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University of Massachusetts Boston ScholarWorks at UMass Boston Sociology Faculty Publication Series Sociology 12-2013 Jim Crow 2.0?: W hy States Consider and Adopt Restrictive Voter Access Policies Keith Gunnar Bentele University of Massachusetts Boston, [email protected] Erin E. O'Brien University of Massachusetts Boston, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: http://scholarworks.umb.edu/sociology_faculty_pubs Part of the American Politics Commons, Politics and Social Change Commons, and the Race and Ethnicity Commons This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Sociology at ScholarWorks at UMass Boston. It has been accepted for inclusion in Sociology Faculty Publication Series by an authorized administrator of ScholarWorks at UMass Boston. For more information, please contact [email protected] Recommended Citation Bentele, Keith Gunnar and O'Brien, Erin E., "Jim Crow 2.0?: Why States Consider and Adopt Restrictive Voter Access Policies" (2013). Sociology Faculty Publication Series. Paper 11. http://scholarworks.umb.edu/sociology_faculty_pubs/11 http://scholarworks.umb.edu?utm_source=scholarworks.umb.edu%2Fsociology_faculty_pubs%2F11&utm_medium=PDF&utm_campaign=PDFCoverPages http://scholarworks.umb.edu/sociology_faculty_pubs?utm_source=scholarworks.umb.edu%2Fsociology_faculty_pubs%2F11&utm_medium=PDF&utm_campaign=PDFCoverPages http://scholarworks.umb.edu/sociology?utm_source=scholarworks.umb.edu%2Fsociology_faculty_pubs%2F11&utm_medium=PDF&utm_campaign=PDFCoverPages http://scholarworks.umb.edu/sociology_faculty_pubs?utm_source=scholarworks.umb.edu%2Fsociology_faculty_pubs%2F11&utm_medium=PDF&utm_campaign=PDFCoverPages http://network.bepress.com/hgg/discipline/387?utm_source=scholarworks.umb.edu%2Fsociology_faculty_pubs%2F11&utm_medium=PDF&utm_campaign=PDFCoverPages http://network.bepress.com/hgg/discipline/425?utm_source=scholarworks.umb.edu%2Fsociology_faculty_pubs%2F11&utm_medium=PDF&utm_campaign=PDFCoverPages http://network.bepress.com/hgg/discipline/426?utm_source=scholarworks.umb.edu%2Fsociology_faculty_pubs%2F11&utm_medium=PDF&utm_campaign=PDFCoverPages http://network.bepress.com/hgg/discipline/426?utm_source=scholarworks.umb.edu%2Fsociology_faculty_pubs%2F11&utm_medium=PDF&utm_campaign=PDFCoverPages http://scholarworks.umb.edu/sociology_faculty_pubs/11?utm_source=scholarworks.umb.edu%2Fsociology_faculty_pubs%2F11&utm_medium=PDF&utm_campaign=PDFCoverPages mailto:[email protected] Jim Crow 2.0?: Why States Consider and Adopt Restrictive Voter Access Polices Forthcoming at Perspectives on Politics. Please do not cite or distribute without permission of corresponding author. Keith Bentele, PhD* Assistant Professor of Sociology University of Massachusetts Boston e-mail: [email protected] phone: 617.287.4056 Erin O’Brien, PhD Associate Professor of Political Science University of Massachusetts Boston e-mail: [email protected] phone: 216.262.6772 *Corres ...
