Feminism gender &amp; crime

Until recently, it was possible to condemn criminologists both for their near silence on women and criminal law, and for their sexism when they did speak. The most recent wave of feminism has witnessed two seemingly contradictory developments in theories of women and crime. First, femi-nism has kindled interest in women's studies in various academic disci-plines. Criminology has been no exception: the sexist treatment of women victims and offenders by police and other criminal justice officials, the sex-ism of traditional theories of crime, and the concept of victimless crimes have all been under attack.' But, there have also been arguments that women's crime has increased as a result of the women's liberation movement. This belief has been called "the most powerful and widely held ... concerning the topic of female criminality," and its impact has been felt by women offenders being pun-ished for their supposed acts of liberation.' Feminist criminologists now must do more than denounce mainstream criminology for its failure to ac-knowledge the significance of female crime. It is not enough simply to resurrect the neglected female offender. We must transcend the traditional boundaries of criminology and examine the role of the state and the law in reinforcing the position of women in contemporary society.

Feminist perspectives of crime and deviance, to be used in conjunction with text book

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CHAPTER 10 Mental Health Needs of Female Offenders Ann Booker Loper and Lacey Levitt Introduction There are more women in prison today than at any other point in U.S. history. The number of female offenders has climbed steadily since the early 1990s, with an increase of approximately 25% between the years 2000 and 2008 (Greenfeld & Snell, 1999; West & Sabol, 2009). Although still a minority compared to male offenders, the increasing presence of women in correctional settings raises the question, What is bringing women to prison? One early answer to this question was the simple one—with women becoming more liberated and therefore more “man-like,” they were increasingly emulating masculine behavior (Adler, 1975). However, this easy answer was quickly disputed by overwhelming evidence that the new brigade of women entering prison was anything but liberated. As a group, women in prison are poor, financially stressed, and tend to adhere to traditional role models of femininity (Bunch, Foley, & Urbina, 1983; Widom, 1979). Moreover, female patterns of offending do not resemble the patterns for men. Men account for more than 80% of the arrests for violent offenses, and proportionately fewer of the arrests of women are for violent crimes (Federal Bureau of Investigation, 2009). In the cases of violent offending committed by women, the gender patterns likewise differ: When a woman commits a violent offense, she is relatively more likely than a male to aggress against a family member or intimate, usually in the context of an emotional relational conflict (Loper & Cornell, 1996). Closer examination of the lives of women in prison reveals one obvious pathway—women in prison suffer from high levels of mental illness, substance abuse, and emotional distress, both before and during their time in prison, that can perpetuate criminal patterns. The heightened mental distress among a large portion of female offenders interacts with the broader societal changes in prison policies that have served to increase the entire prison population, such as abolition of parole, criminalization of drug possession, and stricter sentencing legislation. The net result is not only more women in prison today, but a population of women who face numerous emotional difficulties. Mentally Ill Women in Prison: Why So Many? Prevalence of Mental Illness in Female Offenders Numerous women in prison experience mental illness (James & Glaze, 2006). Magaletta, Diamond, Faust, Daggett, and Camp (2009) documented several indicators of mental illness among approximately 2,900 newly committed federal offenders. For each indicator, women exceeded the rates among men. Relative to men, proportionately more female offenders suffered from a serious mental illness (9.6% versus 17.4%), had previously received inpatient psychiatric care (8.8% versus 15%), and had previously used psychotropic medications (11.4% versus 24.3%). This pattern of higher levels of mental illness among female offenders likewi ...

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