificant to the devilish, pro-Anglo-Saxon, much
wanted gangster Netanyahu. The fake state of Israel is a burned card for him; he
duly and fully utilizes that structure only for the benefit of the US world dominance.
This must be the Chinese conclusion of the theatrical act named 'Gaza War 2023'.
Beijing must therefore react and prepare the total demolition of America and the
disappearance of every Anglo-Saxon impact from the world; this can certainly be
done without a nuclear war. The first step will be a strongly and gradually built,
sizeable Chinese military presence on the Black Continent; this will start with a
Special Military Alliance between China and Egypt.
In the first of this series of articles, I expanded on a) the centuries-old Western hatred
of Egypt, b) the existing historical threats against the Valley of the Nile, c) the
gradual process of decomposition that the criminal Western gangsters applied to
Libya and the Sudan over the past 12 years, and d) the direct relationship between
the otherwise worthless Renaissance Dam (also known as GERD), which has been
built in the Occupied Benishangul land (currently province) of Abyssinia (Fake
Ethiopia), and the Abyssinian 'Prophecy' against Egypt and Sudan. This is the link:
https://megalommatiscomments.wordpress.com/2024/01/01/a-special-military-
alliance-with-china-is-egypts-only-chance-for-survival/
3. In the second of this series of articles, I completed the presentation of the Egyptian
approach to the need of the Egyptian-Chinese Military Alliance and expanded on the
Chinese perspective towards the topic; more specifically, I first presented the war in
Gaza and the destabilization of the Red Sea Region as a very serious issue for Egypt;
then, I overviewed the historical background of the rise of China as a world super-
power; at last, I duly highlighted the irrevocable prerequisites of China's worldwide
predominance. As a matter of fact, I intentionally presented China's most demanded
military presence in Africa as the sixth (: last) prerequisite; this means that there are
several other spheres of activities in which China must deploy an unprecedented,
systematic and long-term effort first. This is the link:
https://megalommatiscomments.wordpress.com/2024/01/04/a-special-military-
alliance-with-china-is-egypts-only-chance-for-survival-ii/
President El-Sisi & Chinese Foreign Minister Qin Gang, Cairo; 15 January 2023
Xi Jinping in Cairo, 2016
Abdelfattah el-Sisi in Beijing, 2014
4. II. Perspectives of the Strategic Alliance between Egypt & China
A special military alliance between Beijing and Cairo will be advantageous and
fruitful for both countries only if it is considered as integral part of a strategic alliance
between the two countries. The brotherhood of the two nations must be viewed from
both sides as unique in their diachronic existence.
For Egypt, it must herald the irrevocable termination of all the problems that the
modern state of Masr (under khedivial, royal and republican rule) has faced since
1798 and the definite cancellation of all the lasting dangers to which Cairo has been
exposed. The strategic alliance with China must be the practical remake of Ancient
Egypt and the comeback of its unparalleled radiation across Africa. Thanks to this
groundbreaking change, Egypt will become the most influential African power in
terms of Pan-African identity, Hamitic-Cushitic cultural integrity, Afrocentric
educational revival, academic-scientific de-Westernization, resourceful reassessment
of natural resources utilization, infrastructure and urban development, urban
relocation and reconstruction, agricultural re-organization, technological and
military readjustment and social overhaul.
For China, it must be the beginning of the next stage of China's expansion and rise to
world superpower status; it will function as Beijing's Gate to Africa, because the
success story of the Chinese-Egyptian strategic alliance will later serve as model for
further/similar bilateral agreements and alliances, notably with Algeria, Nigeria,
Mali, Ethiopia, Somalia, Tanzania, Congo, etc. A group of ca. 1000 Chinese specialists
on Egypt will have to envision how to efficiently, comprehensively and promptly
transform Egypt after the Chinese model. In fact, they should have to function as a
second government of Egypt – not in terms of decision-making but in respect of out-
of-the-box thinking, envisioning stages of Egypt's transformation and transmutation,
suggesting them to the national government in Cairo, and after the local approval,
coordinating with the respective authorities in Beijing as to how to kick off the
projects.