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Annotated Bibliography Student’s Name: Juliana Harris Institutional Affiliations: American Public University Fader, J. J., Lockwood, B., Schall, V. L., & Stokes, B. (2015). A promising approach to narrowing the school-to-prison pipeline: The WISE arrest diversion program. Youth Violence and Juvenile Justice, 13(2), 123-142. Comment by Dr. Mark Bond: References need to be formatted in alphabetical order Comment by Dr. Mark Bond: Double space between all lines and paragraphs. Remove the extra spacing. Apply this throughout the paper. Comment by Dr. Mark Bond: Missing information:A Promising Approach to Narrowing the School-to-Prison PipelineJournal Article published Apr 2015 in Youth Violence and Juvenile Justice volume 13 issue 2 on pages 123 to 142Authors: Jamie J. Fader, Brian Lockwood, Victoria L. Schall, Benjamin Stokes https://doi.org/10.1177/1541204014521249 This article is based on the WISE Arrest Diversion Program which is used as a pipeline to limit school to prison pipeline. This article has mentioned a list of programs which were evaluated in Uthica in New York. Based on the information obtained from this article, this program has so far proved to be successful since it has reduced the number of schools going teenagers from being imprisoned. As such, the research conducted in this article has shown the possibility of an alternative to what is popularly known as the school to prison pipeline. Comment by Dr. Mark Bond: What type of research methods were used in the study? Make sure that you fully analyze the entire article. Castillo, J. (2014). Tolerance in schools for Latino students: Dismantling the school-to-prison pipeline. Harvard Journal of Hispanic Policy, 26, 43-58. According to Castro, the American Bar Association enforces the zero tolerance policies. These policies do not differentiate between offenses that are trivial from those offenses considered as significant. Furthermore, these policies hardly differentiate between those who have intentionally committed offenses from school going children who suffer from behavioral disorders. The author is of the opinion that, zero-tolerance policies are linked to other policies enforced in learning institutions, by metal detectors, body searches, or security cameras. Rather than having zero-tolerance policies, school districts ought to implement other options that are less stringent. As such, this article highlights existing differences between zero-tolerance policies and how they relate to over policing in learning institutions, and considers restorative justice as the best alternative. Cole, H. A., & Heilig, J. V. (2011). Developing a school-based youth court: A potential alternative to the school to prison pipeline. JL & Educ., 40, 305. Comment by Dr. Mark Bond: Spell out the journal name The authors of this article, Cole and Vasquez described how juvenile courts has implemented a policy resolution with the aim of reducing the phenomenon of “push-out”. These authors.
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The informed Citizen – Applying biology to everyday life Purpose:This activity will allow non Biology majors to examine some of the reasons they should be concerned about their knowledge of biology. The goal is for students is to be able to apply the knowledge gained in this course to their everyday lives. In addition, it is important for students to be able to write well and defend their viewpoint on current events or controversial issues in biology and society today. Directions: Answer the following with a short paragraph for each question. Make sure you defend or explain your answers. Also, include all web sites you examined. Attach your answers in the document provided. Either bold your answers or use another color of ink for ease in grading. Attach your word document to the blog site. To access the blog site, Click on “Tools” then “blog”, then upload your document there. Due date: This assignment is worth 15 points Part A: The Value of Nature and Controversial Issues in Biology (5 points) Images: http://ngm.nationalgeographic.com/2016/01/call-to-wild/img/wild01-2048.jpghttp://www.abc.net.au/radionational/image/5700898-3x2-700x467.jpg 1. (2 points) What are some of the ways that nature inspires you or has a positive impact on your life? (how do you enjoy nature?) What value does it have? What are some of the impacts humankind is having on nature and our environment? Images: http://prn.fm/wp-content/uploads/2015/05/baby-vaccinated.jpg http://www.bioethics.com/wp-content/uploads/2014/03/transhumanism.jpg 2. (3 points) What are some specific examples of issues or questions you might encounter in your life for which knowledge of biology might be helpful? Describe at least two controversial issues that you have questions about or have great concerns. How do you best feel we can resolve these issues? Do scientists have all the answers of should the public be able to provide input? Part B: CASE STUDY: The Infidelity Gene (5 points) Images: http://assets.rebelcircus.com/blog/wp-content/uploads/2016/06/infidelity-gene-compressed.jpghttp://cdn.inquisitr.com/wp-content/uploads/2015/05/ct-sc-fam-1015-infidelity.jpg John and Mary Smith met in college and married soon after graduation. They were lucky enough to find good jobs in the same area, bought a condo and settled into a comfortable life. Eventually, John and Mary decided to start a family. They heard about DNA testing: a new family planning procedure using DNA samples to screen for possible genetic differences that could affect their child's health and development. This sounded like a wise precaution, and they ordered the tests. When the results came back, John and Mary were relieved to learn that they each had a clean bill of health as far as their future children were concerned. There was one personal glitch, however: the test revealed that John had the "infidelity gene"…. Mary had never heard of an infidelity gene. In fact, Mary wasn't entirel ...
