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The Agreement on Agriculture, entered into by WTO Member Countries in 1995, would be coming up for review at the end of this year. The full text of the Agreement is available on website address www.wto.org/ wto/legal/finalact.htm. Article 20 of the Agreement on Agriculture (AoA) points the way to further negotiations on agriculture. As a run up to the same, the WTO Committee on Agriculture has instituted a process of analysis and information exchange wherein informal papers are presented by various member countries highlighting implementation problems as well as areas of the agreement which need amendment, modification and further clarity. While Article 20 mandates further negotiations, there is neither a fixed agenda nor a timetable for the same, which could probably mean that this process would simply be the beginning which could last for some years. These negotiations may cover several issues depending upon the position of different groups of countries. The Agreement on Agriculture contains provisions in following three broad areas of agriculture and trade policy: a) Market access envisages tariffication of all non-tariff barriers (that is removal of quantitative restrictions and export and import licensing). b) Domestic support measures or subsidies are disciplined through reduction in the total Aggregate Measurement of Support (AMS) and area of export subsidies is also a trade concern for India as these measures affect the export of developing countries, rendering them uncompetitive when compared to subsidised exports of the developed countries. Further, they also result in distorting the world prices of agricultural commodities and thereby adversely affecting those developing countries which are net importers of foodgrains. The Uruguay Round and the subsequent negotiations in services had not yielded significant returns to the developing countries, particularly in regard to market access in terms of movement of natural persons and hence, there was need to remove the existing imbalances in the General Agreement on Trade in Services (GATS) taking into account the interests of developing countries.
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A key element of the Doha Round of trade negotiations is the liberalisation of trade in industrial products, commonly known as non-agricultural market access (NAMA). Negotiations under NAMA focus on market access for all products that are not covered under the negotiations on agriculture or services and aim to reduce, if not possible to completely eliminate, tariff and non-tariff barriers (NTBs) that restrict trade in these products. The framework adopted for modalities for negotiations under NAMA, known as the ‘July Package’, envisages reduction of industrial tariffs in both developed and developing countries, according to a formula that is yet to be agreed. These negotiations are important for developing countries, as these will determine the market access opportunities available to developing countries through which they can improve their growth prospects. As per the WTO text on NAMA of December 6, 2008, the developing countries have been asked to undertake tariff reductions of 60 - 70 per cent while the developed countries are offering a reduction of only 20 - 30 per cent based on Swiss formula for tariff reduction which gives a coefficient of 8 for developed countries and 22 on an average for developing countries. The insistence on developing countries to cut their bound tariffs in NAMA or agriculture until they go below the applied levels along with the continuation of US practice of having a bound level that is twice its actual spending on agricultural domestic subsidies has been objected by India and China. India desires that the modalities for tariff cuts should reflect the mandate of less than full reciprocity in reduction commitments and comparability in ambition between NAMA and Agriculture. So far as the tariff reduction is concerned, it may be mentioned that the Swiss formula should not be used for making commitments on tariff reduction as it involves the use of an arbitrary coefficient, a, which can be manipulated by member countries. Even, the simple average formula has its own limitations. For instance, it overlooks the values that are either very high or very low and thus cannot solve the problem of tariff peaks. The simplest way is to reduce the bound levels of developed countries to 5 or 10 per cent for all tariff lines as their industries have already developed. Otherwise, the developed countries can be asked to bring their bound tariff rates to 5 to 8 per cent for those tariff lines that cover at least 98 per cent of the potential exports, and not the actual exports as that may be lower because of existing high import tariff or domestic support in importing country, of developing countries to developed countries. This potential of exports for developing countries can be calculated through revealed comparative advantage or by matching the developing countries exports and developed countries imports at different commodity classification levels.
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A tariff is a charge a nation imposes on imports of goods and services from another nation. Certain tariffs, which are set by the government and collected by the customs authorities, stipulate a fixed fee on a specific kind of commodity. In the present era, tariffs have less of an impact on global trade. The emergence of international organisations aimed at enhancing free trade, such as the World Trade Organization, is one of the main causes of the drop (WTO). Such groups can lessen the risk of retaliatory levies and make it more difficult for a nation to impose tariffs and taxes on imported goods. As a result, nations have switched to non-tariff barriers including quotas and export restrictions. There are always issues that are taken into consideration when creating foreign policy. History and public opinion had a role in the trade conflict that erupted between South Korea and Japan. The decision-makers take this into account when determining their foreign policy toward Japan. The historical element that the South Korean side of the two countries still views the World War II era as unsolved is a frequent source of friction in the bilateral relations. The topic of compensation demands for South Korean forced labourers today still has a connection to the past. The problem of recompense for the World War II era and official acknowledgement or an apology from Japan, according to Holsti, is one of the internal elements that makes South Korea most commonly used against Japan. Every year, the public's perception of Japan's previous atrocities against South Korea likewise tends to worsen. However, internal forces still outweigh external ones, which tend to deteriorate relations between the two nations.
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