A great number of projects in every field should therefore be identified, planned,
discussed with the respective Egyptian administrative, military, academic or
entrepreneurial teams, and then implemented. In the way the country functions and
operates, Egypt will thus gradually be transformed into a small African China.
For all the other African countries, the successful launching of the Chinese-Egyptian
strategic alliance will herald
i) the definitive removal of the obsolete, colonial practices, structures and concepts;
ii) the eradication of the ensuing corruption;
iii) the elimination of potential threats of war, persecution, oppression or genocide;
iv) the termination of the Western techniques of dependence and subordination of
former colonies;
v) the final withdrawal of American, English, French and other Western military
bases, troops, advisers, and diplomatic personnel; and
vi) the irrevocable cancellation of
a) the colonially imposed Western pedagogical-educational-academic system;
b) all the bilateral agreements between African countries and the major colonial
states in the sectors of Education, Academic Research, Scientific Cooperation, and
Cultural Exchanges;
5. c) the racist Western narrative, the Eurocentric bogus-historical dogma, the fallacy of
the Judeo-Christian civilization, and the falsehood of Greco-Roman civilization;
d) the replacement of the Western archaeological schools and institutes with Chinese,
Russian, Indian, Japanese, Iranian and Turkish specialists;
e) the end of French and English as foreign languages across Africa; and
f) the prohibition of Western missionaries to move and proselytize on African soil.
III. Two Chinese Military Bases in Egypt: One Million Chinese
Military on African Soil
For major changes to be initiated in Egypt, Cairo should offer (in terms of a 99-year
lease) two sizeable military footholds to China, one in the country's NW confines,
nearby the Mediterranean coast between Mersa Matruh and El Salloum, and another
in Egypt's SE extremities, in the Red Sea Governorate, between Ras Banas and Bi'r
Shalatayn (or Shalateen), outside the Halaib Triangle. Each military base should
cover an area of approximately 5000 km2.
Mersa Matruh and El Salloum
6. The military installations should comprise several independent sectors and involve
parallel activities; more specifically,
- a first sector shall be established as proper military base with an airfield and a
military port, including various Chinese airborne and special operations units,
division headquarters, command center, training ground, proving ground, and a
great number of properly selected brigades and regiments. The scope of this sector
shall be the training of the Chinese Army of Africa, the accommodation of personnel,
the storage of equipment, and the facilitation of operations throughout the Black
Continent.
- a second sector shall shelter specially established Chinese and Egyptian units and
be utilized for the training of the Egyptian army in the Chinese method of war, army
organization, martial arts, language, and warrior spirit. All the different units of the
Egyptian Army, involving armored corps, the artillery corps, the airborne corps, the
infantry/mechanized forces, the special forces, etc. will be rotating in the sector. The
end target shall be the complete sinicization of the Egyptian armed forces. Amongst
others, here will be planned (and subsequently implemented) the total and complete
replacement of the equipment of the Egyptian Army with the respective Chinese
material at all levels. The program will be rolled out across all the agencies and the
departments of the Egyptian Ministry of Defense. All the Chinese military officers,
army employees, specialists, soldiers and auxiliaries, who will be dispatched there,
will have as task to fully transform the Egyptian Army after the Chinese model.
s
- a third sector shall accommodates the headquarters of the local annexes of the
People's Liberation Army (PLA) National Defense University, the National
7. University of Defense Technology (中国人民解放军国防科学技术大学), the PLA
Information Engineering University, and the Army Command College of the Chinese
People's Liberation Army. Coordinating with the Egyptian Military Academy and
Egypt's Chief of Staff, and acting under the auspices of the Supreme Commander of
the Armed Forces (namely the President of Egypt) and the Commander-in-Chief of
the Armed Forces (i.e. the Minister of Defense), all the local annexes of the above
mentioned Chinese institutions shall produce the military officers of Egypt's entirely
new army, which will gradually supersede and replace the present one.
- last, a fourth sector shall function as a military industrial zone; a great number of
Chinese defense manufacturing and defense technology companies will therefore be
authorized to found subsidiaries and establish local manufacturing plants. Chinese
and Egyptian personnel will staff the joint ventures which will cover local and
regional needs, thus not only covering all the needs of Egypt in terms of military
equipment but also contributing to Egypt's exports.