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THE EFFECT OF RESERVATIONS ON CASTE PERSISTENCE IN INDIA A thesis submitted to the Faculty of the Georgetown Public Policy Institute of Georgetown University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Public Policy By Michael D. Barker Washington, DC April 15, 2010
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Copyright !c2010 Michael D. Barker All Rights Reserved ii
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THE EFFECT OF RESERVATIONS ON CASTE PERSISTENCE IN INDIA Michael D. Barker Thesis Advisor: Sencer Ecer, Ph.D. ABSTRACT Reservation policy is an extremely contentious topic in Indian politics. Proponents claim that a policy of positive discrimination is the only way to rectify the past injustices against India’s poor. Opponents claim that reservation policy creates perverse
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incentives that strengthen traditional caste boundaries and encourage backwardness. Despite vocal advocates on both sides of the issue, there is little empirical data on the actual effects of reservation policy. This thesis provides theoretical and quantitative evidence on the unintended consequences of reservation policy. I develop and estimate a model of marriage choice in the presence of reservations to determine the effects of reservations
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on the persistence of caste identity. I conclude that different effects of reservations encourage both exogamy and endogamy along different dimensions, but the net impact of reservation policy favors exogamy. iii
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ACKNOWLEDGMENTS For my mom. iv
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Contents Table of Contents v 1 Introduction 1 2 Background 3 2.1 HistoryofReservations.......................... 3 2.2 CharacterizationofCaste ........................ 5 2.3 ThePersistenceofCaste......................... 9 2.3.1 ExogenousEnforcement:PunishmentforDeviation ...... 9 2.3.2 EndogenousEnforcement:IncentivestoMembership ..... 10 2.4 PolicyImplications ............................ 11 3 Analysis 16 3.1 Data.................................... 16
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3.2 Model ................................... 17 3.2.1 ModelOverview.......................... 17 3.2.2 VariableDescriptions....................... 17 3.2.3 NetworkIdentification ...................... 23 3.3 Results................................... 25 3.3.1 FullSample ............................ 25 3.3.2 RestrictedSample:OBCandHighCaste............ 26 4 Conclusion 30 A Tables 32 Bibliography 37 v
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Chapter 1 Introduction Contrary to the expectations of some social theorists, India’s caste system has shown remarkable persistence in the face of industrialization.1 This is a stark contrast to the American experiences, where European immigrants relaxed the boundaries of their traditional social networks relatively quickly. Many explanations have been proposed for this persistence, including ongoing discrimination by upper castes2,
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benefits derived from social insurance groups, and caste based patronage from government programs. [19] This thesis will examine the relationship between caste persistence and the primary government program responsible for allocating benefits to disadvantaged groups, the reservation system. The reservation system allots a certain percentage of government jobs and seats in higher education institutions to historically disadvantaged castes, tribal groups, and other classes identified
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by state and central governments. [20] Reservations are similar in function to affirmative action in the United States or positive discrimination in the United Kingdom. The central question of this thesis is whether an individual is more likely to marry within his or her own 1As expressed by Karl Marx, ’Modern industry, resulting from the railway system, will dissolve the
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hereditary divisions of labor, upon which rest the Indian caste system.’ [25] 2I will use caste to refer to sub-caste networks, or jati. 1
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caste, strengthening the caste group, if that group is eligible for benefits through the reservation system.
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Chapter 2 Background 2.1 History of Reservations Reservations for the most depressed groups have existed in some form since the days of British rule. These groups are collectively referred to as Dalits, or untouchables, and Adivassi, or tribal groups, though they are actually composed of hundreds of distinct groups. After India achieved independence, the composition of these two groups
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was finalized into lists of Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes, and their protection was enshrined in the Constitution. [17] The Constitution specifically prohibits discrimination on the basis of caste, and reserves 22.5% of seats in institutions of higher education and government employment. [17, 18] The next major expansion of the reservation system was initiated on the recommendation of the Mandal commission of
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1979, which was organized to address the problem of other socially and educationally backwards classes. [6] These groups, while not burdened with the stigma of untouchability, still suffered from a persistent lack of opportunity. The Mandal commission recommended the creation of a third category 3
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2.1 History of Reservations 4 of groups eligible for reservations, Other Backwards Classes (OBC).1 The commission recommended an additional 1,257 groups that should be eligible for reservations, and estimated the population of these groups at 52% of the total population of India. The commission also recommended that the total number of seats subject to reservation be increased from 22.5% to 49.5%. These recommendations
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were quite controversial, but were all eventually implemented between 1990 and 2006. [28] The commission’s recommendations reflect a common understanding of the caste system, as a natural and permanent feature of Indian society. In this view, caste is analogous to race, an immutable, biological fact. Caste classification in itself is morally neutral, and it is only the extreme inequality between castes that
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necessitates intervention. A British contemporary of Mandal commented on the empowering nature of caste solidarity, remarking that strong caste groups have the effect of ’raising the status and prestige of the Caste as a whole and freeing its members from exploitation and victimization by other caste.’ [3] The Mandal commission does not recognize persistent inequality as a natural result of caste stratification, but rather
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as a result of structural inconsistencies imposed by years of British rule. ’The British rulers produced many structural disturbances in the Hindu caste structure, and these were contradictory in nature and impact.... Thus, the various impacts of the British rule on the Hindu caste system...set the stage for the caste conflicts in modern India.’ [23] The reservation system proposed by the Mandal
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commission was not intended to decrease the influence caste, but rather to restore the natural order of the caste system by counteracting the structural inequalities imposed by British rule. Far from denouncing the caste system, the report actually justifies the reservation system by 1I will use eligible castes to refer to all backwards classes, though not all backwards classes are strictly defined
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along caste lines
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2.2 Characterization of Caste 5 citing its consistency with the historic functioning of the caste system, where certain jobs were reserved for certain castes. The report appeals to a popular legend, in which two characters were punished for abandoning their traditional occupations. ’In fact the Hindu society has always operated a very rigorous scheme of reservations, which was internalized through caste system. Eklabya
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lost his thumb and Shambuk his neck for their breach of caste rules of reservation.’ [23] The idea that strong caste identification is not mutually exclusive with egalitarian principals was not unique to the Mandal commission. John Harris writes of the people of Tamil Nadu, that ’social relationships are still structured hierarchically, but in the minds of individuals, it appears that a
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form of society can be envisaged in which hierarchy would disappear, and yet caste identities would still persist.’ [15] The Mandal commission’s proposal for a system of positive discrimination, then was consistent with their underlying beliefs on the nature of the caste system. These beliefs, however, are not universal. Indeed, as shall be explored in the next section, much of the conflict surrounding reservation
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policy can be traced to different beliefs about the nature of the caste system, rather than simple disagreements on policy prescriptions. 2.2 Characterization of Caste Many economic phenomena spring from path-dependent economic processes, which implies that it is necessary to make a careful study of the historical past of an economic phenomenon to help explain its present. In other words, we must
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be good economic historians to be good economic theorists. [7] Any attempt to identify the complex interactions between reservations and caste
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2.2 Characterization of Caste 6 identity must begin with a strong conceptual understanding of caste. In the following section, I will present the major theories concerning the nature of the caste system and its source of its lasting influence in India. Horizontal Characterization In the years since the Mandal commission report, caste has been increasingly understood as a form