The scope of the special military alliance between China and Egypt will be
groundbreaking enough to totally transform the Egyptian state's structures of
colonial dependence that has lasted more than 200 years. The two military bases will
be able to accommodate about one million Chinese personnel and a corresponding
number of Egyptians. The very early stages of the alliance will also comprise of
several military operations outside the borders of Egypt for the benefit of both
countries and the promotion of the common geopolitical goals. The need for them
may be urgent for both, Egypt and China.
Halaib Triangle landscapes
9. Sudan's Red Sea coast
IV. Joint Chinese-Egyptian Military Operations in Sudan and
the Perspectives of a Chinese-Egyptian-Sudanese Alliance
To prepare for a major socio-economic and political overhaul, which is most needed,
Egypt has to secure its backyard; this definitely means that the chaotic conditions,
which currently prevail in Sudan and Libya, must be terminated once for all. While
the fall of Gadhafi in 2011 did not have significant repercussions on Egypt, the
present situation in Sudan is very alarming.
Cairo managed to establish a form of cooperation with the Libyan strongman and
commander of the Tobruk-based Libyan National Army (LNA) Khalifa Haftar (born
in 1943), but the existence of Darfur's butcher Mohamed Hamdan Dagalo (also
known as Hemedti; born in 1974), his disastrous, treacherous and criminal acts in
Sudan, his divisive stance, his contribution to the ongoing civil war, and -even
worse- his connections with states that are openly inimical to Egypt, notably the
colonial tyranny of Abyssinia (Fake Ethiopia), consist in a lethal threat for the
Egyptian people and government. Background:
https://www.dabangasudan.org/en/all-news/article/eastern-sudan-civil-forces-
calls-on-warring-parties-to-keep-the-region-safe
https://www.dabangasudan.org/en/all-news/article/former-sudan-fm-african-
countries-hosting-hemedti-to-spite-el-burhan
https://www.dabangasudan.org/en/all-news/article/sudan-war-rsf-launches-
attack-on-delling
11. The Civil War in Sudan as of January 2024; in pink color the areas under control by the
Sudanese government and Chairman Abdel Fattah al-Burhan
Egypt must support energetically and drastically Abdel Fattah al-Burhan (born in
1960), Chairman of the Transitional Sovereignty Council and de facto ruler of Sudan,
who faces a rebellion actively fueled from abroad and systematically supported by
the Neo-Nazi cholera of England, the notorious MI6 outfit named Qatar, and their
pseudo-Muslim agents and bribed lackeys. Without a strong ally, Cairo cannot send
300000 soldiers in Sudan in order to effectively remove the Dagalo plague, terminate
the killings that he causes across the unfortunate and targeted country, and avert the
threat that he represents.
What is even worse is the condition of the transportation infrastructure in the regions
around the Egyptian-Sudanese border, and in general throughout Sudan. There is no
highway road running either in the Valley of the Nile (from Aswan and Abu Simbel
to Wadi Halfa, Dongola, and thence to Khartoum) or alongside the Red Sea coastline
(from Mersa Alam, Ras Banas, Shalatayn, Halaib, Dungunab, Port Sudan).
Similarly, there is no railway connection between Egypt and Sudan. This was
deceitfully prescribed to their colonial subjects by the English colonials when they
ruled those lands; although there was a railway connection between Cairo and
Aswan (860 km; it reached Aswan only in 1898) and despite the fact that Wadi Halfa
was connected with Abu Hamad, Atbara and Khartoum (350+244+313: 907 km; it
was all built in the period 1897-1900, with a 475 km extension from Atbara to Port
12. Sudan which was constructed between 1904 and 1906), there was never a railway
between Aswan and Wadi Halfa, i.e. a distance of ca. 320 km. In other words, in 15
years (1890-1906), the English built in Egypt and Sudan railways that were ca. 2000
km long, but they 'could' not construct a small section of just 300 km! This simple
observation reveals the malignant intentions of the colonial rulers quite well.