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of traditional social identity, separate and distinct from race. This view rejects the existence of any fundamental organizing principle, such as race, class, or hereditary occupation. Instead caste groups are defined by arbitrary symbols and rituals that exist primarily to define the identity of each caste relative to outside castes. Dipankar Gupta defines the caste system as ’a form of differentiation wherein the constituent
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units of the system justify endogamy on the basis of putative biological differences which are semaphored by the ritualization of multiple social practices.’ [13] The caste equilibrium is thus sustained by the loyalty of individuals to their own caste above all others, rather than through a fixed hierarchical power structure. This view of caste can be characterized as horizontal, as compliance is enforced through
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mutual threats by peers. An article from the Hindustan Times in 1961 illustrates this horizontal enforcement: Everyone of the hundreds of sections into which this nation is divided suf fers from discrimination and every group practices discrimination against all others. [3] Vertical Characterization The vertical approach supposes a strict hierarchy with top-down enforcement, such
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as that found in a racially segregated society. Vertical theories of caste include the race-based theory of Chakraberty [4] or the purity-based theory of Louis Dumont
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2.2 Characterization of Caste 7 [9]. Biological and anthropological evidence provide more support for the horizontal formulation of caste over the vertical formulation. The theory of a racial basis for caste has been thoroughly refuted by modern biological science. A recent study by Harvard Medical School [30] examined genetic markers across caste groups. The study found evidence of distinct biological markers from successive
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waves of immigrating groups, which is superficially consistent with a racial foundation of caste. The markers, however, were mixed across castes making identification of specific castes or tribes via genetic markers impossible. In other words, though distinct genetic groups could be identified, there was no correlation between these groups and observed caste groups. The authors concluded that the caste system evolved independently from the
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in- migration of successive genetically-distinct groups. The same conclusion is reached by several other studies in Biology and Anthropology. [10,21,22] One of the most influencial [28] conceptualizations of the caste system was developed by Louis Dumont in the 1960s. [9] Dumont’s hierarchical characterization of caste is superficially consistent with the public manifestation of caste dynamics, but does not accurately reflect the views
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of non-dominant castes. According to Dumont, castes are aligned according to their relative purity or impurity, along a single axis. This alignment is known and accepted by all castes. The exact structure of Dumont’s hierarchy is never stated explicitly, though it is assumed that all those within the system are familiar with the structure and know their place within it. Brahmin, the traditional specialists
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in religious rituals, are at the top of Dumont’s hierarchy. The idea that Brahmin are the most pure caste is consistent with most publicly expressed views on the caste hierarchy, but this particular alignment is only fully accepted by Brahmin. Other castes generally subscribe to a set of beliefs in which they are as pure or purer than any other caste. One
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low-caste, the Kuricchan of Malabar, will ritually purify their homes if it is
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2.2 Characterization of Caste 8 polluted by the entry of a Brahmin, and others refuse to eat with Brahmins. Even the Meghavals or Dheds, whose traditional occupation is carrying carrion, and are thus very low on the purity hierarchy, refuse to dine with castes that are publicly considered more pure. Caste claims to superiority are often based on seemingly arbitrary distinctions, with no
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clear appeal to purity. The Kaibartta, a traditional fishing caste, consider themselves superior to the Malos, another fishing caste, on the grounds that the Kaibartta ’always pass the netting needle from the above downwards, working from left to right; while the Malo passes it from below upwards, forming meshes from right to left.’ [12] Sociologist Dipankar Gupta remarks, perhaps with some hyperbole, that ’there
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are probably as many hierarchies in practice as there are castes.’ [14] Typically, non-ruling castes attribute their depressed status to historical misfortune or trickery on the part of the current ruling caste. According to the dominant caste theory of M.N. Srinivas, dominant castes impose their private beliefs on those within their territory. [33] The publicly accepted hierarchy, thus, is determined by the ruling group,
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rather than the ruling group being determined by a publicly accepted hierarchy as Dumont’s theory would suggest. The horizontal view of caste, as a flexible system of self-differentiating groups rather than a strict vertical hierarchy with a well-defined power structure, challenges researchers to explain the persistence of the caste system in the face of industrialization. A 1995 country report commissioned by the
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US Library of Congress, states, ’One irony of Indian politics is that its modern secular democracy has enhanced rather than reduced the political salience of traditional forms of social identity such as caste.’ [16] Identifying the mechanisms that have sustained caste identification through industrialization will clarify the theoretical relationship between reservations and caste persistence. These mechanisms are explored in the next section.
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2.3 The Persistence of Caste 9 2.3 The Persistence of Caste One characteristic of caste groups observed by both Dumont and Gupta is the near universal condemnation of exogamy. Contrasting mixed-caste offspring with mixed- race offspring, which may enjoy some special privilege relative to the oppressed race of a racially segregated society, Gupta writes, ’The miscegenes of such highly despised unions belonged to
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a different breed altogether, to a completely different caste. Mixed marriages, in such cases, do not result in mixed off-springs but in dangerous and impure outcastes.’ [14] ’The usual punishment for those who break this rule of endogamy is expulsion from the caste, i.e., social ostracism.’ [3] The assumption that network affiliation is stripped from those who violate caste customs is essential to modern
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theories of caste persistence. 2.3.1 Exogenous Enforcement: Punishment for Deviation One class of explanation posits that individuals remain within the boundaries of their caste network out of fear of punishment from society as a whole. An economic model employing this assumption was proposed by George Akerlof in 1976 and expanded on by James Scoville in 1996. [1,32] These models demonstrate the existence
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of a stable caste equilibrium in the labor market, where deviators are completely excluded from the labor market. ’Those who fail to follow, or even to enforce the caste customs do not gain the profits of the successful arbitrageur but instead suffer the stigma of the outcaste.’ [1] This assumption implies a high degree of rigidity in the labor market, which is consistent with
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the long-term equilibrium that existed before India’s industrialization, but is difficult to justify in modern India. The enforcement of caste customs generally takes place at the village level, through a local extra-judicial body known as the caste panchayat. [5] These punishments are
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2.3 The Persistence of Caste 10 only enforceable within a single caste. Furthermore, caste identity is not linked to physical appearance outside of a given geographical region. [21,22] Punishments, then, that rely on the coordination of agents outside of a the violators network, are simply not credible. An outcaste individual will pay a price, but it is not complete exclusion from the labor
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market across India. Given the lack of an identifiable enforcement mechanism that fulfills the necessary assumptions, models based on exogenous enforcement alone are not sufficient to analyze the relationship between marriage and reservations. I will use the underlying structure of Akerlof’s model, assuming that agents weigh punishments and rewards when considering an exit from their traditional networks, but first a more realistic enforcement mechanism
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is required. 2.3.2 Endogenous Enforcement: Incentives to Membership More recent work on caste persistence has focused on the benefits that individuals derive from their caste networks rather than outside punishments for deviation. The forfeiture of these benefits can be interpreted as the punishment an individual accepts for exiting his caste network, and rely only on the local caste network for enforcement. In
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industrialized India, an individual is not excluded from the work force, as in Akerlof’s model, but he does lose the benefits of his caste network. Thus, while the punishment is not as severe is in Akerlof’s model, it is significant and, more importantly, it is credible. Kaivan Munshi of Brown University and Mark Rosenzweig of Harvard University have identified non-governmental benefits to
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caste membership, modeling caste networks as informal credit and insurance markets. [26, 31] This work implies that many Indians lack access to modern credit and insurance markets, and instead rely on informal caste networks. Munshi and Rosenzweig look at individuals who migrate from rural to urban areas for increased employment opportunities. These individuals
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2.4 Policy Implications 11 no longer have access to their traditional credit and insurance network. An important implication of this model is that caste networks are substituting for modern institutions to which members do not have access; caste networks are not providing any benefits that cannot be replaced by modern financial institutions. Given the implications of this model, it is reasonable to suppose
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that the influence of caste will fade as members gain access to modern financial institutions. Another type of benefit from caste membership is identified by Evan Osborne of Wright State University who proposes a theory of political pressure groups. According to Osborne, caste networks serve as pre-existing, rent-seeking factions which alleviate the traditional collective action problems of free-riding and excludability. Osborne documents
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a wide range of behaviors that support the theory that caste groups are increasingly motivated by political rent-seeking, including shifting, non-traditional alliances between caste groups, increasing proportions of Indians entitled to reservations, and a disproportionate growth in benefits to more populous groups. [28] For the majority of Indians, the benefits that accrue to these political pressure groups cannot be duplicated by any other modern
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institution. Although political special interest groups exist in many modern democracies, they are not as efficient or accessible as caste based interest groups. The conceptualization of caste groups as political pressure groups provides no indication that caste identification will fade with time, and has given rise to concerns that the reservation system is actually strengthening caste identification. [3] 2.4 Policy Implications An
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accurate understanding of the caste system is critical to understand the full implication of reservation policies. The conflation of race and caste, for example, changes
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2.4 Policy Implications 12 the ultimate goal of reservation policy. Once we [apply] the language of race to the caste situation the emphasis shifts from removing the scourge of caste from Indian society to making one’s caste identity a fixed political resource. In which case, quite understandably, castes would tend to be viewed as permanent fixtures and caste identities as political
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assets. The task would then be not so much to eradicate castes but to give proportionate representation to different castes in educational institutions, in jobs, housing, and so on. [14] Normative Considerations While some Indians clearly favor eradication of caste over equalization, the actual intent of policy makers remains unclear. Members of the Mandal Commission, for example, were clearly more
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concerned with equalization than with eradication, but that was not true of all politicians of that time [34], nor is it true of all politicians today. The Supreme Court of India demonstrated the relevance of this question in a recent opinion: There is another question which has been emphasized by learned counsel for the petitioners is that the policy of reservation cannot
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be
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