Egyptian national railways
Sudan railways
The Chinese-Egyptian military intervention in Sudan should not end with the
consolidation of Abdel Fattah al-Burhan as the new president of the country and
13. with the elimination of the Dagalo forces. After the Janjaweed bloodthirsty gangsters
are extradited to the International Criminal Court for crimes against the Mankind in
Darfur and generally across the country, the leadership of Sudan, Egypt and China
must launch multilayered negotiations, involving governmental, entrepreneurial,
military, and academic-educational authorities, in order to both, reconstruct Sudan
from scratch and fully interconnect the vast country with Egypt and China.
Two highways and two railways have to link the two countries through both, the
Valley of the Nile and the Red Sea coastland. In addition, two Chinese high speed
railways have to be launched in order to link the first, Khartoum to Dongola, Abu
Simbel, Nag Hammadi, Cairo, Alexandria, Mersa Matruh and El Salloum (in the
Mediterranean coast nearby the Libyan borders), and the second, Khartoum to
Atbara, Port Sudan, Shalatayn, Mersa Alam, Hurgada, Suez and Cairo.
China and Sudan shall sign agreements similar to those co-signed by Beijing and
Cairo (as per above Part III), and Khartoum shall offer (in terms of a 99-year lease)
two sizeable military footholds to China, the first in the Red Sea coastland south of
Suakin and north of Tokar, and the second in the North Darfur province (the official
term is 'state') of Sudan, north of El Fashir, the provincial capital.
Tokar: southernmost confines of Sudan's Red Sea coast lands
14. Al-Fashir, capital of Darfur North
V. Joint Chinese-Egyptian Military Operations in Libya and the
Perspectives of a Chinese-Egyptian-Libyan Alliance
Having averted the prevalence of chaos in Sudan and having established a tripartite
partnership in the South, Egypt will definitely have to put an end to the disastrous
conditions of division, conflict and tribalism that have prevailed in Libya over the
past 13 years.
Following an early agreement with Khalifa Haftar, who was appointed (2015)
commander of the armed forces loyal to the Libyan House of Representatives, units
of the Egyptian and the (based-in Egypt) Chinese armies shall enter Libya and fight
alongside with units of the LNA to eradicate the unrepresentative, shadowy, Tripoli-
based governmental structure, which has become the tool of the destructive colonial
English policies in North Africa. Entering in an agreement with Brigadier General
Saddam Haftar and his father, the Chinese and the Egyptians will be able to soon
help consolidate Libya and bring the country closer to the Egyptian-Sudanese
tandem.
16. Libya 2024
Eliminating Islamist and Wahhabi thugs from the Libyan South (notably the Kufra
and Murzuq districts) and striking a deal with Tuareg militias of Ghat in Libya's
southwestern extremities, the new national government will have to manage to
reestablish peace, civil order, and proper national statehood at last. With the help of
China and Egypt, Libya will finally be able to move out of the colonial conditions in
which the country was engulfed for too long. Background:
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Kufra_District
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Murzuq_District
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ghat_District
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Tuareg_militias_of_Ghat
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Districts_of_Libya
Setting the sound foundations of a long-term, non-colonial, multilateral partnership,
China, Egypt and Libya shall address issues that date back to the times of colonial
divisions and exploitation. Two highways and two railways have to link the Valley
of the Nile with Libya, the first alongside the Mediterranean Sea coastline and the
second through the desert; from Alexandria, Mersa Matruh, and El Salloum to
Tobruk, Benghazi, Sirte, Misrata, Tripoli and Zuwara (near the Tunisian border), the
construction of a highway and a railway will surely help exponentially increase the
17. interconnection, interdependence and interoperability of the two countries, thus
opening a new era of local, regional and worldwide cooperation. Similarly, the
construction of a highway and a railway connecting Luxor, Nag Hammadi, Kharga
Oasis, and Dakhla Oasis to Kufra, Murzuq, Sabha, Hun and Sirte will effectively
contribute to the same goal, bringing together Egypt's South and Libya's South, while
also lessening the distance between Libya's southern extremities and the major cities
on the coastline.
Furthermore, China and Libya shall sign agreements similar to those co-signed by
Beijing and Khartoum (as per above); according to the terms, Tripoli, as the capital of
a reunified Libya, shall offer (in terms of a 99-year lease) two sizeable military
footholds to China, the first in the Mediterranean coastland west of Tripoli and the
second in the country's southwestern extremities, namely in Ghat District (Fezzan
region).